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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions 


Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


1980 


Technical  Notes  /  Notes  techniques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Physical 
features  of  this  copy  which  may  alter  any  of  the 
images  in  the  reproduction  are  checked  below. 


L'Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6t6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Certains 
d6fauts  susceptibles  de  nuire  A  la  quality  de  la 
reproduction  sont  notts  ci-dessous. 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couvertures  de  couleur 


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Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 


□ 


Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 


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Coloured  plates/ 
Planches  en  couleur 


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Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  d^colories,  tachetdes  ou  piqu6es 


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Show  through/ 
Transparence 


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Tight  binding  (may  cause  shadows  or 
distortion  along  interior  margin)/ 
Reliure  serrd  (peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou 
de  la  distortion  le  long  de  la  marge 
int^rieure) 


D 


Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagies 


Additional  comments/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires 


Title  page  printed  in  red  and  blacic  Inks. 


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Seule  Edition  disponible 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relid  avec  d'autres  documents 


Pagination  incorrect/ 
Erreurs  de  pagination 


Pages  missing/ 
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Additional  comments/ 
Commentaires  ruppi^'^'  taires 


The  images  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t4  reprodultes  avec  le 
plus  grand  soln,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  nettetA  de  I'exemplalre  fllm6,  et  en 
conformlt6  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche  shall 
contain  the  symbol  —»>  (meaning  CONTINUED"), 
or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"),  whichever 
applies. 


Un  dee  symboles  sulvants  apparattra  sur  la  der- 
nlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le  cas: 
le  symbols  — ►  signifie  "A  SUiVRE",  le  symbole 
V  signifie  "FIN". 


The  original  copy  was  borrowed  from,  and 
filmed  with,  the  kind  consent  of  the  following 
Institution: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


L'exempiaire  fllm6  fut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
g6n6roslt6  de  I'^tablissement  prAteur 
suivant  : 

BIbllothAque  nationale  du  Canada 


Maps  or  plates  too  large  to  be  entirely  included 
in  one  exposure  are  filmed  beginning  in  the 
upper  Inft  hand  corner,  left  to  right  and  top  to 
bottom,  as  many  frames  as  required.  The 
following  diagrams  illustrate  the  method: 


Les  cartes  ou  les  planches  trop  grandes  pour  dtre 
reprodultes  en  un  seui  clichd  sont  fiimdes  d 
partir  de  Tangle  sup6rieure  gauche,  de  gauche  i 
droite  et  de  haut  rn  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Le  diegramme  suivant 
iilustre  la  mAthode  : 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

^ 


lUitttscIFs   Itistorical  ^ccics, 
llo.  21. 


The    Pioneers 


OF 


New  France 


IN 


NHW    i:nglani). 


WITH    CONTEMPORARY   LETTERS  AND  DOCUMENTS. 


KY 

'  A.MIvS   rillNNI'V    r.AXTf':R.   A    M.. 
Author  of    George    Cleeve    ok    Casco    Bay    and    His  Times;    The 
British    Invasion    from    thk    North;    Sir    Fkruinanixj    Goroks 
AND  His  Province  of  Maine;   Chrisioi-hek  Lkvett,  etc. 


ALBANY,   N.  Y. 

JttEL     MUNSEI.  L'S     SONS,      lUBLISIlERS. 


FT 

6  3r 


291709 


PREFACE. 


Some  time  ago,  while  looking  through  the  New 
England  correspondence  in  that  remarkable  deposi- 
tory of  historical  secrets  in  Fetter  Lane,  I  came 
upon  a  file  of  papers  sent  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  by 
Governor  Dummer,  in  1 725,  entitled  :  "  Thirty-one 
Papers  produced  by  Mr.  Dummer,  in  Proof  of  the 
Right  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Lands 
between  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia,  and  of  Several 
Depredations  Committed  by  the  French  and  Indians 
between  1720  and  June,  1725." 

A  perusal  of  these  papers  revealed  to  me  the  fact, 
that,  in  common  with  other  '.:*d  been  misled  on 

several  points,  with  regard  to  the  complicity  of  the 
French  Jesuits  in  the  depredations  committed  upon 
the  English  frontier  settlements  by  the  savages, 
particularly  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, and  after  perusing  these  papers,  which  consti- 
tuted a  formidable  indictment  against  the  French, 
and  especially  against  Pere  Rale,  who  was  slain  at 
Norridgewock,  and  who  was,  perhaps,  the  best  known 
to  our  forefathers  of  all  the   Jesuits,  I  concluded  to 


2  Preface. 

take  copies  of  them,  and  some  while  after,  returning 
home,  I  prepared  a  brief  paper  upon  the  subjects 
which  they  involved,  and  presented  it  to  the  Maine 
Historical  Society. 

It  is  not  unusual  for  most  of  us  to  form  opinions 
more  or  less  nebulous,  upon  topics  in  which  we  have 
no  especial  interest,  and  having  done  so,  to  resent  a 
disturbance  of  them  ;  hence,  when  I  had  concluded 
my  paper,  I  was  not  surprised  to  notice  that  several 
of  my  historical  associates  were  regarding  n'.e  over 
their  spectacles  with  mild  disapproval ;  in  fact,  some 
went  so  far  as  to  criticise  the  acts  of  our  forefathers 
in  connection  with  the  subject  of  my  paper,  with 
considerable  asperity. 

Finding  that  entirely  erroneous  opinions  prevailed 
with  regard  to  some  of  the  acts  of  these  noble  men 
of  New  England,  whose  blood  was  the  cement  which 
still  holds  our  social  structure  together,  and  whose 
memory  we  can  never  sufficiently  revere,  I  deemed  it 
only  a  duty  to  gather  all  the  facts  that  I  could,  relating 
to  the  subject  involved  in  these  documents,  and  to  lay 
them  before  their  descendants. 

'My  examination  of  the  English  accounts  made  by 
participants  in  the  events  of  the  period  ;  the  corre- 
spondence and  affidavits  of  eye  witnesses  to  them, 
revealed  to  me  that  none  of  them  had  doubts  of  the 


Preface.  3 

participation  of  many  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in 
tlie  cruel  attempts  of  the  French  to  ruin  the  English 
settlements  in  New  England.  I 

That  careful  and  conscientious  historian,  Hutchin- 
son, who  was  a  contemporary  of  the  men  who  bore 
the  brunt  of  the  conflict,  carefully  gathered  their 
testimony  and  recorded  it  with  painstaking  fidelity ; 
but  his  account  seems  of  late  to  have  been  lost  sight 
of.  The  French  archives  were  also  open  to  me,  and 
here  I  found  ample  evidence,  inaccessible  to  our 
early  writers,  to  sustain  Hutchinson;  in  fact,  there  was 
no  documentary  evidence  in  existence  to  support  any 
other  view  of  the  subject. 

How,  then,  did  this  strange  change  of  sentiment 
come  about?  Evidently  through  a  depicting  of  the 
affair  at  Norridgewock  in  a  style  entirely  different 
from  the  plain  and  truthful  sketch  of  Hutchinson, 
which,  somewhat  later  than  his  sketch,  was  placed 
before  the  public  ;  a  masterly  piece  of  delineation, 
tinged  with  a  pathos  which  easily  enlisted  the  sym- 
pathy of  any  one,  who  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  scan 
it  closely. 

This  bit  of  attractive  workmanship  bears  the  name 
of  the  Rev.  P.  F.  X.  De  Charlevoix,  S.  J.,  who  is 
mentioned  by  Governor  Shute  as  "one  Charlevoix, 
who  comes  from  the  Court  of  France  in  the  quality 


L 


4  Preface, 

of  an  inspector,  to  make  memoirs  on  Acady  and 
Missisipe  and  the  other  countries  thereabouts." 

This  is  an  exact  and  truthful  statement  of  the 
function  of  Charlevoix,  and  he  fulfilled  it  well.  He 
gathered  together  everything  that  he  could  collect 
relating  to  events  which  had  occurred  in  New  France 
preceding  his  arrival;  journals,  letters,  and  verbal 
recitals,  and  transcribed  them  often  in  the  precise 
words  in  which  they  came  to  him,  leaving  out  an 
occasional  mot^  which  might  not  perhaps  be  pleasant 
to  those  of  his  school,  or  heightening  the  color  of 
one  which  might  be  made  to  serve  its  interests  better. 

He  never  seems  to  have  thought  of  exercising  the 
critical  faculty  in  arranging  his  material ;  to  sift  evi- 
dence, to  analyze  and  compare  statements,  nor,  in  fact, 
to  do  anything  but  to  gather  and  arrange  chrono- 
logically what  he  could  collect.  He  was  "an  In- 
spector to  make  Memoirs,"  and  he  did  his  work  and 
saved  a  good  deal  of  valuable  material  for  the  use  of 
those  coming  after  him. 

He  was  not  then  the  real  author  of  the  story  Rale's 
death.  As  it  is  easy  to  trace  most  of  his  stories  to  their 
sources,  so  this,  hardly  changed,  is  found  embodied 
in  a  letter  of  the  Rev.  Peter  de  la  Chasse,  S.  J.,  the 
superior  of  his  order  in  New  France,  printed  in  a 
collection  of  letters  entitled  :   "  Lettres  Edifiantes  et 


Preface.  5 

CurieuseSy  ecrites  des  Missions  /itrangircs,  par  quel- 
qties  Missionaires  dc  la  Compaignie  de  Jesus"  in  1726, 
shortly  after  the  death  of  Rale. 

But  it  may  be  pertinent  to  ask,  how  did  the  author 
of  this  letter  obtain  his  account  of  the  transaction  ? 
The  English,  with  whom  he  had  no  communication, 
were  the  only  civilized  men  present  on  the  occasion, 
and  their  account  differs  radically  from  his.  No  one 
can  doubt  that  the  story  was  told  him  by  one  of  the 
savages,  who  fled,  panic  stricken,  almost  immediately 
upon  the  appearance  of  the  English;  possibly  the 
same  savage,  who  told  the  story,  which  we  find  in 
Vaudreuil's  report  of  the  transaction  to  the  govern- 
ment at  home.  This  certainly  cannot  be  reassuring 
even  to  a  partisan  of  the  French. 

That  the  savages,  in  common  with  other  Pagan 
people,  were  notorious  falsifiers,  is  a  proposition  which 
needs  no  discussion,  and  that  these  particular  savages 
were  such,  appears  plainly  in  the  documents  of  the 
period,  nay,  in  the  words  of  Rale  himself.  An  analysis 
of  this  romantic  story,  which  our  English  writers  have 
been  so  ready  to  adopt  in  preference  to  the  more 
commonplace  account  of  their  forefathers,  and  which 
will  probably  be  repeated  till  the  end  of  time  by 
others  as  careless  as  themselves,  shows  it  to  be  false 
in  almost  every  particular,  and  it  is  one  of  the  purposes 


^ 


6  Preface. 

of  this  book,  not  only  to  make  this  plain,  but  to  show 
that  our  forefathers  were  not  murderers  and  assassins, 
as  they  have  frequently  been  denominated,  even  by 
English  writers,  who  should  have  known  better;  but, 
in  order  to  preserve  themselves  and  those  dear  to 
them,  were  driven  to  the  necessity  of  subduing  5!'z.y  et 
armis  their  savage  neighbors,  who  were  deliberately 
incited  by  Rale,  and  others  of  his  countrymen,  to 
make  warfare  upon  them,  and  if  in  the  course  of  this 
warfare  one  of  its  instigators  suffered,  he  should  not 
be  denominated  a  martyr,  nor  his  opponents  by  whom 
he  suffered,  murderers.  My  sole  purpose  in  writing 
the  following  pages  has  been  to  present  the  exact 
truth,  with  regard  to  all  matters  connected  with  the 
transactions  treated  therein  ;  "  To  naught  extenuate, 
naught  set  down  in  malice."  It  will  be  observed 
that  several  stories,  which  passed  current  among  the 
English  derogatory  to  Rale  I  have  passed  by  in  silence. 
In  my  opinion  it  would  be  rank  injustice  to  his  memory 
to  repeat  them,  as  they  are  wholly  unsupported  by 
proofs,  and  my  intention  has  been  to  write  nothing 
which  is  not  so  supported.  If  in  these  pages  I  have 
erred  in  any  particular,  no  one  will  be  so  ready  and 
so  glad  to  correct  the  fault  as  myself. 
James  Phinney  Baxter, 

6i  Deerlng  Street,  Portland,  Me. 


THE 

Pioneers  of  New  France 

IN 

NEW  ENGLAND. 


The  spectator,  as  he  reviews  the  motley  company 
thronging  the  stage  of  history,  is  often  struck  by 
some  grand  figure,  or  group  of  figures,  appearing  in 
movements  of  surprising  interest,  and  acting  their 
part  with  a  force  and  fidelity,  which  excites  his  admi- 
ration, though  the  movements  in  which  they  are 
engaged  may  at  times  seem  to  him  to  run  counter  to 
the  spendid  scheme  of  the  drama  before  him. 

Among  these,  perhaps,  no  group  of  men  is  more 
strikingly  interesting  than  the  "  Blackrobes "  of 
Ignatius    Loyola,^   the   zealous,    self-sacrificing   and 

'  Don  Ifiigo  Lopez  de  Recalde  de  Loyola  was 
born  in  1 491,  at  the  castle  of  Loyola,  near  the  town  of 
Azcoytia,  Guipnzcoa,  in  Spain.  The  name  is  said  to 
have  been  derived  from  a  device  on  the  family  es- 
cutcheon of  two  wolves  regarding  a  pot  suspended  by 
a  chain  between  them,  with  the  words  ''  Lobo  y  olla^' 


8  llic  J^ioneers  of  Nczv  France 

heroic  Jesuits,  in  whom  strangely  commingled  the 
most  diverse  elements  to  form  a  character,  at  the 
same  time  admirable  and  repellant. 

or"  'Jlic  Wolf  aud  Pot"  inscribed  h(;n(*ath.  lie  was 
one  of  a  niinierous  family  of  children  and  became, 
at  the  age  of  14,  a  page  at  the  luxurious  court  of 
I'(;rdinand  and  lsab(;lla.  \\v.  accompanied  the  king 
in  his  PortugU(*se,  I'rcnch,  and  Moorish  wars,  and 
achieved  a  high  reputation  for  valor  and  efficiency. 
A  s-tvere  wound  in  the  leg  in  1521,  at  which  time  he 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  i'rench,  confined  him  to  a 
iiick  bed  for  a  consldctrable  period,  during  which  time 
his  reflections  upon  religious  subjects  (l(;termined 
his  fulur(;  care(!r.  When  he  regained  health  he  made 
a  j)ilgrimage  to  Monts(;rrat,  assuming  tin;  garb  of  a 
b(;ggar,  and  dwelling  in  a  solitary  cave,  during  which 
tiuK;  he  subj(H:te<l  himself  to  fasting,  scourging,  and 
other  self-imposed  penances,  so  severe  as  to  ofttm 
imperil  his  lif<*.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  con- 
C(;ived  the  idea  of  a  religious  organization  of  a  semi- 
military  chararter,  with  its  headquartctrs  at  Jerusalem. 
It  was  not,  however,  until  S(;|)tember  27,  154!.  that 
a  Ijull  for  the  establishment  of  the  new  order,  which 
he  had  planned,  was  issued  by  Pop(?  Paul  the-  I  bird. 
When  the  organization  of  the  .Society  of  Jesus  was 
effected  in  the  s[>ring  of  1541,  Loyola  was  made  its 
general,  and  he  at  once(;stablish(Ml  himself  at  Rome, 
wlutre  he  devoted  himsctlf  to  the  work  of  the  order 
which  he  had  founded.  \\v.  died  in  Rome,  July  3r, 
1556,  and  was  canoniz(!d  by  Ciregory  the  I'ifteenth,  in 
1622,  under  the  title  of  Saint  Ignatius  de  Loyola. 
Vide  Vie  ch*  St.  Ignace,  Paris,  1679,  and  Ignatius 
Loyola  and  the  early  Jesuits,  London,  1871. 


in  New  Jifig/and,  9 

I''()llowinj4  closely  upon  the  track  of  the  ^reat  voy- 
agers, tlie  Jesuits  set  up  the  symbols  of  their  order 
in  the  most  hopeless  places,  and  undertook,  with  ir- 
repressii)le  zeal,  the  sanctification  of  savage  souls, 
darkened  antl  degraded  by  ages  of  besetting  super- 
stition and  vic(",  and  though  the  methods  which  they 
(!m()loyed  \V(.'re  often  pitiably  disproportioned  to  the 
magnitude  of  a  task,  which  we  now  know  can  be  ac- 
comijlished  only  through  the  pati(;nt  education  of 
head  and  heart,  by  processes  slow  and  painful, 
we  do  wrong  if  we  fail  to  concede  to  them  sincerity  of 
purpose,  or  deny  them  the  merit  of  having  achieved 
a  measure  of  success. 

The  Jesuits  of  the  period  of  which  we  write,  were 
a  fair  product  of  their  ag(; ;  an  age  of  suijc^rficial 
knowhidge  and  chivalrous  adventure  ;  of  childish 
su[)erstition  and  romantic  achievement,  and  in  esti- 
mating them,  as  well  as  their  contemporaries,  who 
opposed  th(im,  we  should  keef)  clearly  in  view  the  in- 
fluences which  surrounded  both,  and  helped  to  shape 
their  characters  and  (pialify  their  acts.  The  Jesuit 
missionaries  were  pioneers  in  that  great  mov(mient, 
which  has  alrcsidy  accomi)lished  so  much  for  the  up- 
lifting of  mankind,  and  which,  with  a  constantly  in- 
creasing knowledge  of   proper   methods  of  work,  is 

slowly  but  surely  transforming  the  world.     When  the 
2 


lo  The  Pioneers  of  Ncio  France 

vancouriers  of  this  movement,  Biard'  and  Mass6,^  in 
the  early  summer  of  i6i  i,  knelt  on  the  serene  shores 
of  Port  Royal,  and  mingled  their  voices  with  the  songs 


^  Pierre  Biard  was  a  native  of  Grenoble,  and  was 
associated  with  Enemond  Masse  until  the  capture 
of  the  colony,  which  they  had  established  at  Mount 
Desert,  by  Argal  in  1613.  He  died  while  a  chaplain 
in  the  French  army,  at  Avignon,  November  17,  1622. 

^  Enemond  Masse  was  born  at  Lyons  in  1574,  and 
before  leaving  his  native  country  was  socius  to  Father 
Coton.  He  arrived  at  Port  Royal  in  company  with 
Biard,  June  11,  161  i,  and  with  his  associate  immedi- 
ately entered  upon  his  missionary  labors.  Owing  to 
constant  discord  between  the  missionaries  and  the 
governor  of  the  colony,  De  Pourtrincourt,  they  re- 
solved to  abandon  their  mission  at  Port  Royal,  and 
accordingly,  in  conjunction  with  the  Sieur  de  la  Saus- 
saye,  the  agent  of  that  great  patroness  of  missions, 
the  Marchioness  de  Guerchville,  the  lay  brother, 
Gilbert  du  Thet  and  P'athers  Ouentin  and  Lalemant, 
they  planned  to  e:7tablish  a  new  mission  at  Kades- 
quit,  or  Kenduskeag,  the  present  site  of  the  city  of 
Bangor.  Coasting  along  the  shores  of  Maine,  they 
were  attracted  by  the  enchanting  scenery  of  Mount 
Desert,  and  resolved  to  go  no  further,  but  to  land 
and  establish  their  colony  there.  The  place  selected 
for  the  site  of  their  colony  they  called  St.  Saveur, 
and  they  went  vigorously  to  work,  erecting  a  small 
fort  and  several  habitations  for  the  shelter  of  the 
colonists,  about  twenty-five  in  number.  The  aban- 
donment of  their  original  design  was  fatal  to  the 
success  of  their  enterprise,  for  they  were  hardly 
settled  in  their  new  home  when  Capt.  Samuel  Argal, 


in  New  England.  ii 

of  the  wood  birds  in  thanks  for  the  auspicious  ending 
of  their  perilous  journey,  the  entire  continent  was 
a  wilderness,  wherein  the  gospel  was  unknown 
to  its  native  inhabitants.  These  had  seen  the  white- 
faced  European  greedy  to  despoil  them  of  their  furry 
wealth,  and  had  learned  to  distrust  him,  hence,  they 
turned  instinctively  from  this  new  variety  of  his  kind, 
whose  motives  in  seeking  them  they  were  unable  to 
comprehend ;  but  when  they  saw  the  blackrobed 
strangers  patiently  enduring  all  the  hardships  attend- 
ant upon  savage  life,  and  apparently  seeking  to 
minister  to  their  welfare,  the  scornful  indifference 
with  which  they  first  listened  to  their  despised  vis- 
itors, gave  place  to  a  vagrant  attention,  and  then  to 
a  wondering  interest,  which  often  culminated  in  a  par- 

from  the  Virginia  colony,  attacked  and  broke  up 
their  settlement.  Gilbert  du  Thet  was  killed  in  the 
fight,  and  Biard  and  Masse,  with  the  others,  made 
prisoners.  Masse  was  transported  to  France,  but 
returned  to  Canada  in  1625,  and  was  made  prisoner 
by  Kirk,  and  again  transported  across  the  ocean  ; 
but  he  returned  to  Canada  in  1633,  and  died  in  1646, 
while  on  the  way  to  confess  the  garrison  of  P'ort 
Richelieu,  to  prepare  them  to  celebrate  the  feast  of 
Candlemas.  Vide  Voyages  du  Sieur  Champlain, 
Paris,  1632,  vol.  i,  pp.  98-114.  Relations  des  Jes- 
uites,  Quebec,  1858,  vol.  i,  p.  28  et passim.  Histoire 
et  Description  Generale  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  i 
Paris,  1744,  Tome,  i,  p.  416. 


1  2  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

tial  sul)jt;ction  of  will  and  purpose  to  men,  whose 
seeming  effeminacy  had  at  first  been  offensive  to 
them.  Hiard  and  Masse  were  followed  by  others, 
and  not  long  after  the  I*uritaiis,  under  Winthrop, 
began  to  set  up  the  altars  of  their  faith  on  the  sterile 
New  i'^ngland  shorcis,  the  Jesuits  had  already  gained 
the  ascendancy  in  New  I'Vance,  whose  southern 
borders,  y(it  undefined,  were  soon  found  to  be  in 
dangerous  |)roximity  to  the  rai)idly  advancing  ling- 
lish  colonists,  to  whom  everything  bVench  was  hate- 
ful. 

Race  antagonism,  which  had  existcnl  in  the  hearts  of 
P'rench  and  English  alike  from  immemorial  time,  was 
(piickened  as  they  drew  nearer  together  and  regarded 
the  complexion  of  each  other's  religious  faith  ;  hence 
condict  was  a  necessity,  a  confiict  in  which  the 
weaker  natives  were  bound  to  be  ground  to  powder 
by  th(;  ojjposing  forces  between  which  they  found 
themselves.  With  all  the  hostility  of  their  race  to 
the  I'^nglish,  the  b'rench  Jesuits,  unless  we  fancy 
them  to  have  been  above  the  reach  of  human  pas- 
sions, could  hardly  be  expected  to  remain  indifferent 
spectators  to  the  encroachment  of  their  enemies 
upon  territory  wherein  they  exercised  authority,  nor  to 
refrain  from  arousing  against  them  the  jealousy  of 
their   savage    allies,  ever   ready,  upon   the    slightest 


in  New  /t  filmland.  13 

cause,  to  flash  into  fury;  nor  did  they  do  tliis,  but 
encouraged  them,  whenever  an  occasion  off(!red,  to 
repel  the  advancing  English  with  torch  and  hatchet ; 
in  fact,  we  may  largely  ascribe  to  I'n^ich  machina- 
tions the  cruel  wars,  which,  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
seventeenth  and  the  first  half  of  tlu*  eighteenth  cen- 
turies, at  times  laid  waste  some  of  the  fairest  portions 
of  New  iMigland,  and  subjected  her  sons  and 
daughters  to  suffering  and  death. 

A  treaty  with  the  savages  at  Casco  in  167K 
afforded  encouragement  to  llu;  poor  [x'oplc,  who 
were  laboring  pati(!ntly  and  with  a  fortitude  not  often 
ecpialed,  to  build  their  humble  homers  in  the  wilder- 
ness ;  but,  it  was  a  p(,'ac(i  haunt(;d  at  all  timers  by 
threatening  phantoms,  which  they  felt  at  any  minute 
might  assume  substance  and  form,  and  d(;stroy  all 
that  they  cherished  at  a  bh)w.  l'"or  t(Mi  years  of  un- 
certain peace  they  continued  to  build  and  plant, 
gaining  confidence  as  tim(!  passed,  when  suddcMily 
they  were  startled  by  the  alarm  of  war. 

In  the  spring  of  i6<S(S,  Andros,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  visited  Pemacpiid,  and  held  a  con- 
ference with  the  savages  there,  in  which  he  warned 
th(!m  against  French  inlluence.  On  his  way  thither 
he  had  stopped  at  the  trading  post  of  Haron  Castin, 
w^hich  was,  as  he  claimed,  on    Knglish  territory,  and 


7^ 


14  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

seized  a  quantity  of  merchandise.  This  act  gave  a 
keener  edge  to  Castin's  enmity  to  the  English,  and 
his  popularity  with  the  savages  caused  them  to  es- 
pouse his  cause,  hence  they  at  once  began  reprisals.* 

Wishing  to  avoid  war,  Andros  issued  a  conciliatory 
proclamation,  and  to  show  his  good  will,  proceeded 
to  liberate  a  number  of  Indian  prisoners,  hoping  that 
the  savages,  appreciating  his  magnanimous  example, 
would  release  their  English  captives,  and  come  to  an 
amicable  understanding  ;  but,  in  this  he  was  disap- 
pointed, for  disregarding  his  generous  conduct,  they 
not  only  treated  their  English  prisoners  with  great 
cruelty,  but  killed  several  of  them,  which  forced  him 
to  take  the  field  against  them. 

This  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  a  revolution 
in  England  sent  James  the  Second,  a  staunch  Papist, 
an  exile  to  France,  which  placed  the  English  colonists, 
on  account  of  their  active  sympathy  with  the  move- 
ment, to  the  eyes  of  his  French  friends,  in  the  posi- 
tion of  rebels,  and  worse  still,  of  heretical  rebels. 

With  this  feeling  pervading  the  French  court, 
Count  Frontenac,  who,  seven  years  before,  had  been 
for  good  reasons  deposed  from  the  governorship  of 
New  France,  was  recalled  to  court,  where  one  of  the 

*  Vide  The  Andros  Tracts,  Boston,  1868,  vol. 
2,  p.  118. 


in  New  England. 


15 


most  diabolical  plots  ever  conceived  against  a  people 
was  secretly  elaborated.  This  was  to  make  an  attack 
from  Canada  on  Albany,  and  having  seized  that 
place  to  proceed  down  the  Hudson  to  New  York, 
which,  with  the  aid  of  two  PVench  ships,  it  was  be- 
lieved, would  be  forced  to  speedily  surrender.  This 
accomplished,  the  heretics  were  to  be  removed  root 
and  branch  ;  their  homes  were  to  be  broken  up,  their 
property  confiscated,  and  those  who  survived  were  to 
be  driven  beyond  the  limits  of  French  rule.  If  any 
possessed  means  which  could  be  wrung  from  them 
for  ransom,  they  were  to  be  imprisoned  until  they 
purchased  their  liberty,  while  artisans  were  to  be 
held  in  captivity,  and  forced  to  labor  for  their  French 
masters.  One  class  of  persons  only  was  to  be  al- 
lowed to  remain  and  enjoy  their  property  ;  namely, 
Roman  Catholics. 

New  England  was  also  tc  be  invaded,  and  of  course, 
subjected  to  a  like  fate  if  the  saints  smiled  on  the 
enterprise.^ 

This  atrocious   plan   to  destroy  an  entire  people, 


'  Vide  Instruction  a  Mons.  De  Frontenac  sur  I'en- 
treprise  contreles  Anglois,  7  Juin,  1689,  in  Collection 
de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  relatifs  a  la  Nouvelle  France. 
Quebec,  1883,  vol.  i,  p.  455  et  seq.,  and  Document- 
ary History  of  Maine,  vol.  5. 


1 6  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

said  to  have  numbered  over  seventeen  thousand, 
happy  in  the  possession  of  homes  hardly  won,  was 
carefully  elaborated  in  the  luxurious  halls  of  Ver- 
sailles, and  early  in  1689,  Frontenac  sailed  from 
Rochelle  to  carry  it  into  effect. 

It  was  late  in  the  season  when  Frontenac,  who  had 
met  with  unexpected  delays,  reached  Quebec,  where 
he  found  the  government  under  Denonville  in  a  dis- 
organized condition.  To  get  the  savages  under  con- 
trol so  as  to  use  them  against  the  English  was  his 
first  effort,  and  in  this  he  was  unsuccessful  so  far  as 
regarded  the  Iroquois  and  other  tribes  west  of  the 
English  settlements,  but  with  the  Eastern  tribes,  the 
case  was  different.  The  Jesuits  had  become  influen- 
tial in  shaping  the  affairs  of  the  government,  and 
they  exercised  a  powerful  control  over  these  tribes, 
who  were,  as  we  have  seen,  hostile  to  the  English  ; 
indeed,  if  we  may  believe  Denonville,  the  prede- 
cessor of  Frontenac,  they  had  been  encouraged  by 
Jesuit  influences  in  their  recent  outbreak  against  the 
frontier  settlers.  The  proof  of  this  appears  in  a 
letter  of  the  French  governor  to  the  king,  dated 
shortly  after  Frontenac's  arrival  at  Quebec.  In  this 
letter  he  says:  "The  good  understanding  which  I 
have  had  with  these  savages  by  means  of  the  Jesuits, 
and  above  all  the  two  fathers,  '  the  Brothers  Bigot,' 


in  Nciu  England. 


17 


has  made  successful  all  the  attacks,  which  they  have 
made  on  the  English  this  summer,"  in  which  attacks, 
he  concludes,  "  they  have  killed  more  than  two  hun- 
dred men,"  and  this  in  a  time  of  peace  between  the 
two  nations.* 

The  Bigot  brothers  had  established  on  the  Chau- 
dicre  an  Abnaki  mission,  and  had  extended  their 
influence  into  Maine,  where  F"ather  Thury  had  es- 
tablished himself  on  the  Penobscot,  and  was  exer- 
cising a  powerful  control  over  the  savages  of  that 
region ;  accompanying  their  war  parties  against 
the  settlers  and  thereby  identifying  himself  with 
them. 

It  was  in  this  condition  of  affairs  that  Frontenac,  in 
the  winter  of  1690,  organized  the  scheme  intrusted  to 
him  for  exterminating  the  English  "heretics  and  trait- 
ors "  from  American  soil.  To  accomplish  this,  three 
war  parties  of  Frenchmen  and  savages  were  set  in 
motion  from  different  points  in  Canada  toward  the 
devoted  settlements;  one  to  fall  upon  Albany,  another 


*  Peres  James  and  Vincent  Bigot,  the  former  born 
in  1644,  died  in  171 1  ;  the  latter  born  in  1647,  died 
in  I  720.  Vide  Histoire  et  Description  Generale  de  la 
Nouvelle  France,  }\  Paris,  1744,  Tome  2,  p.  419. 
Resume  des  rapports  du  Canada  avec  les  notes  du 
ministre,  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  i,  p. 
474  et  seq. 

3 


1 8  The  Pioneers  of  New  F ranee 

upon  the  settlements  in  New  Hampshire,  and  yet 
another  upon  those  of  Maine. 

The  inhuman  atrocities  perpetrated  alike  on  men, 
women  and  children,  their  utter  disregard  of  pledges 
given  to  induce  surrender  by  the  two  first  of  these 
parties,  we  will  not  relate.  Schuyler  said,  no  pen 
could  write,  and  no  tongue  express  them.  Children 
were  thrown  alive  into  the  fire,  their  heads  dashed  in 
pieces  against  the  doorposts,  while  tortures  too 
dreadful  to  relate,  were  inflicted  upon  their  parents.^ 
Who  can  wonder  that  such  cruelties  left  an  ineffac- 
able  impression  upon  the  hearts  of  the  English  set- 
tlers for  generations,  and  convinced  them,  that  self- 
preservation  alone  rendered  it  imperative  to  reduce 
the  savages  to  complete  subjection  whatever  might 
be  the  cost. 

The  party  sent  against  Maine  set  out  from  Quebec 
in  January,  led  by  Portneuf  and  Courtemanche. 
Treading  their  way  through  the  gloom  of  trackless 
forests,  and  facing  the  blinding  snows,  or  wallowing 
waist-deep  through  the  drifts  as  they  emerged  on 
the  dreary  openings,  ever  alert  for  game  to  add  to 
their  scanty  stores,  the  party  pushed  on,  and  in  May 

^  Cf .  Belknap,  Mather,  Charlevoix,  De  La  Potherie, 
Documentary  History  of  New  York  and  Schuyler's 
Report,  Feb.  15,  1690. 


' .  »*a.-7t*Ln,M»ii^'yrai:wJu*  * 


in  New  England.  19 

reached  the  vicinity  of  Falmouth,  where  they  hovered 
among  the  islands  and  along  the  shores  until  ready  to 
attack  the  settlement.  Portneuf  had  been  joined  by 
Castin  and  Hertel,  the  latter,  the  leader  of  the  ruth- 
less bc*.id,  which  had  been  sent  against  the  New 
Hampshire  settlements,  and  were  now  on  their 
return  from  scenes  of  carnage,  which  had  sharpened 
their  appetite  for  the  carnival  of  blood  and  devasta- 
tion which  they  had  in  anticipation.  In  the  band 
were  the  Indians  whom  Andros  had  magnanimously 
released  from  imprisonment  at  Fort  Loyal,  and  who, 
being  acquainted  with  its  defenses,  were  valuable 
guides   to  those  now  seeking  its  destruction. 

The  attack  on  Falmouth  began  on  the  15th  day  of 
May,  with  the  slaughter  of  Lieutenant  Clark  and  thir- 
teen men  on  Munjoy  Hill,  and  was  followed  by  an 
attack  on  Fort  Loyal,  which  resulted,  after  four  days' 
resistance,  in  the  surrender  of  Capt.  Davis  and  his 
garrison,  with  the  women  and  children,  who  had 
sought  refuge  in  the  fort.  Although  the  French 
commander  bound  himself  by  oath  before  the  sur- 
render, that  the  English  should  have  safe  conduct 
to  the  next  town,  as  soon  as  he  had  them  in  his 
power  he  abandoned  them  to  the  savages,  who  mur- 
dered men,  w^omen  and  children  without  pity.  They 
were   "  heretics  and  traitors,"  with  whom,  in   those 


20  The  Pmieers  of  New  France 

dismal  times,  it  was  not  necessary  to  keep  faith.^ 
That  this  war  ag^ainst  the  English  settlers  had 
assumed  the  lurid  hue  of  a  religious  crusade  cannot 
be  doubted,  and  the  feeling  with  which  they  were 
regarded  found  frequent  expression,  as  in  the  case 
of  Pcre  Gay,  who,  seeing  his  savage  neophytes  give 
way  before  Schuyler,  encouraged  them  by  shouting, 
"  You  have  at  your  head  the  Holy  Virgin  ;  what  do 
you  fear?  We  have  to  do  with  Infidels,  who  have 
only  the  form  of  man."^ 

^  Vide  Magnalia  Christ!  Americana,  Hartford, 
1853,  vol.  2,  p.  603  ct  seq.  Declaration  of  Syl- 
vanus  Davis,  Collections  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  3d 
series,  vol.  i,  p.  101.  Documentary  Hist,  of  N.  Y., 
vol.  2,  p.  259.  New  York  Colonial  Documents, 
vol.  IX,  p  472.  Histoire  et  Description  Generale  de 
la   Nouvelle  France,  h   Paris,    1744,   Tome,  3,  p.  78. 

^  The  words  are  as  follows  :  "  Dieu  fut  servi  pen- 
dant toute  cette  Campaigne,  comme  si  c'avait  ete  une 
Communante  de  Religieux.  II  nefaut  pas  que 
j'oublie  la  maniere  avec  laquelle  M.  Gay,  Ecclesias- 
tique  de  la  Montagne  s'est  signale.  II  a  agi  en 
Apotre  et  en  General  d'armee.  Dans  la  seconde  sortie 
que  Ton  fit,  il  s'aperyut  qu'une  partie  de  nos  gens 
lachaient  pied,  il  courut  k  eux  leur  criant :  '  Vous  ne 
faites  done  pas  reflexion,  que  vous  avez  h  votre  tete, 
la  Sainte  Vierge  que  nousavons  prise  pour  notre  pro- 
tectrice ;  que  nous  avons  deja  reyu  d'elle  tant 
de  marques  de  son  assistance,  et  qu'elle  est  votre 
bouclier  ?  Que  craignez-vous  ?  Nousavons  affaire 
k  des  infideles,  qui  n'ont  que  la  figure  d'homme  ;  et 


in  New  Englaiid.  2 1 

Naturally,  as  Denonville  wrote  from  Quebec  a 
few  days  before  the  attack  on  Falmouth,  the  English 
regarded  all  the  French  missionaries  as  their  most 
cruel  enemies,  whom  they  would  not  suffer  among 
the  savages  who  were  contiguous  to  tliem.^ 

While  Portneuf  and  his  wild  band  were  stealthily 
approaching  Falmouth,  Sir  William  Phips,  adopting 
the  well-known  military  maxim,  that  by  recalling 
your  enemy  to  the  defense  of  his  own  possessions, 
you  can  best  guarantee  the  security  of  your  own, 
was  making  ready  to  strike  the  enemy  in  his  own 
home,  and  before  the  embers  of  the  devoted  town 
had  ceased  smoking,  he  had  captured  Port  Royal, 
and  making  prisoners  of  Meneval,  the  P'rench  com- 


ne  vous  souvenez-vous  pas  que  vous  ctes  les  sujets 
du  Roi  de  France,  dont  le  nom  fait  trembler  toute 
I'Europe  ?  '  " 

Vide  L' Heroine  Chri'tienne  du  Canada,  etc.,  par 
L'Abbe  Etienne  Michel  b'aillon.  Villemarie,  Cher 
les  soeurs  de  la  Congregation  de  Notre  Dame,  i860, 

^  Alluding  to  the  jealousies  existing  between  the 
English  and  PVench,  he  speaks  of  the  interests  of 
the  Catholic  religion,  which,  he  says,  they  will  never 
permit  to  make  any  progress  among  the  savages, 
"  regardant  tous  nos  missionnaires  come  leurs  plus 
cruels  ennemies  qu'ils  neveulent  pas  souffrir  avec  les 
Sauvages  qui  sont  k  portee  d'eulx."  Vide  Collection 
de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  Quebec,  1884,  vol.  2,  p.  i   ei  seq. 


22  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

mander,  and   the  garrison   under  his  command,  he 
triumphantly  carried  them  to  Boston.^ 

This  success  seemed  an  especial  mark  of  divine 
providence,  and  Governor  Bradstreet  issued  a  proc- 
lamation appointing  a  day  of  fasting,  and  admonish- 
ing the  people  to  repent  of  their  sins.  So  well  were 
his  wishes  complied  with,  that  Mather  says:  "The 
churches  kept  the  wheel  of  prayer  in  continual  mo- 
tion."" A  naval  expedition  to  strike  at  Quebec 
itself,  the  center  of  French  power  in  America,  was 
soon  organized,  and  on  the  9th  of  August,  the  fleet 
under  the  command  of  Phips  sailed  from  Boston,  at 
the  same  time  a  land  expedition  was  making  its  way 
from  Albany  to  strike  a  retaliatory  blow  at  Montreal. 
The  English  were  not  to  be  rooted  out  of  American 
soil  so  easily  as  the  French  king  in  his  vain  pride 
imagined  they  might  be.  Both  expeditions  were  un- 
successful. Frontenac,  the  governor  of  New  France, 
was  a  man  of  marked  ability,  and  to  his  military  skill 
and  promptitude,  as  well   as   the  natural  difficulties, 


^  Vide  Prise  du  Port  Royal  par  les  Anglois  de 
Baston.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p. 
6  et  seq.  Lettre  de  Monsieur  de  Meneval  au  Min- 
istre.  Ibid.,  p.  \o  et  seq.  A  Journal  of  the  Expedi- 
tion from  Boston  to  Port  Royal.  Chalmers'  papers. 
Harvard  College. 

^  Vide  Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  vol.  i,  p.  192. 


in  Neiu  England. 


23 


which  beset  Phips  and  Winthrop,  the  latter  of  whom 
commanded  the  land  expedition,  their  failure  was  due. 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  give  a  par- 
ticular account  of  the  wars,  which  culminated  in  the 
subjugation  of  the  Eastern  tribes  by  the  English,  but 
only  to  touch  upon  a  few  points,  which  lead  toward 
this  event,  and  particularly  to  explain  the  reasons 
which  caused  the  destruction  of  Norridgewock,  the 
hotbed  of  an  influence,  which  imperilled  the  existence 
of  English  civilization  in  New  England.  From  the 
failures  of  the  expeditions  against  Canada  by  Phips 
and  Winthrop,  the  war  dragged  on  with  varying  for- 
tunes to  both  sides.  Both  were  poor  and  both  bit- 
terly hostile  to  each  other. 

While  the  French  king,  lulled  by  his  mistresses  and 
sycophants  into  thoughtlessness  of  the  terrible  im- 
port of  his  acts,  wrote  to  Frontenac  to  excite  the  sav- 
ages to  continue  their  murderous  warfare  against  the 
English  settlements,  and  ordered  presents  to  be  made 
to  them  for  their  encouragement,  he  haggled  over  the 
cost  of  the  war,  and  postponed  the  undertaking  of  his 
scheme  against  New  York,  on  account  of  the  expense 
he  had  already  sustained.^     War   parties,  however. 


^  Memoire  du  Roi  aux  Sieurs  de  Frontenac  et  de 
Champigny.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2, 
pp.  51-54;  Ibid.,  p.  82,  et  passim. 


24  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  savag^es  and  coureurs  de  bois,  many  of  whom  were 
half  breeds,  if  anything-  more  ferocious  than  the  sav- 
ages themselves,  led  by  Frenchmen,  desolated  the 
frontier  settlements.  The  savages,  if  left  to  them- 
selves, would  soon  have  made  peace  ;  indeed,  not  long 
after  the  capture  of  Port  Royal  by  Phips,  several  of 
the  chiefs  entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  Eng- 
lish to  meet  and  arrange  a  treaty,  but  this  they  were 
not  permitted  to  do.  Presents  were  heaped  upon 
them  by  the  French  commander,  and  their  avarice 
was  excited  by  promises  of  booty,  which  would  be  to 
them  "plus  d'avantage  qu'a  la  chasse  ;"  nor  was  this 
all ;  Feather  Thury  lent  his  powerful  aid,  and  exhorted 
them  to  continue  the  war  upon  the  English,  which 
the  French  minister  had  declared  should  be  made 
''  sans  relache."' 


' "  Comme  vostre  principal  objet  doibt  estre 
de  faire  la  guerre  sans  relasche  aux  Anglois,  il 
faut  que  vostre  plus  particuliere  occupation,  soyt  de 
dctourner  de  tout  aultre  employ,  les  Francois  qui 
sont  avec  vous,  surtout  de  faire  aulcun  commerce  que 
pour  leur  subsistance,  en  leur  donnant  de  vostre  part 
un  sy  bon  exemple  en  cela  qu'ils  ne  soyent  animez  que 
du  drsir  de  chercher  h  faire  du  profit  sur  les  ennemis. 

Je  n'ay  aussy  rien  a  vous  recommander  plus  forte- 
ment  que  de  mettre  en  usage  tout  ce  que  vous 
pouvez  de  capacite  et  de  prudence,  affin  que  les 
Canibas  ne  s'employent  qu'a  la  guerre,  et  que  par  I'eco- 
nomie  de  ce  que  vous  avez  k  leur  fournir  ils  y  puis- 


in  New  Eii<riand. 


25 


It  was  in  the  dead  of  the  winter  of  1692,  that 
Thiiry  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  Christian  con- 
verts left  their  villai^e  on  the  Penobscot  to  accomplish 
their  design  on  the  few  remaining  settlements  of 
Maine.  Soon  they  were  joined  by  a  howling  band 
from  Father  Bigot's  mission  on  the  Kennebec,  and 
for  a  month  pursued  their  difficult  way  on  snow- 
shoes  through  the  pathless  wilds,  which  lay  between 
them  and  the  doomed  settlements.  On  the  night  of 
February  4th,  while  the  candles  were  being  lighted 
in  the  rude  dwellings  of  York,  and  the  humble  cotters 
were  gathering  about  their  firesides  unsuspicious  of 
danger,  the  savages,  like  wolves,  were  crouching  in 
the  thick  woods,  which  fringed  the  slopes  of  Mount 
Agamenticus,  eager  to  spring  upon  their  prey. 

Several  of  the  houses  were  fortified  for  defense, 
and  a  watch  was  probably  kept,  which  may  have  de- 
terred the  savages  from  making  a  night  attack;  any- 
how, they  kept  under  cover  through  the  long,  cold 
night.  As  the  day  dawned,  the  snow  began  silently 
to  fall.  The  door  of  one  of  the  cabins  opened  and 
a  boy,  with  the  visions  of  youth  in  his  brain  and  the 
joys  of  life  all  untasted  before  him,  came  forth  with 


sent  trouver  leur  subsistance  etplus  d'avantage  qu'  h 
la  chasse."  Lettre  du  Roy  au  Sieur  de  Villebon, 
Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p.  83. 

4 


:,■' 


It, 


26  The  Pioneer's  of  New  France 

his  axe.  Soon  he  was  busy  at  his  task,  when  sud- 
denly he  was  seized  by  rough  hands,  forced  to  answer 
a  few  fierce  questions,  and  then  his  head  was  spHt  open 
with  a  hatchet,  and  he  was  left  dying  on  the    new 

,1 

(  fallen    snow,    while  the  savaoes,  dividing    into    two 

parties,  rushed  upon  the  village.  Men,  women  and 
children  were  alike    butchered,  even  infants  in  the 

I  cradle  were   not  spared,  says  Villebon,  approvingly.' 

The  venerable  minister  of  the  town,  the  Rev. 
Shubael  Dummer,  a  man  eminent  for  learning  and 
piety,  was  preparing  to  mount  his  horse  to  visit  in 
the  neiijhborhood,  when  he  was  shot  dead  at  his 
door."  We  will  not  follow  the  harrowing  details  of 
this  affair  farther,  nor  follow  the  fortunes  of  the  war. 


'  "  Nos  Sauvages  se  sont  mis  en  action,  le  Sieur 
de  V'illleu  lesya  accompagnez  et  Monsieur  de  Thury. 
Ce  coup  est  trcs  advantageux  parce  qu'il  rompt  tous 
les  pourparlers  de  paix  et  que  Ton  doibt  compter 
qu'il  n'y  aura  plus  de  retour  entre  nos  Sauvages  et 
les  Anglois,  qui  sont  au  drsespoir  decequ'ils  ont  tue 
jusques  aux  enfans  au  berceau."  Resume  d'une 
lettre  de  .Monsieur  de  Villebon  au  Ministre.      Collec- 

I;.  tion  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p.  158. 

i  ■  ^  The   Rev.   Shubael    Dummer  was  born   at  Rox- 

bury,  Mass.,  Feb.  17th,  1636,  and  graduated  at  Har- 
vard College  in  i6s6.  He  was  ordained  as  the  first 
settled  minister  of  York  in  1673,  He  married  the 
daughter  of  Edward  Rishworth,  and  at  the  time  of 
the  attack  on  York,  Feb.  5th,  1692,  had  faithfully  and 


in  Neio  England.  27 

One  can  be  certain  that  the  French  missionaries 
in  Maine  were  active  in  inciting  the  savages  to  war- 
zealously  performed  his  ministerial  duties  for  nearly 
twenty  years.  When  hostilities  threatened,  it  is  said 
that  he  was  urged  to  leave  York,  but  refused,  pre- 
ferring to  share  the  dangers  of  those,  whom  he  had 
"converted  and  edified  by  his  ministry."  He  was 
just  about  mounting  his  horse  to  make  a  pastoral 
visit  in  the  neighborhood  when  he  was  shot,  and  his 
wife  and  son  taken  prisoners.  Quite  contrary  to 
their  usual  custom,  several  old  women  and  small 
children,  who  were  taken  prisoners  and  appeared 
unable  to  take  the  long  journey  to  Canada,  were  per- 
mitted to  remain  behind  alive  when  the  Indians  took 
their  departure.  Among  these  was  the  delicate  wife 
of  tlie  dead  minister.  Her  son,  however,  was  a  pris- 
oner, and  the  half  frantic  widow  returned  to  the  In- 
dian camp  after  her  release  to  beg  the  savages  to 
release  her  boy.  This  was  refused,  and  she  was  sent 
away;  but  motherly  affection  prompted  her  to  make 
another  attempt,  and  she  again  returned  to  beg  for 
her  son's  release.  Her  prayer  was  refused,  and  she 
was  told  that  as  she  wanted  to  be  a  prisoner  her  wish 
should  be  granted.  She  had,  therefore,  the  satis- 
faction of  accompanying  her  son;  but  the  hardships 
of  a  mid-winter  march  through  the  wilderness  without 
shelter  and  almost  without  food  were  too  severe  for 
her,  and  she  soon  died.  Mather  thus  sings  of  the 
slain  pastor  : 

DuMMER  the  shepherd  sacrificed. 
By  ivolves  because  the  sheep  he  priz'd. 
The  orphans  father,  church's  light. 
The  love  of  heav'n,  of  hell  the  spighl." 
Vide  Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  vol.  2,  ^.  612  et 


28  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

fare.  Diiriti}^  the  early  years  of  the;  war,  Tluiry  and 
IJiiL^ot  were  especially  conspicuous  in  this  r(.'^ar(l. 
"The  savaj^es,"  wrote  Tihierj^ci,  "  in  the  riv(!r  i'enta- 
^oel.  liave  ^(reat  ccjufidence  in  iMonsifnir  Thury,  who 
has  heen  a  missif)nary  anion^^  them  for  ei^iit  y(;ars. 
I  am  persuaded  that  lu;  is  vc^ry  ne(;(;ssary  in  that 
place  for  the  service  of  the  kin^  and  th(;  welfare  of 
the  nation,  and  if  it  was  desire-d  to  make  us(i  of  the 
savages  for  some  important  enterprise,  nobody  coidd 
he  found  who  could  better  jjcrsuade  them  than  he  to 
do  what  was  desired."' 

And  for  his  success  in  persuadinj^^  his  con- 
v(!rts  to  renctw  th(;  war  a^^iinst  the  luij^lish,  the 
I'rcnch  minist(;r  not  only  wrote  th(;  bishoj)  f)f 
Ou('l)ec  to  "increase  his  pay,"  but  also  wrote; 
'I  hury  hims(;lf,  that  h(?  was  ^lad  to  serve  him  in 
an  application  to  the  kiuLj  for  reward,  "  not  only 
for  your  zeal  and  your  application  in  your  mission, 
and  the  progress  it  has  made  in  the  advancement  of 
religion  amoni^  the  savages,  but  also  for  your   pains 

se</.  Leltre  de  Monsi(Mir  de  Champij^ny,  au  ministre, 
Oct.  5,  1692.  Collection  d<;  Manuscrits,  vol.  2,  p.  88 
et  sc(j.  Williamson's  Maine,  vol.  1,  p.  672,  and  jour- 
nal of  Rev.  John    IMke. 

'  I'idf  Memoire  sur  I'Acadie  par  Monsieur 
ril)ier^(i.  C(jllection  de  Manuscrits,  etc,  vol.  2, 
p.  185. 


in  New  li}ii^land. 


29 


in  kr'cpin^  tluim  in  the  service;  of  liis  majf.'sty,  and 
for  encoiir.'i^injr  them  in  exp(Klitions  of  war."'  I'roof 
is  ahiindant  to  show  how  (;om[)I(;tely  some  of  ihc.'se 
missionari(;s  identified  th(;mselves  with  their  savaji^e 
converts  in  tli(.'ir  wars  against  the  border  s(;ttlers.  It 
is  a  pleasant  duty  to  ntcall,  that  even  in  this  hard 


'"Monsieur  le  Conite  d(.*  I*'ront(*nac  nonseule- 
ment  a  renthi  tesmonia^^e  de  vostre  faveur  dans 
vostr(;  mission  inais  j'ay  encore  apj^ris  par  les  htttres 
de  Monsienir  de  Villebon,  commandant  pour  Sa 
Majesti;  u  I'Acadie,  et  j)ar  l.i  relation  du  Sieur  du 
Villieu,  I'usa^e  (|ue  vousavez  faict  [)our  le  service  de 
Sa  iMajcst*'^  de  la  confi.'ince  (|ue  voiis  este  actjuise 
|)army  ces  Sauva^f^es  pour  ayder  k  ces  olficiers  k 
i(;s  maintenir  dans  Ic  fidc'litc;  du  servicer  de  sa 
majest('  contrc;  l(;s  An^dois.  C'est  sur  ces  as- 
surances (|ue  Monsieur  d(;  i'rontenac,  ayant  faict 
connoistr(;  a  Sa  Maj(;st<'  la  cons('(|U(;nce  de  secou- 
rir  plus  promt(;nient  l(;s  sauvaj^a;s  du  (piartier  de 
i'enta^ou<'t  et  ceulx  de  l;i  rivinre  Ouinilj('(|ui  (jue 
nous  comj)r(;nf)ns  souI)s  V\  nom  de  Cannihas,  et  j>our 
leur  plus  ^ran(l(;  commodit*',  Sa  Majesti'  a  doniK- 
I'ordre  au  Sicnir  de  l>oiiiiaventure,  commandant  le 
vaisseau  r Jtiiviciix,  d'aller  u  WmXiV^owt  jjour  y 
discharger  la  partie  des  munitions  et  marchandises 
destine;/,  pour  ceulx  de  Penta^ouc'-t  et  de  Ouinihecjui, 
et  les  marchan(lis(;s  (\\\it  la  compa^nie  a  en  ordre 
d'envoyer  aussy  pour  la  traitte;  av(.'C  eulx,  affui  (jui 
ces  pr('s(;ns,  vous  <:stans  r(;mis,  sur  vostre  rec<;pisse 
au  jjied  de  I'invcuitoin;  p.ir  htdit  Sieur  de  l>onnaven- 
ture,  vous  leur  en  faissiez  la  distribution  comme  il 
est  accoustume,  que  vous  vous  entendiez  avec   ledit 


30  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

age,  there  were  men  who  realized  what  conversion 
really   meant  ;    men    who    knew    that   such    men    as 

Sieurde  Vlllebon,  et  que  vous  luy  envoyiez  I'estat  de 
la  distribution,  affin  qu'il  me  le  fasse  venir.  J'espere 
que  vous  voudrez  bien  continuer  de  mcssager  les 
sauvages  avec  la  mesme  application,  et  que  leur  fais 
ant  connoistre  I'affection  cjui  Sa  Majeste  conserve 
pour  eux  par  les  secours  qu'Elle  leur  donne  et 
qu'Elle  est  dans  le  dessein  de  leur  continuer  plus 
fortement,  vous  maintiendrez  le  progrez  des  affaires 
de  la  religion  avec  eulx,  en  empeschant  qu'ils  ne  se 
communiquent  avec  les  Anglois."  Lettre  du  Min- 
istre  {I  Monsieur  de  Thury,  missionnairc.  a  Versailles, 
le  1 6"  Avril,  1695.  "  Les  tesmoignages  cju'on  a  rcn- 
dus{\  Sa  Majeste  de  I'affection  et  du  zele  du  Sieur  de 
Thury,  missionnaire  chez  les  Cannibas,  pour  son  ser- 
vice, et  particulit'rment  pour  I'engagement  oii  il  a 
mis  les  sauvages  de  recommencer  la  guerre  contre 
les  Anglois  avec  lesquelsills  avoient  faict  un  accode- 
ment,  m'oblige  de  vous  pryer  en  consc(}uence  de  ce 
qu'on  a  mande  en  mesme  tems  de  sa  pauv  retc,  de 
hiy  faire  une  plus  fort  part  sur  les  1500  1.  de  gratiffi- 
cation  que  Sa  Majeste  accorde  pour  les  ecclc'-siastiques 
de  I'Acadie,  dont  celuy-cy  a  beaucoup  plusde  besoing 
que  les  aultres  qui  sont  dans  les  endroits  oii  ils  pren- 
nent  des  dixmes  qui  sont  fut  considerables,  comme 
aux  Mines,  quoyqu'elles  ne  soyent  pas  diies."  Lettre 
du  Ministre  a  Monsieur  I'Evesque  de  Quebec,  a  Ver- 
sailles le  16  Avril,  1695.  "  Je  suis  bien  ayse  de  me 
servir  de  cette  occasion  pour  vous  dire  que  j'ay  este 
informe  non  seulment  de  vostre  zele  et  de  vostre 
application  pour  vostre  mission  et  du  progrez  qu'elle 
faict  pour   I'avancement  de  nostre  religion  avec  les 


in  New  England.  31 

Thury'   and    the   Bigots  were  blind    leaders  of    the 
blind,  countenancing,  by  their  presence  amid  scenes 


sauvages,  mais  encore  de  vos  soigns  pour  les  main- 
tenir  dans  le  service  de  Sa  Majesti',  ct  pour  Ics  en- 
courai^cr  anx  expi'ditioiis  dc  guerre  auxi/ue//es  elle  les 
faiet employer^  Lettredu  Ministrea  Monsieur  Thury, 
a  Versailles,  le  23  Avril,  1697.  These  are  but  a  few 
selections  from  the  correspondence  in  I'rench  ar- 
chives relating  to  Thury.  Vide  Collection  de  Manu- 
scrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  pp.  174-5,  179,  274,  et passim. 

'  The  Rev.  Peter  Thury  was  a  native  of  Bayeux, 
France,  and  was  ordained  a  member  of  the  seminary 
of  Quebec,  December  21,  1677,  He  was  a  friend  of 
Castin,  and  through  his  inlluence  was  induced  to 
settle  at  Pentagoet  in  1687.  He  was  active  in  every 
intrigue  to  excite  the  savages  of  his  mission  against 
the  English  frontier  settlers,  whom  he  denounced  to 
them  as  heretics  and  robbers.  On  one  occasion  he 
harangu{;d  his  savage  converts  in  thesi;  words  :  "  My 
children  !  when  shall  the  rapacity  of  the  unsparing 
New  Englanders  cease  to  afflict  you,  and  how  long 
will  you  suffer  your  lands  to  be  violated  by  the  en- 
croaching heretics?  By  the  religion  I  have  taught, 
by  the  lii^crty  you  love,  I  exhort  you  to  resist  them. 
It  is  time  for  you  to  open  your  eyes  which  have  long 
been  shut ;  to  rise  from  your  mats  and  look  to  your 
arms  and  make  them  once  more  bright.  This  land 
belonged  to  your  fathers,  long  before  these  wicked 
men  came  over  the  great  water,  and  are  you  ready  to 
leave  the  bones  of  your  ancestors,  that  the  cattle  of 
the  heretics  may  eat  grass  on  your  graves  ?  The 
Englishmen  think  and  say  to  themselves:  '  We  have 
cannon ;  we  have  grown   strong,  while  the  redman 


32  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  murder  and  torture,  the  crimes  committed  by 
their  converts,  and  afterward  condoning  these  crimes 
against  humanity  by  administering  to  the  perpetra- 
tors of  them,  while  their  hands  were  still  red  with 
the  blood  of  innocent  women  and  children,  the  sacra- 
ments of  the  church  ;  men  who  had  laid  to  heart  the 
words,  "  Except  ye  turn  and  become  as  little  chil- 
dren, ye  shall  in  no  wise  enter  into  the  kingdom  of 
heaven."  Two  such  men  are  happily  recorded  as 
havin^r  refused  absolution  to  some  individuals  en- 
gaged  in  the  service  against  the  English.  These 
were  Fathers  Baudoin  and  Petit,  and  the  bishop  of 
Quebec  was  informed  by  the   French  minister,  in  a 


has  slept ;  while  they  are  lying  in  their  cabins  and  do 
not  see,  we  will  knock  them  on  the  head  ;  we  will  de- 
stroy their  women  and  children,  and  then  shall  we 
possess  their  land  without  fear,  for  there  shall  be 
none  left  to  revenge  them.  My  children  !  God  com- 
mands you  to  shake  the  sleep  from  your  eyes.  The 
hatchet  must  be  cleaned  from  its  rust,  to  avenge  Him 
of  His  enemies,  and  secure  to  you  your  rights.  Night 
and  day  a  continual  prayer  shall  ascend  to  him  for 
your  success,  an  unceasing  rosary  shall  be  observed 
till  you  return  covered  with  the  glory  of  triumph." 
He  died  at  Chebuctou  on  the  3d  of  June,  1699. 
Vide  Travels  of  Learned  Missionaries,  pp.  280,  309, 
Etat  Present,  Quebec,  pp.  12,  18  ;  Voyage  de  I'Acadie, 
pp.  54,  179;  Collections  Me.  Hist.  Society,  vol.  i,  p. 
435  et  seq.;  Taschereau's  Memoir  sur  I'Acadie. 


i 


in  New  Enirland. 


II 


letter  from  Versailles,  that  the  kin<j^  was  very  indij^- 
nant  at  their  refusal  of  absolution  to  certain  [jcrsons 
because  they  were  engaged  in  the  service  against  the 


English.' 


*  v.  Michael  Baudoin  ;>nd  Mathurin  le  Petit. 
The  former  afterwards  attempted  to  found  a  mis- 
sion among  the  Choctaws,  and  tlie  latter  became 
su[)erior  of  the  Jesuits  in  Louisiana.  The  letter  of 
the  French  ministttr,  I'onchartrain,  is  as  follows : 
"A  Versailles,  le  S  May,  1694.  Je  suis  oblige  de  vous 
dire  que  Sa  Majest«<  a  estr  fort  indignee  de  la  mau- 
vaise  conduitte  des  Sieurs  Heaudoin  et  Petit,  mis- 
sionnaires  de  I'Acadie,  dans  les  choses  qui  ont  eu 
relation  a  son  service,  et  dans  la  ri'sistance  (jue  Mon- 
sieur de  Villebon,  commandant  a  I'Acadie,  a  trouvo 
en  cela  de  leur  part.  Elle  a  aussy  apris  qu'ils  ont 
refuse  I'absolution  a  des  particuliers,  a  cause  qu'ils 
etoient  enirairez  dans  le  service  contre  les  An^rlois. 
Sa  Majeste  auroit  donne  ses  ordres  pour  les  faire  re- 
tirer,  sy  elle  n'avoit  trouvr  plusA  propos,  par  consid- 
eration pour  vous,  de  m'ordonner  de  vous  pryer 
d'empescher  la  continuation  de  ces  desordres  et  que 
ces  ecclesiastiques  ne  s'ingrrent  point  des  affaires  qui 
concernent  le  temporel,  sy  ce  n'est  pas  I'ordre  de 
ceulx  auxquels.  Sa  Majestc  a  confie  son  authorite, 
affin  qu'en  ccla  ils  soyent  soubmis  comme  ils  doyvent 
I'estre,  et  que  sy  vous  ne  croyiez  par  pouvoir  vous 
assurer  de  leur  obeissance,  vous  les  retiriez  pour  en 
mettre  d'aultres  i\  leur  place."  Two  other  mission- 
aries are  mentioned  I:y  Tibierge,  who  evidently 
thought  more  of  teaching  the  gospel  to  the  savages 
than  inciting  them  to  war  against  theii  English 
neighbors,  namely  Peres  Simon  and   Elizee.     Of  the 


34  The  Pioftecrs  of  New  France 

We  know  that  the  reason  assigned  was  not  the  real 
cause  of  their  refusal.  The  cause  was  a  deeper  one, 
involving  the  manner  of  conducting  the  "services," 
and  the  names  of  these  two  missionaries  should  be 
held  in  grateful  remembrance.  They  were  bright 
lights  in  a  season  of  deepest  gloom,  and  without 
doubt  there  were  many  others  whose  names  are  only 
recorded  in  the  imperishable  archives  of  a  world  of 
love  and  peace. 

When  Frontenac  sailed  from  Rochelle  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1689,  he  was  accompanied  by  a  Jesuit  priest, 
who  afterward  became  famous  in  the  annals  of  N cat 
England,  Pere  Sebastian  Rale,  a  native  of  Franche 
Comte;  where  he  was  born  on  January  28,  1657.  As 
this  man  for  more  than  thirty  years  played  such  an 
important  part  in  the  struggle  between  the  savages 
and  the  frontier  settlers  of  New  England,  he 
will,  of  necessity,  appear  prominently  in  a  consid- 
erable portion  of  the  following  pages,  and  that 
no  injustice  may  be  done  him,  everything  thus 
far  discovered  which  he  has  written  will  be  re- 
former he  says  :  "C'est  un  treshonneste  homme  qui 
ne  se  mesle  que  des  affaires  de  sa  mission,"  and  of 
the  latter,  that  he  is,  "un  homme  assez  retire,  ne  m'a 
pas  paru  j usque  ;\  present  se  meslee  que  des  fonc- 
tions  de  son  ministere."  Vide  Collection  de  Manu- 
scrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  pp.  155  ^/  seq.  187. 


in  Neiv  England.  35 

produced.  In  his  eighteenth  year,  or  according 
to  the  register  of  the  society,  on  September  24,  1675, 
Rale  entered  as  a  noviciate  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in 
the  Province  of  Lyons,  and  when,  during  the  rule  of 
Denonville,  who  was  a  zealous  friend  of  the  Jesuits, 
the  call  came  from  the  mission  of  St.  Francis  for 
more  men.  Rale  was  an  instructor  of  Greek  in  the 
College  of  Nismes.^  He  was  a  man  of  heroic  cour- 
age,  of  an  earnest  and  self-sacrificing  spirit,  possessed 
indeed  of  qualities,  which,  in  spite  of  some  of  his 
misconceptions  of  the  real  spirit  of  Christianity,  en- 
title him  to  a  measure  of  respect  and  admiration. 
He  left  France  at  the  time  when  the  feeling  against 
the  English  colonists  was  most  bitter  at  the  French 
court,  where  the  cause  of  James  the  Second  was  con- 
sidered a  holy  cause,  which  was  to  be  advanced  by 
every  means  attainable,  and  when  the  air  was  laden 
with  denunciations  of  the  heretic  colonists,  traitors 
to  their  anointed  king,  and  rebels  against  the 
Almighty. 

With  prejudices,  which  he  could  not  have  failed  to 
imbibe  against  these,  to  him  misguided  people,  active 
in  his  heart,  he  landed  in  Quebec  in  mid-autumn,  and 

^  The  dates  given  are  from  the  ancient  catalogue 
of  the  Jesuits,  and  differ  somewhat  from  those  given 
by  Ptire  Martin  in  "  Les  Jesuit  Martyrs  de  Canada." 


36 


'/he  Pioneers  of  Ncio  h^nrntc 


\ 


al  onrc  canv  iiitI'  r  tlu:  iolliifiif  <;  of  ilx-  lii'/ots,  who 
vv':r«'  at  llic  li'-ad  of  an  Abnaki  iiii',sioii  Iar^((;ly  coiii- 
j)os'*fl  of  Indians,  whom  lluty  had  inchicrd  to  leave 
Maine  after  Kin^:;  I'liihp's  war.  it  was  anion;,^  llies<* 
j>(;o|>le  tliaL  lie  jjass(;d,  as  he  says,  his  missionary 
a|)jwenti(:(;shij>,  and  lutre  lie  learned  llie  Ahnaki 
UMi^ne.  ']  his  was  no  easy  task,  hut  he  ap])li<:d  him- 
self to  it  with  his  usual  /.eal,  and  hy  persistent  inter- 
coui'';e  with  tin;  savages  in  their  smoky  wigwams, 
suhjeeted  to  th'  ir  rude  ;.M'hes  and  dis^nistin^  hahits 
of  life,  he  finally  acquired  facility  in  uttering  their 
harsh  !.Milt  iirals,  an<l  thnadin;;  the.  intricacie-s  of  their 
bewildering  idioms. 

'Ihe  bold  ima^^ery  whirh  the  sava;';es  used,  apjjeal(Ml 
to  his  jjoctie  instinct,  and  moved  him  to  admiration. 
I'cihaps  transmuted  in  his(nvn  thou^dit,  th<y  assume(J 
a  beauty  n<jt  wholly  their  own,  if  we  may  jud;^e  from 
examples  he  has  j^iven. 

'Idicir  f(jod  was  vile,  and  to  Kah',  b(jrn  in  a  coun- 
try where  cooking  was  a  line  art,  it  secmu-d  impos- 
sible to  overcome  his  ntpu^nance  to  it,  but  wh(m  a 
greasy  sava^^e  shrewdly  ajjplied  one  of  his  own  sina- 
pisms to  his  sensitive  conscience,  remindin;^  him,  that 
the  sava;^re  had  to  overcome;  his  n;pu^nance  t(j  pray<;r 
and  it  was  the  duty  of  a  |jrayin;.(  falh(;r  to  subdue  liis 
prejudice  to  doj^meat,  Ik;  gracefully  succumbed,  and 


in   Nc-m   lini^land. 


37 


th(r<;;ift'r  atft  vvlial'-vr  <  aiiic  to  tli*-  k'rUl'-.  I'ortwo 
years  Ik;  livcM  at  llu-  Aljiiaki  mission,  lrarniii;(  in 
siimni'tr  to  trav(;r'.<:  with  tint  savajM-s  lli<-  [xriloiis 
waters  of  the  Si.  I.awniiice  in  tlieir  I^irchcn  canoes, 
an«i  in  winter,  tlx;  fro/.en  wastes  (jf  tliat  desolate 
region,  on  tln-ir  (iiinhersonie  -.nowslioes,  wliicli  at 
first  he  ihoiij'ht  it  inijjossihle  to  walk  with  ;  then 
he  took  ii|>  his  weary  mart  h  to  th«;  Illinois,  whf.*r<* 
others  of  his  order  had  worn  out  their  liv(.'S  in  a  task 
seeniinj'Jy  too  heavy  for  hnnian  natnr<;  to  nndertake. 

It  was  late  in  the  sinniner  when  Rah' s<'t  out  with 
his  sava^^e  ^nicies  with  tlii-ir  canoes  on  his  lonj;  jonr- 
ney  ;  shootinj^  (lan^^erous  rapids,  j)addlin^  across 
^r(tat  lakes,  on  which  storms  were  as  comnHjn  as  on 
the  ocean,  and  travcM'sin;^  i^alhless  forests  heset  with 
difficulties.  Often  h<;  was  ready  to  faint  with  hnn^ijf 
and  was  ohli;.;ed  to  scrape  the  jniceless  lichens  from 
the  rocks  U)  sustain  life. 

After  many  hardshij>s,as  winter  drew  near,  the  worn- 
out  missionary  n.*aclied  Mackinac,  about  seven  hun- 
dred mil(;s  from  Oiiehec,  and  somewhat  nujre  than 
half  way  to  his  place  of  destination. 

He  could  i^o  no  farther,  for  winter  was  creatin;^ 
impassahle  harric^rs  to  farther  projMess,  and  Ik,*  was, 
therefore,  obli^'-d  tc>  re.main  her<;  until  sprinj^.  \\\\\)- 
pily  he  found  at  .Mackinac  two  hroth(;rs  of  hissociety, 


38  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


1 1 
» 


i 


and  their  companionship  afforded  him  much  comfort 
during  the  long  and  dreary  winter.  He  was  no  slug- 
gard, however,  and  while  here  he  applied  himself  to  a 
careful  study  of  the  people,  their  legends  and  tradi- 
tions, and  to  the  acquirement  of  the  Algonkin 
tongue. 

With  the  opening  of  spring  Rale  again  turned  his 
face  westward,  and  after  a  journey  of  about  two 
months  reached  the  Indian  town  on  the  Illinois,  the 
object  of  his  long  pilgrimage.  Here  he  was  hospi- 
tably received  by  the  Indians,  who  entertained  him  in 
,f,-,  .  their  rude  fashion,  and  whose   strange   customs   and 

modes  of  life  furnished  him  with  ample  material  for 
study  and  reflection.  For  two  years  he  devoted  him- 
self to  missionary  work  among  these  people,  and  to 
the  study  of  their  tongue,  when  he  was  again  called 
to  Quebec.^  When  he  reached  here,  the  war,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  raging  furiously  between  the  French, 
aided  by  their  savage  allies,  and  the  people  of  New 
England,  and  Rale  w^as  at  once  dispatched  to  the 
Abnakis  of  Norridgewock  to  assume  charge  of  them. 
He  had  come  to  Quebec  at  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
but  had  not  been  brought  directly  in  contact  with  it. 
Now  he  was  to  face  the  detestable  English  "  heretics 

^Vide  Lettres  Edifiantes,  et  Curieuses,  etc.,  Paris, 
1838,  Tome  Premier,  pp.  675-692. 


in  New  E?igland. 


39 


and  traitors,"  and  to  aid  in  preventing  them  from 
sowing  the  pernicious  seeds  of  their  faith  among  the 
innocent  natives,  and  dragging  them  down  to  perdi- 
tion with  themselves. 

It  was  a  task  which  he  felt  was  worth  any  sacrifice 
and  he  undertook  it  with  alacrity;  on  the  other  hand, 
the  English  viewed  the  settlement  of  the  new  mis- 
sionary within  the  limits  of  what  they  regarded  as 
their  own  territory,  with  distrust  and  alarm,  as  they 
assuredly  had  reason  to  view  it,  judging  from  the 
misguided  efforts  of  Thury  and  others. 

We  should  err  in  supposing  Rale  absorbed  at  this 
time  with  schemes  of  warfare  upon  the  English  set- 
tlers. Without  doubt  the  uppermost  thought  in  his 
mind  was  to  build  up  his  church  in  the  midst  of  the 
savages.  To  overcome  the  material  obstacles  in  his 
path  ;  to  set  up  a  chapel  in  the  wilderness,  and  get 
about  him  the  mere  accessories  of  worship,  to  say 
nothing  of  bending  the  savage  mind  to  a  favorable 
regard  of  his  efforts,  was  labor  enough  to  occupy  him 
for  a  considerable  time,  and  he  seems  to  have  given 
himself  up  to  the  work  with  his  usual  industry  and 
zeal. 

In  due  time  he  had  a  chapel  erected  and  furnished 
with  the  required  appendages  of  the  worship  to 
which  he  was  devoted  ;  indeed,  we  are  told  that  his 


li: 


i  'HI 


40  The  Pioneers  of  Nczu  France 

chapel  was  adorned  with  considerable  taste,  the  re- 
sult of  his  own  skillful  handiwork. 

While  Rale  was  engaged  in  these  labors,  and  es- 
tablishing himself  in  the  favor  of  the  savages  of 
Norridgewock,  the  war  between  England  and  France 
was  drawing  to  a  close.  Thury,  his  co-laborer  on  the 
Penobscot,  was  actively  employed  during  the  closing 
scenes  of  the  war  in  encouraging  his  neophytes  to 
deeds  of  blood,  and  with   them,  those  of  Rale  were 

r||  joined.     While   no  written    evidence  exists  to  show 

his  complicity  with  Thury  in  exciting  the  savages 
against  them  at  this  time,  the  English  fully  believed 
that  he  was  equally  responsible  with  his  co-laborer, 
and  a  bitter  feeling  of  hostility  soon  prevailed  against 
him. 

It  was  believed  in  Versailles  that  Boston  might  be 
captured,   and   a  plan   of  attack  was   formulated,  in 

M   '  which   Castin   was   mentioned  as  the  leader  of  the 

savages,  as  well  as  the  Sieur  de  Thury,  their  mission- 
ary.^    In  view  of  this  attack,  small  parties  of  savages 


^ "  Les  Canadiens  s'embarqueront  sur  les  vaisseaux 
et  il  sera  au  choix  des  Sauvages  de  s'y  embarquer  ou 
de  faire  ce  chemin  en  canots  le  long  des  costes  qui 
de  Pentagouet  se  continuent  et  se  terminent  h.  cette 
baye.  Et  comme  le  Sieur  de  St.  Castin  ne  man- 
quera  pas  de  se  mettre  dans  son  canot  a  leur  teste, 
comme  il  a  faict  h  I'enterprise  de  Pemkuit,  aussi  bien 


^i 


BELL  OF  RALES  CHAF'EL  AT  NORklFKiEWOCK. 

Found  in  1808  under  a  decayed  hemlock,  where 

it  had  been  conceaied.     Now  in  possession 

of  the  Maine  Historical  Society. 


'^ 


'    1 


n\ 


ii 


J 


in  New  England. 


41 


wore  sent  out,  and  for  sometime  prowled  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  town.  In  August,  Thury  was  at  l''ort 
St.  John  and  reported  to  Tibierge,  that  the  savaj^^es 
of  his  mission  and  those  of  the  Kennebec  had  been 
in  several  parties  about  Boston,  and  killed  much 
people,  "  beaucoup  ([•:.  monde,"  and  that  one  party 
had  taken  a  prisoner  and  burnf:d  him  "  a  la  maniere 
des  Iroquois,"  and  that  they  had  resolved  to  give  no 
quarter  to  any  of  th(;  English  who  fell  into  their 
hands.'     Such   was  the  character  of  the  war  waged 


que  le  Sieur  Thury  leur  missionnaire."  Memoire 
sur  I'enterprise  de  Haston  a  Versailles,  le  21st  Avril, 
1697. 

'Au    Vo\<\-  S'l'.  J  KAN. 

le  20  Aoust,  1697. 
Monsieur  : 

Monsieur  Thury  est  arrive  ce  soir  au  fort  venant 
de  Fentagoui't.  II  dit  ([ue  les  .Sauvages  de  sa  mission 
et  ceulxde  Quinibiqtiy  ayant  est*'  cet  est('^  en  plusieurs 
parties  autour  de  jioston,  y  avoient  tue  beaucoup  de 
monde,  et  cpTun  party,  entr'aultres,  ayant  faict  un 
prisonnier,  ils  1  avoient  interrogc-  pour  avoir  des  nou- 
velles  : — que  les  Sauvages  avoient  ensuitte  brusle  leur 
prisonnier  A  la  maniere  des  Irof[Uois,  (c'est  le  premier 
qu'ils  ayent  brusl(j).  Ils  ont  resolu  de  ne  donner  de 
quartier  k  aulcun  des  Anglois  qui  leur  tomberont 
entre  le  mains." 

Lettre  du  .Sieur  Tibierge  a  Monsieur  le  Comte  de 
Frontenac.  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2, 
p.   286. 


I 


I 


42  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

by  the  French  against  the  English,  and  which  Charle- 
voix so  complacently  regards.  Fortunately  after 
raging  for  ten  years,  a  "  Decennium  Luctuosum  "  as 
designated  by  Mather,  it  came  to  a  close,  a  treaty  of 
peace  having  been  concluded  between  France  and 
England  at  Ryswick,  Sept.  20,  1697,  and  the  New 
England  settlers  were  again  enabled  to  cultivate  the 
arts  of  peace  for  a  short  season  ;  but  only  for  a  short 
season.  The  French  were  not  willing  that  the  Eng- 
lish should  establish  friendly  relations  with  their 
savage  neighbors  even  after  the  conclusion  of  peace, 
and  made  efforts  to  prevent  them  from  so  doing. 

Villebon  was  commended  by  the  F^rench  minister 
for  writing  to  the  Jesuit  fathers  of  the  Maine  mis- 
sions, to  notify  the  chiefs  of  the  savages  not  to  hold 
any  communication  with  the  English  governor,  nor 
any  one  representing  him.^ 

In  such  a  condition  of  affairs,  peace  could  not  long 
continue  ;  indeed,  the  FVench  began  at  once  a  careful 
study  of  the  English  towns  and  their  means  of  de- 

^  "Vous  avez  bien  fait  d'ecrire  aux  Peres  Jesuites, 
qui  sont  en  mission  aux  Sauvages  de  Quinibequi, 
d'avertir  les  chefs  de  ces  Sauvages  d  'n'avore  aucune 
communication  avec  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Bella- 
mont,  n'y  personne  de  sa  part."  Lettre  du  Ministre 
a  Monsieur  Villebon.  A  Versailles,  le  9®  Avril,  1700. 
Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  2,  p.  334. 


in  New  England. 


43 


fense,  with  a  view  to  future  war,  and  careful  cal- 
culations of  the  number  of  savages  as  well  as  of  their 
own  people,  who  could  be  sent  against  them,  were 
forwarded  to  the  French  king.  The  boundaries  be- 
tween New  England  and  Acadia,  which  had  been 
ceded  to  the  French,  were  still  in  dispute,  and  this  in 
itself  was  a  sufficient  cause  for  conflict.  The  attitude 
of  the  French  in  preventing  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  savages,  was  also  irritating  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  increased  their  hostility  to  the  French 
Jesuits,  who,  they  knew,  were  instrumental  in  keeping 
alive  the  jealousy  of  the  savages  against  them. 

So  intense  did  this  feeling  become,  that  the  Gen- 
eral Court  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  summer  of  i  700, 
passed  an  act  to  expel  the  Jesuits  from  the  province. 
And  Governor  Stoughton  wrote  to  the  Lords  Com- 
missioners :  "  I  crave  leave  further  to  observe  to 
yo'  Lord^',  the  present  repose  and  quiet  of  this  his 
jyi^tys  Province  after  the  late  Alarm  of  troubles 
threatened  to  Arise  from  the  Indians  by  a  fresh  In- 
surrection &  breaking  forth  in  open  hostility.  And 
how  necessary  it  is  in  order  to  ye  continuance  of  this 
quiet  that  the  French  Priests  and  Missionaries  be 
removed  from  their  residence  among  them,  the  In- 
dians taking  measures  from  their  evil  counsels  and 
Suggestions,  and  are  bigotted  in  their  zeal  to  their 


44  Till'  Pioneers  of  Nau  France 

pernicious  and  daninabl(;  principles.  lint  the  re- 
moval of  these  Incendiaries  is  rendered  difficult 
whilst  the  Claims  and  pretensions  to  the  Boundaries 
of  'i'erritory  and  Dominion  betwixt  the  English  and 
rVench  are  depending  undetermined,  or  at  least  the 
determination  not  known  in  the  Plantation."' 

Dudley,  who  succeeded  to  the  government  of 
Massachusetts  in  1702,  found  suffici(;nt  cause  for 
alarm,  and  at  once  sought  to  establish  friendly  rela- 
tions with  the  savages.  A  conference  was  accord- 
ingly appointed  at  Casco.  and,  on  June  20,  1 703,  a 
large  body  of  savages  assembled  at  the  appointed 
place,  led  by  their  chief  sagamores,  viz.  :  Moxus  and 
Hopegood  from  Norridgewock ;  Wanungunt  and 
Wanadugunbuent  from  the  Penobscot ;  Bomazeen 
and  Capt.  Samuel  from  the  Kennebec.  Besides 
these  came  Mesambomett  and  Wexar  from  the  An 
droscoggin,  with  a  flotilla  of  sixty-five  canoes,  con- 

^  A  5=*  jre   stringent   law  was  passed  by  the 

legis'  A    New    York,    namc^ly,  to    hang   every 

Pop  /riest  who   came  into   the  province.     Smith, 

the  historian  of  New  York,  declares  this  law  to  be 
one  which  "  ought  forever  to  remain  in  force,"  being, 
says  Bancroft,  "wholly  unconscious  of  the  true  nature 
of  his  remark."  Vide  Bancroft's  History  of  the  U. 
S.,  ed.  1 841,  vol.  3,  p.  193,  also  Letter  of  Wm.  Stough- 
ton,  Dec.  20th,  1700,  in  B.  T.  New  England,  vol.  ii, 
I.  15,  Office  of  the  Public  Records,  London. 


iKl 


in  Nno  lini^land. 


45 


tainin^r  two  hiindnul  and  fifty  painted  savaj^es,  all 
arinrd,  a  forinidahU,'  array  of  wild  men,  which  caused 
some    trepidation  amonj^    the  peoj)le  of  the  vicinity. 

Under  w.  tent,  near  the  fort  at  New  Casco,  sur- 
rounded by  his  officers,  and  the  gentlemen  who  had 
accompanied  him  from  Boston,  Governor  Dudley, 
arrayed  in  the  J^rilJiant  uniform  of  a  British  officer, 
received  the  savage  chiefs,  ami,  after  the  proper  sal- 
utations, h(;  informed  tlK-m,  that  being  "commis- 
sioned by  the  great  and  victorious  Oueen  of  England, 
he  came  to  visit  them  as  his  friends  and  brethren, 
and  to  reconcile  whatever  dilferences  had  happened 
since  the  last  treaty." 

To  this  the  orator  of  the  savages  replied  :  "  We 
thank  you  good  brother  for  coming  so  far  to  talk 
with  us.  The  clouds  fly  and  darken,  but  we  still 
sing  with  love  the  songs  of  peace.  Believe  my 
words  ;  so  far  as  the  sun  is  above  the  earth  are  our 
thoughts  from  war,  or  the  least  rupture  between  us." 

In  testimony  of  their  sincerity,  they  presented  the 
governor  with  a  belt  of  wampum,  and  invited  him 
to  two  heaps  of  stones  which  had  been  erected  upon  a 
former  occasion,  and  which  had  been  named  the  two 
brothers.  Here  both  parties  solemnly  renewed  their 
pledge  of  amity  by  adding  more  stones  to  these 
pillars  of  witness.     This  ceremony  terminated,  guns 


11 


r 


46  The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  France 


were   discharged  by  both  parties,  the  savages  danc- 
ing, singing  and  uttering  wild  acclamations  of  joy. 
Negotiations   were   tlien   entered   into   respecting 
ij!    ''  trading-houses,    the   price   of  commodities,    and    the 

employment  of  an  i^rmorer  by  the  English  to  repair 
the  guns  of  the  savages  ;  presents  were  exchanged, 
and,  says  Fenhallow,  "everything  looked  with  a 
promising  aspect  of  a  settled  peace.  And  that 
which  afterward  seemed  to  confirm  it,  was  the  com- 
ing in  of  Cajitain  liomazeen  and  Captain  vSamuel, 
who  informed  that  several  missionaries  from  the 
Friars  were  lately  come  among  them,  who  endeav- 
ored to  break  the  union  and  seduce  them  from  their 
allegiance  to  the  Crown  of  England,  but  had  made 
no  impression  on  them,  for  that  they  were  as  firm  as 
the  mountains,  and  should  continue  so  as  long  as  the 
sun  and  moon  endured." 

This  action  of  the  savages  was  reassuring  to  the 
colonists,  some  of  whom,  alarmed  at  the  threatening 
aspect  of  affairs,  were  preparing  to  abandon  their 
frontier  homes,  and  they  permitted  themselves  to 
enjoy  for  a  time  a  feeling  of  security  ;  but  the  story 
of  Bomazeen  and  Samuel,  relative  to  their  rejection 
of  the  counsels  of  the  I'rench  missionaries,  was  only 
intended  to  deceive  them,  and  was  invented  for  the 
occasion  ;  at   the  same  time,  it  shows  the  part  which 


I 


J7i  New  England. 


47 


both  parties  understood  was  played  by  the  French 
missionaries. 

Rale  had  accompanied  his  neophytes  to  the  con- 
ference, but  did  not  intend  to  show  himself  to  the 
English.  He  tells  us,  however,  that  by  the  precipi- 
tate landing  of  th(;  savaij^es,  he  found  himself,  to  his 
chagrin,  in  the  presence  of  the  governor,  who,  per- 
ceiving him,  came  forward  and  saluted  him.  The 
governor,  he  [jrocecnls,  addressed  the  savages,  telling 
them  that  the  Queen  desired  them  and  the  English 
to  live  at  jjeace;  that  he  would  see  that  justice  was 
rendered  them  if  they  should  suffer  any  wrong,  and 
advised  them  to  remain  neutral  and  not  to  join  the 
^''rench  in  case  of  war  between  the  two  crowns  ;  but, 
says  Hale,  "  my  presence  Iiindered  him  from  saying 
all  that  he  intended,  for  it  was  not  without  design 
that  he  had  brought  a  minister  with  him." 

During  the  time  that  the  savages  were  deliberat- 
ing what  to  reply.  Rah'!  says,  that  the  governor  drew 
him  apart  and  prayed  him  not  to  lead  the  savages  to 
make  war  against  the  English,  and  that  he  replied, 
that  his  religion  and  character  engaged  him  to  give 
them  only  counsels  of  peace.  Me  says  that  he 
should  have  spoken  more,  but  that  he  was  suddenly 
surrounded  by  a  score  of  young  warriors,  who  sus- 
pected  treachery  on  the   part  of   the  governor,  and 


r 


!' 

Ml 


48  The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  France 

that,  at  this  juncture,  the  chiefs  advanced  to  make 
their  reply,  which  was  to  the  effect,  that  they  should 
stand  by  the  French  and  aid  them  if  war  broke  out 
between  them  and  the  English,  a  statement  totally 
at  variance  with  the  English  account,  and  which 
must  be  regarded  as  incredible,  since  the  design  of 
the  savages  appears  to  have  been  to  encourage  the 
J  i,  colonists  to  indulge  in  a  feeling  of  security,  that  they 

f  ;]  might  accomplish  their  purposes  more  completely  in 

the  end.  Be  this,  however,  as  it  may,  we  know  that 
the  conference  terminated  with  a  show  at  least  of  re- 
joicing on  both  sides,  and  it  could  not  have  so  ended, 
if  the  savages  had  replied  to  the  kind  words  of  the 
English  governor,  as  Rale  tells  us  they  did  ;  besides, 
is  it  possible  that  Penhallow  and  others,  who  were 
present,  would  fail  to  record  a  reply  so  important  to 
the  welfare  of  their  people  ?  To  believe  this  would 
be  not  only  to  believe  that  they  deliberately  falsified, 
but  did  so  against  their  own  feelings  and  interests, 
and  for  no  purpose,  unless  it  were  to  make  their 
savage  foes  appear  in  an  agreeable  light.  "  But," 
says  Penhallow,  "  I  should  have  taken  notice  of  two 
instances  in  the  late  treaty,  wherein  the  matchless 
perfidy  of  these  bloody  infidels  did  notoriously  ap- 
pear. First,  as  the  treaty  was  concluded  with  volleys 
on   both  sides,  as  I  said  before,  the  Indians  desired 


,,.^Vl 


I 


in  New  Efigland.  49 

the  English  to  fire  first,  which  they  readily  did,  con- 
cluding it  no  other  than  a  compliment ;  but  so  soon 
as  the  Indians  fired,  it  was  observed  that  their  guns 
were  charged  with  bullets,  having  contrived  (as  was 
afterward  confirmed)  to  make  the  English  the  vic- 
tims of  that  day.  But  Providence  so  ordered  it,  as 
to  place  their  chief  councillors  and  sachems  in  the 
tent  where  ours  were  seated,  by  which  means  they 
could  not  destroy  one  without  endangering  the  other. 
Second,  as  the  English  waited  some  days  for  Wata- 
nummon  (the  Pigwacket  sachem)  to  complete  their 
council,  it  was  afterward  discovered  that  they  only 
tarried  for  a  reinforcement  of  two  hundred  French 
and  Indians,  who  in  three  days  afterwe  returned,  came 
among  them ;  having  resolved  to  seize  the  governor, 
council  and  gentlemen,  and  then  to  sacrifice  the  in- 
habitants at  pleasure,  which  probably  they  might 
have  done,  had  they  not  been  prevented  by  an  over- 
ruling power. 

But  notwithstanding  this  disappointment,  they  were 
still  resolved  on  their  bloody  design  ;  for  within  six 
weeks  after,  the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a  con- 
flagration, no  house  standing,  nor  garrison  unattacked. 
August  loth,  at  nine  in  the  morning,  they  began 
their  bloody  tragedy,  being  about  five  hundred  In- 
dians of  all  sorts,  with  a  number  of  French  ;  who  di- 
7 


r 


L      [ 

i 


)  ( 


50  The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

vided  themselves  Into  several  companies,  and  made  a 
descent  on  the  several  Inhabitants  from  Casco  to 
Wells,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  sparing  none  of 
every  age  and  sex.  As  the  milk  white  brows  of  the 
grave  and  ancient  had  no  respect  shown,  so  neither 
had  the  mournful  cries  of  tender  infants  the  least  pity; 
for  they  triumphed  at  their  misery,  and  applauded 
such  as  the  skllfulest  artists,  who  were  most  dexter- 
ous in  contriving  the  greatest  tortures  ;  which  was 
enough  to  turn  the  most  stoical  apathy  into  streams 
of  mournful  sympathy  and  compassion."^ 

This  terrible  war,  Rale  tells  us,  was  inaugurated  by 
a  feast,  where  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  savage 
neophytes  took  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English 
settlers.  Before  starting  on  their  bloody  errand,  he 
says  that  he  assembled  them  at  confession,  and  ad- 
monished them  to  observe  the  laws  of  war  and  to  ab- 
stain from  unnecessary  cruelty,  an  admonition  which 
was  mockery  itself,  however  masked  by  moral  senti- 
ment. But  were  this  sentiment  genuine,  the  tone 
which  he  employs  in  recounting  the  prowess  of  his 
neophytes  is  not  reassuring,  for  he  tells  us,  that  im- 
mediately after  receiving  his  admonition,  they  rav- 


^Vide  The  History  of  the  Wars  of  New  England 
with  the  Eastern  Indians,  by  Samuel  Penhallow,  Esq., 
Boston,  1859,  p.  16  et  seq. 


in  Neiv  Eticlcind. 


51 


aged  "  more  than  twenty  leagues  of  country,  where 
there  were  hamlets  and  houses,"  and  "  in  a  single  day 
swept  away  all  that  the  English  had  there,"  and 
"  killed  more  than  two  hundred  of  them."  One  might 
suppose  that  these  were  soldiers  that  were  killed,  as 
he  says  in  a  preceding  paragraph  that  a  handful  of 
his  savages  were  equal  to  two  or  three  thousand 
European  soldiers  ;  but  no,  the  larger  number  of  the 
victims  of  these  heroes,  who  had  so  recently  partaken 
of  the  communion,  and  received  the  fatherly  admoni- 
tion to  observe  the  laws  of  war  and  abstain  from  un- 
necessary cruelty,  were  helpless  women  and  children. 
And  he  continues,  after  saying  complacently  that 
"  they  carried  desolations  throughout  the  land,  which 
belonged  to  the  English,"  that,  "therefore,  these  gen- 
tlemen," using  the  words  with  playful  sarcasm,  per- 
suaded with  reason,  that  in  keeping  my  savages  in 
their  attachment  to  the  Catholic  faith,  I  strengthened 
more  and  more  the  bonds  which  united  them  to  the 
French,  have  put  in  operation  all  sorts  of  tricks  and 
artifices  to  detach  them  from  me."^ 

Could  men  have  had  better  reason  than  these  af- 
flicted colonists,  whose  homes  were  destroyed  and 
wives  and  children  butchered  in  the  most  atrocious 
manner,  to  resort  to  tricks  and  artifices,  or  even  to  set 


^Vide  Letter  of  Rale, Oct.  12th,  1723. 


cttaasiaBiMMMaeittaaaattSs 


f  r 


52 


'J  he  Pi07icers  of  New  France 


'  : 


1  ( 
! 


a  price  upon  the  head  of  one  so  destructive  to  them? 
Surely  not,  yet  the  tricks  and  artifices,  wliich  were 
uppcrnH;st  in  Ral('''s  mind,  were  the  sf;ndin^of  a  IVo- 
testant  missionary  to  the  savages  with  liibh:s  in  their 
own  tongue,  and  a  schoohnaster  to  instruct  them, 

Dudley  entered  into  tlu;  war  with  zeal,  and  carried 
it  into  the  enemy's  country.  An  expediti(jn  was 
planned  against  Norridgewock,  and  Colonel  Hilton 
was  dispatched  with  two  hundred  and  seventy  men, 
in  the  winter  of  1705,  to  attack  it.  The  w(;ather  was 
severe,  and  the  march  on  snowshoes  laborious,  but 
the  party  pushed  on  with  [;erse-vering  energy,  and 
reaclu'd  the  village  in  good  condition,  only  to  find  it 
abandoned.  They,  however,  destroyed  it  and  the 
chapel  which  Rale  had  built.  After  the  war  had  raged 
for  four  years,  Dudley  wrote,  "  Their  IViests  and 
Jesuits  have  gotten  the  command  of  all  the  Inland 
Indians,  and  have  debauched  the  Indians  of  the 
Province  of  Mayn,  and  by  their  late  Trade  and 
discovery  of  the  Messasseppi  River,  have  in  a  manner 
made  a  circle  round  all  the  Mnglish  Colonies,  from 
New  England  to  Virginia,  and  do  every  year  give  the 
Goverm'ts  of  New  England  very  great  troubh-." 

And  a  few  months  later  :  "  The  Post  Script  of  this 
Letter  referring  to  the  Barbarous  Method  of  the 
I'rench  and  Indians  depending  upon  them.     Scalping 


l^v. 


in  New  Jinnland. 


53 


the  chiad  that  fall  into  tlntir  hands,  Is  upon  Account 
tliat  th(j  I'rcnch  Cjovernment  hav(i  sttt  th(!  Hf^ads 
of  iler  Maj*^''"  Subjects  at  a  Value,  sonK.'times 
Forty  Shillings,  som(*tinies  I'ive  pounds,  which  the 
Sava;^es  cannot  challenj^e  without  shf>win^(  the  Scalj^s, 
as  the  French  have;  made  it  in  their  Order  ref(.'rrinj^ 
th«:reto.  This  I  hav(!  I'^xpostulated  and  Upbraided 
Mr.  Vaudnniil  and  Mr.  Suhercass  and  (tvery  Gov- 
ernour  on  the  I'rench  side,  and  chall(;n;^ed  them  to 
tell  their  own  Master  if  they  dare,  of  such  Barbarity 
used  to  Christians,  but  to  no  eff(;ct,  and  have  thrt^at- 
(Mied  them  to  h;ave  ihrir  Prisoners  in  the  hands  of 
the  Indians  as  they  hav(i  dontt  Many  of  Ours,  but 
have  prevailed  nothinj^."' 

On  Au;(ust  29,  1708,  Haverhill  was  attack(;d  by 
a  band  of  I'n^nch  and  savages,  and  her  only  cler;^y- 
man,  the  Kev.  Benjamin  Rolfe,  slain.^     The  situation 

'  Vide  Dudley's  l(;tters  in  B.  T.  New  England, 
vol.  14,  S.  26,  office  of  th(;  Public  Records,  London, 
Nf)V.  K),  and  March  i,  1  70X. 

'^  The  Kev.  lienjamin  Kolfe  was  born  at  Newbury 
in  1662,  and  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1684,  and  later 
was  chaplain  of  a  small  body  of  soldiers  at  Casco. 
He  was  married  to  Mehitabel  Atwater,  March  12, 
1693,  just  after  his  call  to  Haverhill,  wln-re  he  was 
order<;d  the  January  following.  It  was  early  on  Sun- 
day morning,  August  29,  1708,  that  the  savagcts 
attacked  Haverhill.     There  were  two  soldiers  in  the 


54  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

was  indeed  a  serious  one  for  New  England,  and  ex- 
cited grave  apprehensions  for  her  future  in  the  minds 
of  the  wisest  of  her  people ;  but  after  another  ten 
years  of  war,  peace  at  last  came.  Rale  heard  from 
Quebec  that  negotiations  for  peace  were  pending, 
and  knowing  that  news  of  the  signing  of  the  treaty 
would  reach  Boston  before  it  could  reach  Quebec, 
wrote  Capt.  Moody  as  follows  : 

parsonage,  but  they  were  panic-stricken  and  afforded 
no  assistance  to  Rolfe,  who  leaping  from  his  bed 
strove  to  hold  the  door  against  them.  Finding  this 
impossible,  he  fled  through  the  house  after  being 
wounded  in  the  arm  by  a  bullet  fired  through  the 
door,  but  was  overtaken  and  killed  with  a  hatchet. 
Mrs.  Rolfe  was  also  brained  with  a  hatchet,  and  her 
infant  torn  from  her  arms  and  its  brains  dashed  out 
against  a  stone  near  the  door.  Two  children  were 
preserved  by  being  hidden  under  tubs  in  the  cellar 
by  a  faithful  servant.  Rolfe,  his  wife  and  child,  were 
buried  in  one  grave  and  this  epitaph  placed  upon  it  : 
"  Clauditus  hoc  tumulo  corpus  Reverendi  pii  doc- 
tique  viri  D.  Benjamin  Rolfe,  ecclesia;  Christi  quze 
est  in  Haverhill  pastoris  fidelissimi  ;  qui  domi  suae 
ad  hostibus  barbare  trucidatus.  A  laboribus  suis  re- 
quieuit  mane  diei  sacrae  quietis,  Aug.  XXIX,  Anno 
Domini  MDCCVIII.  /Etatis  sua^  XLVI.  Vide 
History  of  Haverhill,  by  George  Wingate  Chase, 
Haverhill,  1861,  pp.  220,  228  et  passim;  Bancroft's 
History  of  the  U.  S.,  Boston,  1841,  vol.  3,  p.  215  ei 
seq,;  The  History  of  the  Wars  of  New  England, 
etc.,  by  Samuel  Penhallow,  Esq.,  Cincinnati,  1859,  p. 

55- 


h^K 


in  N'cw  England.  55 

"  Nanrantsoak,  i8  Novanb.  1712. 

"Sir  —  The  Governor-General  of  Canada  ac- 
quaints me  by  his  letter  which  has  been  brought  me 
some  days  since,  that  the  last  vessel  of  the  King 
arrived  at  Quebec  the  30  Sept.,  reports  that  peace  is 
not  yet  concluded  between  the  two  crowns  of  France 
&  England,  but  that  they  talk  strongly  of  it.  That 
is  what  he  tells  me  about  it. 

"And  other  letters  that  I  have  received  inform  me 
that  Monsieur,  the  Intendent,  who  has  arrived  in  this 
vessel,  says,  that  being  upon  the  point  of  embarking 
at  Rochelle,  some  one  there  received  a  letter  from 
Monsieur  Tallard,  which  asserted  that  peace  had 
been  made,  &  that  it  would  be  published  at  the  end 
of  October. 

"  Now  they  cannot  know  of  it  in  Canada,  but  can 
know  of  it  at  Boston,  where  vessels  can  come  at  all 
seasons,  if  you  know  anything  of  it,  I  pray  you  let 
me  know  of  it,  in  order,  that  I  may  send  instantly  to 
Quebec  upon  the  ice,  to  inform  the  governor-general 
of  it,  so  that  he  may  prevent  the  savages  from  com- 
mitting any  act  of  hostility."  ^ 

^  This  letter  was  inclosed  in  a  letter  written  by 
Moody  to  Gov.  Dudley,  Dec.  loth,  in  which  he  says 
that  "The  Indians  have  made  us  these  visits  in  my 
absence,  and  brought  several  letters  from  the  Friar, 


V^ 


V  In 


56 


T/ic  P/onccrs  of  New  Frmicc 


It  would  seem  that  Rale  must  have  known,  that 
Costebelle,  six  weeks  before  this,  had  dispatched  a 
public  envoy  to  Boston  under  the  protection  of  a 
passport,  with  a  letter  of  precisely  the  same  tenor  as 
the  above  ;  but  be  this  as  it  may,  the  savages  were 
as  anxious  for  peace  as  the  colonists,  and  must  have 
realized  the  fact  that  they  were  in  danger  of  being 
ground  to  pieces  between  the  opposing  forces  ;  hence 
on  the  iith  of  July,  1713,  exactly  three  months  after 
the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  representatives 
cf  the  different  tribes  assembled  at  Portsmouth  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace. 

Asking  that  the  war  might  cease,  the  savages 
agreed  to  forbear  all  acts  of  hostility  toward  the 
English,  and  never  again  to  enter  into  "any  treason- 
able conspiracy  with  any  other  nation  to  their  dis- 
turbance ;  and,  as  in  former  treaties,  not  to  avenge 
themselves  if  they  should  suffer  wrong  at  the  hands 
of  an  Englishman,  but  to  appeal  to  the  government 
for  redress.  Confirming  the  rights  of  the  English 
to   the   lands,  which  they  had  occupied  under  deeds 

which  are  inclosed."  This  is  a  translation  made  by 
me  from  the  French  text  in  the  office  of  the  Public 
Records,  London.  There  is  a  translation,  also,  in 
Collections  of  the  Mass.  Hist,  Society,  2d  series,  vol. 
VIII,  p.  258,  and  in  Goolds'  Portland  in  the  Past,  p. 
162. 


in  Neiv  England. 


57 


from  their  ancestors,  they  confessed  as  follows ; 
"  that  we  have,  contrary  to  all  faith  and  justice, 
broken  our  articles  with  Sir  William  Phips,  Governor, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God,  1693,  and  with  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont  in  the  year  1699. 

And  the  assurance  we  gave  to  his  excellency, 
Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God, 
1702,  in  the  month  of  August,  and  1703,  in  the 
month  of  July,  notwithstanding  we  have  been  well 
treated  by  said  governors.  But  we  resolve  for  the 
future,  not  to  be  drawn  into  any  perfidious  treaty  or 
correspondence  to  the  hurt  of  any  of  her  Majesty's 
subjects  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  if  we 
know  any  such,  we  will  seasonably  reveal  it  to  the 
English,"  and,  "  being  sensible  of  our  great  offence 
and  folly  in  not  complying  with  the  aforesaid  sub- 
mission and  agreements,  and  also  the  sufferings  and 
mischiefs  that  we  have  thereby  exposed  ourselves 
unto,  do  in  all  humble  and  submissive  manner,  cast 
ourselves  upon  her  Majesty  for  mercy  and  pardon  for 
all  our  past  rebellious  hostilities,  and  violations  of 
our  promises,  praying  to  be  received  into  her  Maj- 
esty's grace  and  favor."  This  treaty,  dated  on  the 
13th  of  July,  was  signed  by  the  heads  of  the  tribes  in 
presence  of   Governor   Dudley,   the   Counsellors  of 

Massachusetts;  Judge  Sewall,  Jonathan  Corwin,  Penn 
8 


58  The  Pioneers  of  Nciv  France 

Townsend,  John  Applcton,  John  Hig^jTJnson,  Andrew 
Belcher,  Thomas  Noyes,  Samuel  Appleton,  Ichabod 
Plaisted,  John  Wheelwright  and  Benjamin  Lynde, 
Esquires,"  as  well  as  by  the  Counsellors  of  New 
Hampshire;  "William  Vaughn,  Peter  Coffin,  Robert 
Elliot,  Richard  Waldron,  Nathaniel  Weare,  Samuel 
Penhallow,  John  Plaisted,  Mark  Hunkin  and  John 
Wentworth,  Esquires."  The  witnesses  to  it  were 
"Edmund  Quincy,  Spencer  Phips,  Wm.  Dudley, 
Shad.  Walton,  Josiah  Willard"  and  others.  That 
there  might  be  no  plea  on  the  part  of  the  savages  in 
the  future  that  they  did  not  understand  the  agree- 
ment made  with  their  chiefs,  a  delegation  of  gentle- 
men proceeded  with  the  treaty  to  Casco,  where  it  was 
read  by  sworn  interpreters,  article  by  article,  to  the 
assembled  tribes  in  the  presence  of  their  chiefs,  whose 
names  it  bore.  No  objections  were  raised  by  the 
tribes  to  any  portion  of  the  treaty,  and  they  signified 
their  unanimous  approval  of  all  its  provisions  by 
acclamation.^  At  the  risk  of  prolixity,  the  names 
of  the  principal  gentlemen  present  at  the  making  of 
this  treaty  are  giveii,  and  they  are  a  sufficient  guar- 


^  For  the  treaty  made  at  Portsmouth,  vide  The 
History  of  the  Wars  with  the  Eastern  Indians,  etc., 
by  Samuel  Penhallow,  Esq.,  Cincinnati,  1859,  pp. 
78-81. 


in  New  England.  59 

antee  of  its  correctness.  What  shall  we  say  then  of 
the  following  report  of  the  doini^s  at  this  conference, 
which  Rale  hastened  to  make  to  the  governor-gen- 
eral of  Canada  ? 

"  NoRRiDGEWocK,  the  9  September,  1813. 
Sir: — 

Touching  the  propositions  which  the  Englishmen 
had  before  made  the  savages  sign  by  the  Governor 
of  Casco  Bay,  I  have  so  frequently  and  so  forcibly 
spoken  thereupon  to  them,  that  they  enter  into  my 
meaning,  and  into  speaking  of  them  even  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Casco  Bay,  about  which  they  had  great  dis- 
putes together,  of  which  this  governor  informed  the 
governor-general,  who  in  effect  did  not  make  them 
to  the  savages  in  the  assembly. 

This  is  what  he  said  to  the  savages,  who  were  there 
in  pretty  good  number  :  There  were  of  this  village 
98  ;  of  Penobscot  200  ;  of  the  river  St.  John  40 ;  of 
the  Micmaks  20;  the  governor-general  spoke  to 
them  in  this  manner  :  "  Thou,  Warraeensitt,  I  am  very 
glad  to  see  thee,  what  I  am  going  to  say  to  thee  I  say 
to  all  the  others  ;  that  I  am  very  glad  that  thou  hast 
returned  into  my  hands  the  prisoners  which  thou  hast 
made  ;  if  any  are  found  of  thine  among  us  I  will 
restore  them  to  thee. 

Thou  knowest  already  that  the  land  which  is  be- 


■lif 


: 


6o  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

yond  the  great  lake  is  fair,  and  is  not  bloody.  The 
kings  are  at  peace,  and  have  smoothed  the  ground, 
and  this  was  done  in  the  moon  during  which  thou 
wast  fishing;  that  is,  the  April  moon. 

The  Frenchman  gave  us  Plaisance,  Port  Royal 
and  the  land  about  them,  reserving  only  the  river 
where  Quebec  is  situated.  The  land  here  is  very 
fair,  —  showing  some  papers,  —  behold  these  which 
have  caused  it  to  be  stained  with  blood.  I  put  these 
papers  in  the  earth  to  the  end  that  they  appear  no 
more,  I  now  turn  the  land  upside  down  that  the 
blood  may  no  more  appear.  If  thou  wishest,  the 
English  who  planted  here  and  there  the  habitations 
which  have  been  burned,  will  rebuild  them  and  will 
dwell  there.  I  pray  thee  do  not  hinder  them  from 
hunting  game,  from  taking  wood  according  as  they 
shall  have  need  of  it.  If  by  chance  some  unfortunate 
affair  shall  happen,  do  not  avenge  thyself,  make  it 
known  and  it  shall  be  remedied.  Thou  knowest  at 
what  price  thy  beaver  was  during  the  peace.  It  shall 
be  the  same  price  as  well  as  the  goods.  There  shall 
be  three  places  of  trade,  Pemaquid  for  those  of  Pen- 
obscot, and  the  river  St.  John,  and  which  they  may 
not  go  beyond.  For  thee,  thou  shalt  have  two  of 
them,  Casco  Bay  and  the  river.  I  warn  thee  also 
not  to  pass  the  places  which  I  name,  because  there 


tn  Nczu  Eupland. 


6i 


is  a  bar  there  all  red  with  wrath  from  the  blow  which 
thou  hast  struck  at  them  last  autumn.  I  will  try  to 
deaden  this  fire,  and  when  the  bar  shall  be  again 
cooled,  I  will  notify  thee  of  it,  and  thou  wilt  be  able 
to  pass.     Behold  what  I  have  to  tell  thee." 

Two  of  this  village,  speaking  alternately  for  all 
those  of  the  assembly,  observe  what  they  replied. 

"  My  brother  Englishmen,  the  king,  thou  sayest, 
ours  and  your  queen  and  the  others  also  have 
smoothed  the  land  beyond  the  Great  Lake  and  have 
effaced  the  blood  with  which  it  was  covered.  That 
is  well  and  thou  thyself  overturnest  that  here,  thou 
turnest  it  upside  down  in  order  that  the  blood  may 
no  more  appear,  I  do  not  oppose  It,  that  it  may  be 
fair  ajid  clean,  I  find  it  good.  I  only  know  while 
resting  quietly  on  my  mat  that  suddenly  some  one 
comes  to  tell  me  that  our  King  strikes  the  English- 
man beyond  the  Great  Lake,  and  sends  me  his  word 
which  says  :    My  son,  strike  also  the  Englishman. 

I,  who  hear  thee,  I  come  to  strike  thee.  It  is  not 
I  who  come  to  strike  thee,  it  is  my  father  who  strikes 
thee  by  my  hands. 

My  father  is  now  at  peace  with  thee,  he  ceases 
from  strife  with  thee  and  I  also,  cease  from  striking 
thee,  that  the  land  may  be  fair  and  smooth,  I  am 
content. 


'M 


r 


L 


'r' 


62 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


Mo 


!        li: 


h 


Thou  sayest  my  Brother,  that  the  Frenchman  has 
given  thee  Plaisance  Port  Royal  and  the  land  about 
them,  reserving  to  himself  only  the  river  where 
Quebec  is  situated.  He  shall  give  thee  what  he 
will,  as  for  me,  I  have  my  land  which  I  have  given 
to  nobody,  and  which  I  will  not  give,  I  wish  always 
to  be  the  master  of  it.  I  know  the  bounds  and  when 
anybody  wishes  to  dwell  there,  he  shall  pay.  Let  the 
English  take  wood,  fish  or  hunt  game,  there  is 
enough  of  them  for  all,  I  will  not  hinder  them;  and 
if  some  wicked  affair  happens,  we  will  do  nothing  on 
one  side  or  the  other,  and  we  will  deliberate." 

After  which  the  English  threw  their  hats  into  the 
air,  making  a  cry,  perhaps  of  Long  Live  the  Queen, 
and  the  Savage j  replied  to  them  by  their  Sakakois. 

The  assembly  was  terminated  by  a  feast  of  a  great 
ox,  which  they  had  killed,  a  barrel  of  pork,  two 
barrels  of  peas,  a  barrel  of  flour,  two  barrels  of  beer, 
a  great  case  of  brandy  and  of  wine,  one  of  syrup  of 
molasses,  three  barrels  of  biscuit,  which  two  men 
could  not  clasp,  some  knives,  and  this  is  what  has 
passed  in  this  country  to  speak  of  at  the  beginning 
of  August. 

As  it  is  extremely  difficult  still  to  find  here  work- 
men and  provisions  for  them,  I  am  compelled  to  let  the 
Savages  act,   who   have  spoken    to  the  English  in 


in  Neiu  E^igland. 


63 


order  to  have  some.  These  here  having  learned  that 
those  of  Penobscot  had  left  for  Quebec,  where  they 
went  to  seek  powder  which  they  are  accustomed  to 
give  them,  these  leave  to  the  number  of  4  or  5  canoes 
hoping  that  you  will  do  them  the  same  favor.^ 

It  is  impossible  to  reconcile  these  conflicting  ac- 
counts of  the  conference.  The  treaty  which  embod- 
ies its  subject-matter,  as  a  sufificient  guarantee  of  its 
correctness,  bears  the  names  of  a  large  number  of  the 
most  honorable  men  of  New  England  ;  but  if  this 
guarantee  were  wanting,  we  have,  as  the  result  of  the 
conference,  the  spectacle  of  the  settlers,  who  survived 
the  war,  returning  to  the  desolated  country  and  re- 
building their  ruined  homes,  erecting  mills  and  set- 
ting on  foot  various  enterprises,  which  we  may  be 
sure  they  would  not  have  done  had  the  savages  taken 
the  position  at  the  conference  which  Rale  reports 
them  to  have  assumed.  But  this  is  not  all.  As  soon 
as  the  articles  of  peace  were  known  to  have  been 
signed  at  Utrecht,  the  savages  went  to  Casco  and 
anxiously  requested  that  a  conference  should  be  held 
there.     This  request  the  governor  would  not  accede 


'  For  the  letter  in  French,  of  which  this  is  a  transla- 
tion made  by  the  author,  vide  "  Lettre  du  R.  P.  Rasle 
a  Monsieur  le  Gouverneur  General."  Collection  de 
Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  1 1,  pp.  562-564. 


■'1 


: 


64 


The    I'ionccrs  of  Ncio   France 


i  ! 


to,  ncjt  "hftin^  willing  so  far  to  f:on(lf^sc<ind,"  and 
"ord('rr;d"a  confr.'rfMicc  at  i'ortsmoutli,  to  which 
place  the  sava^^cs  sul>inissiv<:ly  went.  The  reader  can 
form  his  own  conclusion  as  to  which  account  is  en- 
titled to  cred(^nce. 

A  few  years  of  peace  enabled  the  hardy  I'^n^lish 
colonists  to  a^^ain  take  root  in  the  soil  of  Maine. 
New  hamlets  spranj^  up  on  the  sites  of  old  ones; 
tradin;;^  posts  were  estahlished  on  the  frontiftrs,  and 
adventurous  m(;n  planted  their  rude  cabins  near  by. 

Uninfluenced  by  the  fact  that  Acadia  had  been 
ceded  back  to  I'Ln!_(land,  this  was  regarded  by  the  neigh- 
boring  J^'rench  witii  jealous  eyes;  and  although 
F" ranee  and  lingland  were  enjoying  a  season  of  peace 
and  amity,  the  French  ruh-rs  of  New  Trance  ceased 
not  to  (>lot  against  the  welfarti  of  their  English  neigh- 
bors, and  to  excite  the  j(;alousy  of  the  savages  against 
them,  by  making  them  feel  that  the  English  were 
usurpers  of  their  territorial  rights. 

This  was  easy  of  accomjilishment.  The  Indians 
had  loose  ideas  of  t(;rritorial  proprietorship  ;  even 
tribes  had  no  defined  territorial  limits.  All  the  land 
far  and  near  belonged  to  the  wild  band,  which  for 
the  time,  could  hold  it  against  others,  and  although 
Englishmen  might  possess  title  deeds  to  lands  from 
chiefs  of  tribes,  the  savages  did  not  feel   bound  to 


A       i 


><f' 


?; 


in  New  Jini^land. 


6:^ 


r^jspt'ct  them  ;  IndcM^d,  where  ri;(hts  to  land  were  so 
common,  and  d'tj^endent  altogether  ujjon  absolute 
possession,  vv(t  cannot  wonder  that  men,  who  had  had 
no  part  in  the  conveyance  of  land  held  hy  their 
tribe,  should  pay  scant  resp(M:t  to  titles  ^iven  by  chiefs 
or  others,  to  whom  the  common  rit^hts  had  never 
been  ceded. 

Listening  to  Be^on,  the  intendant,  and  Vaudr(niil, 
thft  governor  of  New  I*' ranee,  whose  trcach(;ry  and 
falsfdiood  so  conspicuous  in  his  letters  will  forever 
doom  him  to  distract;,  Rale  lent  his  powerful  aid  in 
forwardinj^  tluMr  plans.  "With  the  savage,"  wrote 
Vaudreuil  to  the'  I'rench  minister,  f[uoting  a  senti- 
ment of  I'^ather  de  la  Chasse,  "  temporal  inte-rest 
serves  as  a  vehicle  to  faith  ; "  and  he,  th(;refore,  be- 
stowed upon  them  presents,  not  the  least  valuable 
of  which  were  guns  and  other  weapons  to  be  used 
against  the  English  settlers,  with  whose  gov(irnment 
France  was  then  at  jjeace  ;  and  in  the  same  letter  he 
adds,  "war  with  the  English  is  more  favorable  to  us 
than  peace."'      This  was  the  keynote   to  what  fol- 

'  Mais  comme  le  manpie  le  Pere  De  la  Chasse,  la 
grace  parmi  les  Sauvages  a  toujours  besoin  de  la 
coojjeration  <le  I'homme,  et  parmi  eux  I'inten'-t  tempo- 
rel  sert  de  vehicuht  a  la  foi.  Je  ne  dimte  pas,  Mon- 
sei^nciir^  </ui'  vans  /assies  allention  ace  (jiie  j'ai  Hton- 
neur  de  vons   viarqiwr  a   ce   sujei.     .     .     .     II   y    a 

9 


I  ■! 


ii 


)       1 

1     1      i'     '  : 

i! 

('  < 

; 

:   '    ( 

66 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


lowed,  and  Rale,  who  boasted  that  the  savages  held  no 
council  without  calling  him  to  it,  and  if  he  approved, 
responded  that  it  was  well,  and  that,  for  any  consid- 
erable wrong  done  to  them,  he  would  tell  them  they 
might  make  war,  caught  the  note  and  responded  to  it.^ 
The  people  of  New  England  have  been  charged 
with  unreasonable  enmity  to  Rale,  but  that  he  might 
have  been  received  in  a  friendly  manner  by  his  Eng- 
lish neighbors,  if  he  had  refrained  from  inciting  the 
savages  against  them,  is  probable.  Only  a  few 
months  before  the  conference  at  Arrowsic,  he  visited 
the  place,  and  was  received  in  a  friendly  manner. 
He  was  suffering  from  gout  and  rheumatism  in  his 
shoulders,  and  sought  the  Rev.  Hugh  Adams,  who 
not  only  ministered  to  the  souls,  but  to  the  bodies  of 
the  poor  frontiersmen. 

longtemps  que  j'ai  prevu  ce  qui  se  passe  adjourd  'hui, 
et  j'ose  dire  que  par  rapport  non  seulement  aux  sau- 
vages,  mais  encore  k  toutes  les  nations  qui  sont  dans 
nos  intcrcts,  que  la  guerre  avec  I'Angleterre  nous 
etoit  plus  favorable  que  la  paix."  Lettre  de  Mon- 
sieur de  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  Quebec,  le  i6  Sep- 
tember,  1 714.     Collection    de    Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol. 

'  Vide  Lettres  Edinantes  et  Curieuses,  XVH  Re- 
cueil  a  Paris,  MDCCXXVI,  p.  293  et  postea.  He 
also  made  the  same  assertions  to  Governor  vShute, 
and  on  other  occasions,  thereby  voluntarily  assuming 
responsibility  for  their  acts. 


:>-.V 


.■r.'j-^AflCltr-j.-,  jr-' 


m  Nc-a<  Eurlaiid. 


67 


Some  years  before,  Rale  had  fractured  his  right 
thigh  and  left  leg  by  a  fall,  and  suffered  from  bad  sur- 
gery, which,  perhaps,  aggravated  his  present  trouble. 
The  suffering  Jesuit  was  received  with  friendly  inter- 
est by  his  Puritan  brother,  and  not  only  hospitably 
entertained,  but  treated  with  such  skill,  that  in  a 
short  time  he  was  able  to  return  to  his  people  quite 
restored  to  his  ordinary  health 

This  kind  treatment  and  cure,  Adams  firmly  be- 
lieved would  effect  a  revolution  in  Rale's  feelings 
toward  the  English.  On  his  own  part  he  had  ex- 
perienced a  change  of  sentiment.  Intercourse  with 
the  blackrobed  stranger,  of  whom  he  had  heard  so 
much  that  was  bad,  had  revealed  to  him  a  man  like 
himself,  possessed  of  human  sympathies  and  aspira- 
tions for  the  elevation  of  mankind,  and  he  had  grown 
to  regard  him,  not  only  with  a  considerable  degree 
of  respect,  but  of  kindly  esteem.  Feeling  thus  he 
confidently  believed  that  his  patient  would  thence- 
forth exert  his  influence  for  peace,  but  we  shall  see 
that  he  little  understood  the  motive  which  dominated 
the  Jesuit's  life. 

That  immediately  after  leaving  the  tender  care  of 
the  sentimental  Adams,  he  resumed  his  efforts  to 
prevent  English  settlement  on  the  Kennebec,  we 
know  from  Flynt,  who,  under  date  of  Sept.  9th,  1716, 


li 


\\ 


^ 


•I 


I  ' 


; 


(^ 


?', 


(' ' 


68 


T/ie  Pioneers  of  N'ew  France 


records  as  follows  :  "  the  Fryar  wrote  in  the  Name  of 
Eastern  Indians  a  Letter  to  the  Govern'  complain- 
ing that  by  building  forts  in  the  Eastern  Country 
we  acted  in  peace  as  tho'  'twere  war  &  o""  Settlements 
there  were  on  the  Indian's  Land,  Capt°  Moody  & 
Mr.  Wells  were  sent  to  them,  w*'*'  the  Fryar  under- 
standing dispersed  the  Indians,  and  would  not  ap- 
pear himself,  but  left  Moxis,  Bomozene  &  some 
others  to  talk  with  Capt°  Moody  at  Kenebeck,  who 
said  they  had  talk  in  the  spring  to  the  same  purpose, 
but  they  did  not  know  the  Fryar  had  wrote  the 
Letter."  ^ 

Shute  succeeded  Dudley  in  the  governorship  of 
Massachusetts  in  1716,  and  as  soon  as  he  had  estab- 
lished himself  in  his  office,  he  took  the  necessary 
steps  to  have  a  conference  with  the  Eastern  savages. 
A  convention  was  therefore  appointed  to  be  held  at 
Arrowsic  Island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec,  and 
there  the  savages  of  the  different  Eastern  tribes  be- 
gan  to  assemble  early  in  August,  171 7. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  9th  of  August,  there  lay 
moored  opposite  Arrowsic  Island  a  man  of  war  and 
two  other  vessels,  with   the   English  flag  flying  at 

^  Vide  the  manuscript  journal  or  *'  Commonplace 
Book"  of  Henry  Flynt,  in  Archives  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society. 


in  New  England. 


69 


their  peaks,  and  on  a  green  slope  near  Watt's  house, 
the  principal  mansion  of  the  place,  was  spread  an 
ample  pavilion. 

Not  far  away  on  another  island,  were  a  number  of 
rude  booths  carelessly  constructed  of  green  boughs, 
amid  which  was  a  restless  swarm  of  painted  savages, 
who  were  awaiting  the  i:ignal  for  the  conference  to 
begin. 

Shute  with  his  councillors  and  friends,  among 
whom  were,  Samuel  Sewall,  a  staunch  friend  of  the 
savages,  Andrew  Belcher,  Edmund  Ouincy,  Samuel 
Penhallow,  John  Wentworth,  the  Rev.  Joseph  Bax- 
ter and  wife,  and  many  others,  had  sailed  from  Bos- 
ton on  the  evening  of  the  ist,  and  had  crept  leisurely 
alone,  landinof  at  Falmouth,  which  had  betrun  asfain 
to  rise  from  its  ashes,  at  Cousin's  Island  and  Che- 
beague,  enjoying  the  summer  voyage  in  spite  of  the 
straitened  quarters  to  which  they  were  confined.  As 
they  now  stood  on  the  fresh  lawn  in  front  of  Watt's 
house,  Shute  and  his  officers  arrayed  in  brilliant  uni- 
forms, a  gun  was  fired,  and  the  English  flag  flew  up 
the  staff  and  floated  over  the  pavilion. 

This  was  the  signal  for  the  opening  of  the  con- 
ference, and  instantly  a  number  of  birch  canoes  shot 
out  from  the  bushy  shores  of  Puddlestone  Island, 
and  were  paddled  rapidly  toward   the  place  of  meet- 


JO 


The  Pioficers  of  New  France 


\ 


i  ii 


incr.  The  foremost  canoe  bore  the  Engrlish  colors  at 
its  prow,  and  these  the  savages,  when  they  landed, 
bore  before  them  in  sign  of  their  subjection  and 
loyalty  to  King  George.  Shute  had  seated  himself 
under  the  pavilion  with  his  suite  about  him,  and  as 
the  painted  and  befeathered  chiefs,  who  had  been 
the  terror  of  the  settlers,  advanced  and  "  made  their 
reverence"  to  him,  he  gave  them  his  hand  in  token 
of  friendship. 

Then  Capt.  John  Giles  and  Samuel  Jordan,  laying 
their  hands  upon  a  Bible,  were  sworn  by  Judge 
Sewall  to  faithfully  and  truthfully  interpret  between 
the  parties,  and  the  conference  was  opened. 

Shute  began  gracefully  by  expressions  of  good- 
will, and,  referring  to  the  treaty  at  Portsmouth  and 
the  ratification  of  former  treaties,  assured  his  savage 
hearers  that  he  should  "  build  on  that  foundation," 
and  informed  them,  that  since  this  good  treaty  was 
made,  the  English  crown  had  descended  to  King 
George,  and  that  it  was  in  his  name  that  he  now  ad- 
dressed them. 

He  reminded  them  of  the  friendship  existing  be- 
tween the  French  and  English,  and  told  them  that 
the  subjects  of  King  George  were  happy  in  his  gov- 
ernment, on  account  of  its  wisdom,  justice  and  kind- 
ness, "  His  Majesty  consulting  the  common  well-fare 


If! 


in  New  England. 


71 


of  His  People  as  to  their  Religion,  Civil  Liberties, 
Trade  and  every  other  thing."  This  good  and  wise 
prince,  he  asserted,  was  their  king  as  well  as  the  king 
of  the  English  people,  who  would  always  treat  them 
as  fellow  subjects,  and  warned  them  not  to  listen  to 
"contrary  insinuations." 

The  king  and  English  people  he  told  them  were 
"  Christians  of  the  Reformed  Protestant  Religion," 
and  holding  up  a  Bible,  declared  it  to  be  the  only 
rule  of  the  Englishman's  "  Faith  and  Worship,  and 
Life."  Turning  to  the  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter,  who, 
inspired  by  the  example  of  Eliot,  had  left  his  church 
at  Medfield  to  become  the  missionary  of  the  savages, 
he  expressed  the  hope,  that  they  would  treat  him  with 
respect  and  affection,  not  only  "  for  the  sake  of  the 
King's  Government,  but  of  his  own  Character.  He 
being  a  minister  of  Jesus  Christ,  our  only  Lord  and 
Saviour."' 


^  The  following  is  taken  from  his  Journal  :  "  I  was 
born  In  Brantry,  June  4,  1676.  Baptized  at  Brantry 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Moses  Fisk,  June  11,  1676.  Ad- 
mitted to  my  first  degree,  July  5,  1693.  Received  to 
full  communion  with  the  Church  of  Christ  at  Brantry, 
March  4,  1694.  Preached  my  first  sermon  at  Bran- 
try, Nov.  II,  1694.  Preached  at  Medfield  the  first 
time,  Nov.  25,  1694.  Was  called  to  settle  at  Med- 
field, April  26,  1695.  Came  to  live  at  Medfield,  Jan. 
14,  1695.     Was    admitted    to    a  second  degree,  July 


It 


72  The  Pioneers  cf  Nciu  France 

Continuing,  he  declared  that  the  English  settle- 
ments were  made  for  their  mutual  benefit ;  that  the 
savages  would  have  the  advantage  of  the  "  Neighbor- 
hood and  Conversation  "  of  the  English,  whom  he 
had  ordered  to  be  kind  and  just  to  them,  and  if  they 
had  occasion  to  complain  of  unfair  treatment,  he 
would  see  that  justice  was  rendered  them;  that  he 
would  protect  and  assist  them,  for  he  desired  that 
they  should  "  look  upon  the  English  Government 
as  their  great  and  safe  shelter." 

Giving  his  hand  to  the  sagamores  in  token  of  his 
sincerity  and  affection,  he  held  up  an  English  and 
Indian  Bible,  and  informed  his  savage  hearers  that  he 
should  leave  them  with  their  missionary  for  their  in- 
struction, whenever  they  desired  to  be  taught,  and 
that  the  missionary,  and  the  schoolmaster  who  was 
to  be  sent  to  them,  would  reside  in  the  vicinity. 

Having  finished  his  address,  the  governor  drank 
the  king's  health  to  Moxus,  the  chief  sagamore,  in 
which  all  the  savages  joined. 

Then  Wiwurna  gravely  arose  and  said  that  he  was 
appointed  to  speak  in   the  name   of  the  other  chiefs. 

I,  1696.  Was  ordained  at  Medfield,  April  21,  1697. 
Was  married  to  Miss  Mary  Fisk,  daughter  of  Rev. 
Moses  Fisk  of  Brantry,  Sept.  16,  1697.  He  closed 
a  most  busy  and  useful  life  in  1745,  in  the  sixty-ninth 
year  of  his  age,  and  forty-eighth  of  his  ministry. 


I 


///  New  Enn'hmd. 


.N 


11 


"  We  are  glad,"  he  said,  "of  this  opportunity  to  see 
your  Excellency,  when  the  Sun  shines  so  bright  upon 
us,  and  Hope  the  Angels  in  Heaven  rejoice  with  us  ; 
We  have  been  in  Expectation  of  this  favor  ever  since 
we  received  your  Excellency's  Letter  in  the  Winter. 
We  are  not  now  prepared  to  answer  what  your  Ex- 
cellency has  said  to  us ;  But  shall  wait  on  your  Ex- 
cellency again  to  Morrow," 

The  conference  then  adjourned,  the  governor 
promising  the  savages  an  ox  for  their  dinner,  for 
which  they  expressed  thanks.  On  the  forenoon  of 
the  next  day  the  flag  was  again  raised  on  the  pavilion, 
and  the  savages  reassembled  before  the  governor 
and  his  attendants. 

"It  is  a  great  favor  of  God  we  have  this  Oppor- 
tunity to  wait  on  your  Excellency,  and  we  have  our 
Answers  ready,"  said  Wiwurna.     tie  then  ratified  and 

« 

confirmed  former  treaties,  the  governor  having  the 
principal  articles  read  to  the  savages,  who  declared 
that  they  remembered  and  acknowledged  them. 

Wiwurna  then  continued,  that  the  chiefs  having 
considered  the  governor's  expressions  in  favor  of 
"  Love  and  Unity,"  they  admired  them  ;  that  their 
expressions  pleased  God  and  they  hoped  that  the 
governor  would  act  according  to  them. 

Shute,  who  was  a  stickler  for  royal  authority,  and 


i  1 


Mi 


I  -w  r 


m 


I  i 


lO 


t 

1 


74  The  Pioneers  of  Ncio  France 

like   many  who  were   in   official   position  somewhat 

heady  and  impatient,  broke  in  to  assure  the  savages, 

I  that  if  they  carried  themselves  properly  with  respect 

to  "  Duty  and  Allegiance  to  King  George,"  he  should 
'  r  do    so,  and  Wiwurna  continuing,  hoped    that    hard 

feelings  might  be  laid  aside,  and  hearty  friendship 
prevail  ;  that  the  savages  were  glad  of  Shute's  ap- 
pointment to  the  governorship  of  New  England, 
j|;fe  and  that,  though  so  new  a  comer,   he  knew  so  much 

about  New  England  affairs;  telling  him,  however, 
\  that  his  predecessors   had   regarded  the  savages   as 

under  no  other  government  but  their  own. 

Shute,  who  had  interrupt(;d  Wiwurna  several  t'mes, 
abruptly  exclaimed  "  How  is  that?" 

Wiwurna,  praying  leave  to  s[)eak  out,  explained 
that  the  governor  had  been  [^leased  to  say  that  they 
must  be  obedient  to  King  George,  and  that  they 
should  be  if  they  liked  the  offers  made  them.  To 
which  Shute  replied,  that  they  viiist  be  obedicmt 
to  the  king,  and  then  they  would  have  "  all  just 
Offers  and  Usage." 

Wiwurna  promised  obedience,  if  the  savages  were 
not  molested  in  the  improvement  of  their  lands,  which 
Shute  declared  they  should  not  be,  and  that  the  Eng- 
lish must  not  be  disturbed  in  their  rights.  They  were 
pleased,  said  Wiwurna,  at  being  permitted  to  make 


J 


}W> 


in  New  Jinoland. 


75 


mention  of  wrongs  suffered  ;  but  Shute  returning  to 
the  principal  question  at  issue,  which  Wiwurna 
seemed  to  be  adroitly  avoiding,  pressed  the  point 
that  the  savages  must  desist  from  pretensions  to  lands 
belonging  by  purchase  to  the  English. 

Wiwurna,  still  evading  the  point,  begged  leave  to 
proceed  in  due  order  with  his  answer,  which  recjuest 
being  granted,  he  promised,  tliat  if  the  savages  suf- 
fered wrong  they  would  not  avenge  themselves  but 
apjily  to  the  governor  for  redress,  and  to  acquaint 
him  if  they  were  attacked  by  foreign  tribes,  against 
whom,  h(i  hoped,  their  young  men  might  defend 
them. 

With  bkint  generosity  Shute  exclaimed,  that  when 
they  wanted  help  his  young  men  should  assist  them, 
for  which  rather  hasty  offer  Wiwurna  thanked  the 
choleric  governor,  but  declared  that  no  complaints 
should  be  made  "without  real  proof  nor  for  any  friv- 
olous matter." 

Wiwurna  then  made  a  statement,  which  should  be 
especially  remembe.ed,  for  it  was  made  voluntarily 
and  after  mature  deliberation  by  the  able  spokesman 
selected  by  Rale's  savages  to  uphold  their  cause,  and 
which  so  flatly  contradicts  the  position  which  the 
priest  constantly  assumed,  and  which  he  employs  so 
much  pathos  in  setting  forth  in  his  correspondence, 


11 


i      '■ 


•Tf 


76 


'J  lie  Pi())ieers  of  Ne7v  France 


■^ 


i 

■1 


to  tlu^  ftffect  that  \\v.  iuij^'^lish  w(;r(;  tn^spassftrs  upon 
tlu-  tf-rritory  of  tlu;  sava^fts,  having  tlirust  tiicmselves 
iij)OM  thrill  a^^'linst  th<;ir  wishf.s. 

" 'Iliis  placf;,"  said  Wiwurna,  "was  formerly  Se^t- 
tlcd  and  is  now  S<'ttlin;^  at  our  ntqucst  ;  And  w;  now 
return  Thanks  that  thf;  I'ln^disli  arr;  com<;  to  .Sf:ttle 
hcr(*,  and  will  Inihract;  thorn  in  our  liosoms  that  come* 
to  Sctth*  on  our  Lands."  A^ain  Shutf;  int(-rru[)t(;d, 
takinj4  offense  at  tlie  word  "our,"  and  (txcJainif.'d, 
" 'Ihey  must  n(jt  »:all  it  their  Land,  for  the  iwiglish 
liav(;  houglit  it  of  tlH;in  anfl  lln^ir  Anec-stors." 

"  VVf!  pray  leave  to  proceed  in  our  Answer,  and  to 
talk  of  that  matt(;r  aft(;rwards,"  replied  Wiwurna,  "  We 
i)(?sire  there  may  1«:  no  further  Settlements  made, 
We  shan't  Ik;  able  to  hold  them  all  in  our  Bosoms, 
and  to  take  care  to  Shelter  them,  if  it  he  like  to  be 
bad  Weather,  and  Mischief  be  Threatened."  This 
objectif)n  probably  refers  to  nevv  settlements  in  places 
which  had  not  been  occupied,  for  Shuie  does  not  ap- 
pear to  liav(;  taken  notice  of  it.  "All  people  have  a 
love  for  their  Ministers,"  continu(;d  Wiwurna,  "and 
it  would  \)ii  stran}.^(;  if  we  should  not  love  them,  that 
come  from  (iod.  And  as  to  Bibles  your  Excellency 
mcmtioned.  We  desire  to  be  I'^xcused  on  that  point, 
(iod  has  given  us  Teaching  already,  and  if  we 
should  go  from  that,  we  should  dis[>lease  God.     We 


I' 


ill   Ncio   li Hi! land. 


77 


,'in;  not  c,'i[)ahl(;  to  make  any  Judgment  about  Relig- 
ion." Tliis  last  s<'nt(*nc(i  shows  the  hand  of  Hah', 
vvhf)  was  nn(K)uht<:(liy  present  hut  did  not  show  him- 
self to  the  luij.dish.  Its  countctrpart  may  l>e  founcl 
in  liis  h,'tt(;r  to  I'axter  a  few  days  lat(;r.  Ilavinj.^  dis- 
posed of  the  l'r()testant  missionary  anrl  liis  liihles, 
Wiwiirna  skilfully  su;^ar(■d  tlu-  disa,^reeal>l(;  subject 
with  rej^M'ets  and  (•f)mjjliments,  like  th(;  adroit  di[>lo- 
mat  that  he  was. 

"Your  I'^xeellency,"  he  said,  "was  not  sf:nsi])le 
how  sick  W(;  were  y(;sterday  to  se(;  the  man-of-war 
ashor(;.  We  were  so  faint  we  could  not  Speak  out 
with  strength,  and  we  are  now  very  ^lad  the  Shij)  is 
well.  VV(;  ant  very  ^lad  to  wait  on  your  l{xc(dlency 
and  to  tell  you  i  hat  we  sent  our  y(Hin;_^  Men  early  this 
Morninc(  to  see  if  the  Shijj  was  well,  and  we  were 
very  ^dad  to  h(;ar  she  was." 

Shut(*,  douhthtss  enjoyin^f  the  humorous  prevarica- 
tion, thanked  th(-'m  for  their  respcict  for  his  majesty's 
ship,  hut  when  Wiwurna  be^an  to  strinj^  together 
<^{)(n\  wishes  for  fair  winds  and  propitious  weather 
f(jr  his  ntturn,  and  a  safe  passa|L(e  d(jwn  the  river, 
Shute  thout^ht  il.  time  to  hrin;^^  th(j  wily  savaj^e  back 
to  the  main  point,  namely,  tlu;  rii^ht  of  the  Hnj^lish 
tf)  occujjy  the  lands  purchased  (jf  former  chi(;fs, 
whose  deeds  he   had   brouj^ht   for  their    inspection. 


11 


i,* 

Hi 


78 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


n. 


I  \  ] 


Ml 


I'   ' 

\    I. 


and  ho  pointed  his  demand  with  a  complaint  of  their 
lawless  acts.  To  all  this  Wiwurna  gave  no  answer 
but  [gravely  asked  for  time  that  the  chiefs  might  con- 
sult and  frame  their  reply,  which  Shute  readily 
granted,  but  informed  them  that  he  should  expect  a 
positive  answer  in  the  aft(;rnoon  in  ndation  to  the 
English  right  of  scttlePi  .nt,  and  as  their  fierce  dogs 
had  done  damage  to  the  settlers'  cattle,  h(;  demanded 
that  they  should  muzzle  them  when  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  cattle. 

The  conference  reassem})led  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  Wiwurna  gave  the  result  of  the  delib- 
eration of  the  chiefs,  to  the  eff(xt  that  they  would 
cut  off  their  lands  "as  far  as  the  Mills  and  the  coasts 
to  Pemacjuid." 

"Tell  them,"  said  the  governor,  impatiently,  that 
"  we  desire  only  what  is  our  own,  and  that  we  will 
have  it.  We  will  not  wrong  them,  but  what  is  our 
own  we  will  be  Masters  of." 

Wiwurna,  without  replying  to  this,  said  that  at  the 
treaty  at  Casco  it  was  promised  that  no  more  forts 
should  be  made,  and  Shute  replied  that  forts  were 
for  th(Mr  mutual  protection,  and  that  King  George 
built  forts  wherever  he  pleased  in  his  own  dominions 
as  the  French  king  did.  That  all  kings  possessed  that 
power,  and  the  governors  also  whom  they  appointed. 


I 


in  New  Ens^land. 


79 


Wlwurna,  now  pressed  to  the  point,  took  up  the 
delicate  question  of  territorial  rights,  and  said  that 
the  chiefs  did  not  understand  how  the  lands  were 
purchased  ;  that  what  lands  had  been  alienated  were 
by  ((ift,  wh('reupon  the  j^overnor  exhibited  the 
Wharton  deed,  made  by  former  chiefs,  which  was 
rrad  to  VViwurna  and  his  associates.  To  this 
Wivvurna  rc.-plied  that  they  had  nothin<^  to  say  about 
the  wc;st  side  of  the  Kennebec,  but  were  sure  nothing 
had  been  sold  on  the  east  side.  The  question  of 
new  forts,  he  said,  troubled  them.  They  were  willing 
that  the  I'Jiglish  should  continue  to  jmssess  what 
they  held  already,  but  disliked  forts.  To  this  Shute 
n^plied  that  wherever  a  n(;w  settlement  was  made, 
h(;  should  ')rder  the  erection  of  a  fort  if  he  thought 
it  [)r()per,  and  that  it  was  for  the  security  of  the  sav- 
a";es  as  well  as  of  the  English.  "Are  any  People," 
he  ask(.'(l,  "under  the  same  (iovernmcMit,  afraid  of 
being  made  too  strong  to  keep  out  enemies?" 
and  h(;  repeatcxl  that  the  I^nglish  would  not  take 
an  inch  of  their  land  nor  part  with  an  inch  of  their 
own. 

Wivvurna  asked  if  they  were  to  have  the  [)rivilege 
of  fishing  and  hunting  vdierever  they  wished,  and 
this  being  answered  in  th<;  affirmative,  the  savages, 
who  had  grown  restive  under  the  sharp  interchange 


y 


lai 


'^.f 


8(3 


7/u'  Pioneers  of  Afno  I'^raiicc 


\ 


'\\\ 


li 


I 


I 


1: 


vi     ■  I 


of  conflictin;^^  vifws,  arose;  al)riiptly  and  without  tak- 
ing'- their  I'ini^lisli  c(jlors  left  the;  assembly  vvitliout 
tlie  usual  courtesies  of  leave-taking.  In  tile  evening, 
iiowever,  they  returned  Ix^arin;^'-  a  letter  from  Pen; 
Rale  to  the  effect,  that  when  Vaudnniil,  the  Cana- 
dian t^overnor,  was  in  I'Vance,  lie  incjuired  of  the 
I'Vcnch  kin^  if  he  had  ceded  the  land  of  the  savages 
to  the  I'jijdish,  and  that  he  asserted  that  Ik;  had  not 
done  so,  and  would  protect  tii(;m  a^^ainst  I'^nglish  en- 
croachm(;nts.  This  was  an  artful  method  of  influenc- 
ing^ the  savages  against  the  l">ngiish,  and  in  view  of 
the  articl(;s  c(;ding  Acadia  t(3  the  ICnglish  crown,  was 
unfair  in  the  extreme.  Indignant  at  his  interference 
in  lIk;  negotiations  I>(;tween  him  and  the  savages, 
Shute  [prepared  to  leave  witluMit  further  attempt  to 
complete;  a  treaty,  or  as  Baxter  in  his  Journal  says,  he 
"  resolved  not  to  buckle  to  them,  and  on  ye  Lord's 
Day  went  aboard,  ik  acted  as  if  he  were  going  away, 
wh(treupon  the  Indians  (juickly  s(;nt  on  board  and  de- 
sired to  sj;eak  with  y(;  (iov(;rnor  before  he  went 
away,"  to  which  the  governor  replied  that  he  would 
do  so  "  if  th(;y  ([uitted  their  unreasonable  Preten- 
sions to  the  English  Lands,  and  Complied  with  what 
h<;  had  said,  but  not  otherwise,"  and  upon  receiving 
their  promise  to  do  so,  he  apjjointed  a  meeting  on 
shore  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and,  upon   their 


.1 


in  Nrio   lim^land. 


Si 


r(;qiH.'st,  rcistored  to  tli(;in  th(;  I"'.nL(lish  colors  wliich 
tli«;y  h.ul  so  carel(;ssly  ahandoiKid. 

At  the  ai)[)ointc(l  hour,  the  sachems  and  principal 
in<:ii  assembled  Ix.-arin^'  tlu-ir  ICnglish  lla^,  but  VVi- 
wurna  th(;y  had  left  b(;hiiid,  "  because,"  the,y  said, 
practiciujr  a  little  di[)Iomatic  fiction,  "he  has  behaved 
hims(;lf  so  unproperly  y<;ster<lay." 

This  time  Ouer(;bemit  was  the-ir  orator,  and  he  ex- 
pressed  the  sorrow  of  the  people  for  th(Mr  former 
rude  carria^^e,  and  prayed  f(jr  forgiveness,  adroitly  re- 
mindinj^r  his  (.-xcfdlency,  that  he  liad  himself  said,  that 
"  if  anything  should  happen  amiss  it  should  be  recti- 

fi(Ml." 

'\\\v.  'a)vernor  assentin""  to  this,  <')uer('b('mit  con- 
firmed  in  behalf  of  his  [jeople  the  former  agn:em(;nts 
relativf!  to  juiglish  s(;ttlement  on  the  K(;nn(.'bec,  and 
said,  that  they  desired  them  to  st;ttl(i  as  far  up  the 
riv(;r  as  thf;y  had  (;ver  s(ittled,  and  in  token  of  thc.'ir 
sincerity  presentf^d  a  belt  of  wampum  to  the  gover- 
nor, with  the  statenKMit  that  the-y  desired  to  live  in 
peace.  'I'o  this  th(-  governor  re[)lied,  that  the  Eng- 
lish would  not  begin  a  (piarrel,  ami  the  savage  orator 
reiterat(;d  fervently  the  hoiM-  that  "  by  the  favor  of 
God"  they  might  "  always  liv(Mn  P(iac(i  and  Unity  ;" 
a  se'iitiment  to  which  the  governor  made  response 
"  We  pray  the  same." 


;  m 


I 


II 


82 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 


J  i 


"  If  any  of  our  People,"  continued  Ouerebemit, 
should  happen  to  be  out  in  Cold  and  Stormy  Weather, 
we  desire  the  English  to  shelter  them.  We  shall  al- 
ways do  the  same  for  the  English,  and  God  Almighty 
hears  us  say  it."  "It  is  doing  like  Christians,"  ex- 
claimed the  governor,  and  Querebemit  presenting 
another  belt  of  wampum,  again  repeated,  "  What  I 
have  said  God  Almighty  hears : "  and  responded 
Shute,  "  W^e  say  the  same,  what  is  done  is  done  in 
the  presence  of  God." 

Shute  now  called  the  attention  of  the  savages  to 
some  of  their  "  miscarriages,"  but  Q'  L-rebemit's  mind 
was  evidently  averse  to  dwelling  upon  the  past,  being 
occupied  with  thoughts  of  future  advantages,  and  he 
became  voluble  on  the  theme  of  liberal  supplies  of 
provisions  and  ammunition  ;  a  trading  house,  and  Mr. 
Minot,  "a  good  natur'd  Man  "  to  manage  it;  "In- 
terpreter Jordan,"  "a  good  Lock  Smith,"  and  so  forth. 
These  were  all  requested  and  readily  promised  by  the 
complacent  governor.  To  the  treaty  made  at  Ports- 
mouth several  articles  were  added,  and  that  every- 
thing might  be  understood,  the  treaty  was  read  to 
them  by  Jordan,  article  by  article,  "And  they  all  read- 
ily &  without  any  Objection  Consented  to  the  whole." 

The  additions  made  to  the  treaty  at  Portsmouth 
were  as  follows : 


I 


if 


in  Nczo  Enoland.  83 

"  GcorQV  Toik<h  ou  A)-ro'ii.<sick  Island  i?i  I  lis  Ma- 
jfs/ys  Province  of  the  Massachusictts  Jury,  in  New 
Ru inland,  the  i  2th  Day  of  A  tn^ list,  i  71  7,  ///  the  Fourth 
Year  of  the  Reii^n  of  Our  Sovcreion  Lord  George,  by 
the  Grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France  &  Ire- 
land, K.  J.  N.  G.,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c. 

"  IVe  the  Subscribers  being  Sachems  and  Cliief  Men 
of  the  several  Tribes  of  Indians  belonging  to  Kenne- 
bcck,  Penobscot,  Pioioacket,  Saco,  and  other  the  /east- 
ern Parts  of  His  Majesty  s  Province  aforesaid,  Jiavinc^ 
had  the  several  Articles  of  the  foregoing  Treaty  dis- 
tinctly Read  and  hiterpreted  to  us,  bv  a  Sivorn  Inter- 
preter^ at  this  time.  Do  Approve  of,  Recognize,  Ratify 
and  Confirm  all,  and  every  the  said  Articles  {except- 
ing only  the  Fourth  and  Fifth  Articles^  which  relate 
to  the  Restraint,  and  Limitation  of  Trade  atid  Com- 
merce which  is  now  otherwise  managedi) 

''And  w/iereas  some  rash  &  inconsiderate  Persons 
amongst  us,  have  molested  some  of  our  good  fellow  Sub- 
jects the  Fjii^iish  in  the  Possession  of  tJieir  Lands, 
and  otherivise  ill-  Treated  them.  We  do  Disapprove  & 
Condemn  the  same,  and  freely  Consent  that  our  Eng- 
lish Friends  shall  Possess,  Enjoy,  &  Improve  all  t/ie 
Lands,  wJiich  they  have  for^nerly  Possessed,  and  all 
which  they  Jiave  obtaified  a  Right  &  litle  unto  : 
Hoping  it  zoill  prove  of  mutual  &  reciprocal  Bene- 


\ 


84 


The  Pioneers  of  New  J'Vaucc 


Jit  &  Aihinitiv^e  to  them  &  us,   that  they    Cohabit 
with  us. 

"  /;/  7\'stifnojiy,  a)ut  Perpetual  Memory  7V hereof  We 
have  hereunto  set  our  1  lamts  &  Seals,  in  behalf  of 
ourSelves,  &  of  the  several  Tribes  of  the  Indians,  that 
have  (lelei^ated  us  to  appear  /or,  and  Represent  the,.i 
the  Day  and  ]  'ear  afore  mcjitioned." 

This  instrunuMit  was  siijiKMl  hy  twenty  of  the 
sachems  and  principal  savaj^es,  and  was  witnessed 
by  several  I'.n^dish  j^cntlemen  and  youn^  Indians  of 
note  in  their  tribes,  after  which  "  the  Sachems  and 
Chief  Men  came  with  ^reat  rcispect  &  offered  his 
Excellency  their  hands  ;  one  of  them  d(;clarin^  that 
th(;y  Desired  the  Peace  miijlu  continue  as  long  as 
the  Sun  &  Moon  should  endure."  Tht:  conference 
then  closed  as  usual  with  i)resents  to  the  savages  and 
dancing  hy  the  young  men  of  the  tribes  present.' 

The  establishment  of  a  Protestant  missionary  at 
Arrowsic  to  teach  the  savages  'Ti  the  vicinity,  or  who 


'  On  the  return  of  the  governor  to  Massachusetts, 
a  report  of  the  conference  was  made  public  in  a 
pamphlet  having  this  im[)rlnt  :  IK)S'iX)N  :  printed 
by  /)*.  (ireeti,  Printer  to  Mis  I^xcellency  the  GOV- 
JiRNOR  &  COUNCIL.  And  sold  by  Jietif  Pilot, 
at  his  shop  below  the  Town  house,  171 7.  It  has 
been  reprinted  in  the  Collections  of  the  Me.  Histor- 
ical Society,  vol.  3,  pp.  359-375- 


'f'  ;i 


in  Nc7v  Juij^/and, 


85 


resorted  there,  was  enou^^h  to  intensify  tlie  animosity 
of  Rale  atjainst  the  Rn^lish,  and  tli(i  savages,  iind(;r- 
standin^  tlie  situation,  took  (hdi^ht  in  adding  fuel  to 
the  flame.  Although  Rah'  well  knew  the  decc^ptive 
character  of  the  savaj^es,  for  "  Nothini^,"  he  says,  is 
"  more  dissemblintj  than  an  Indian's  News;  he  will 
tell  [)leasini(  News  for  drink  or  a  l)(;tt(.'r  barj^ain,"  he 
accepted  as  true  tlu;  idle  tales,  which  they  carried  to 
him  res[)ectinj;  the  preachin^^  of  tlui  Protestant  mis- 
sionary, and  he  wrote  him  what  he  denominat(.'s,  "une 
lettre  honncte,"  stating,  in  the  words  used  by  the 
sava<;(;s  at  the  conference  a  few  days  before,  that  his 
"Christians  knew  how  to  believe  the  truths  which 
the  Catholic  I'aith  teaches,  but  kncnv  not  how  to  dis- 
pute about  them,"  and  he  accompanied  his  letter  with 
a  "memorial  of  about  a  hundred  pages,"  in  which 
\\v.  says  :  "  I  proved  by  Scripture,  by  tradition,  &  by 
thftolouical  reasons  tiie  truths  which  he  had  attacked 
by  stale  enough  pleasantri(;s." 

Baxter,  when  \\v.  received  Rale's  letter,  was  on  the 
point  of  returning  to  Boston.  The  manner  in  which 
he  met  the  priest's  unwarranted  attack,  com[)ares  well 
with  what  we  know  of  the  dignified  character  of  the 
man.  The  cause  to  which  he  had  devoted  his  life, 
and  for  which  he  toiled  until  death  arrested  his  labors, 
was  too  important  in  his  estimation  to  permit  him  to 


!  ' 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


/. 


I,        Mr,    ^ 


Q 


1.0 


I.I 


Ui  1 28     12.5 

1^  mil  2.2 


2.0 


1.8 


11-25  IIIIII.4    il.6 


V/ 


v^ 


c^^ 


> 


^ 


y 


/^ 


86 


The  Pioneers  of  New  Frajice 


waste  precious  time  in  unprofitable  theological  dis- 
putation, and  he  replied  in  a  letter,  the  brevity  of 
which  elicited  a  complaint  from  Rale,  who  also 
affected  to  find  it  so  illiterate  as  to  be  understood 
only,  "by  dint  of  reasoning,"  a  charge  which  is  un- 
supported by  fact. 

The  dignified  course  adopted  by  the  Protestant 
minister,  whom  Rale  to  increase  the  lustre  of  his 
triumph  denominates  "  the  ablest  of  the  Boston 
ministers,"  in  spite  of  his  alleged  illiteracy,  was  not 
appreciated  by  the  disputatious  priest,  who  promptly 
returned  to  the  charge,  and  although  the  letter  which 
he  had  received  was  so  brief,  he  undertook  the  un- 
dignified task  of  pointing  out  its  blunders,  "  je  rele- 
vois  les  defauts  de  la  sienne."  This  letter.  Rale 
informs  us,  remained  unanswered  for  two  years,  and 
then,  he  says,  the  writer,  "  without  entering  into  the 
matter,"  was  contented  to  reprove  him  for  having 
"I'esprit  chagrin  &  critique, —  la  marque  d'un  tem- 
perament enclin  a  la  colere."  The  boastful  spirit  of 
Rale,  so  often  exhibited  in  his  writings,  is  illustrated 
in  the  closing  paragraph  relating  to  this  affair.  The 
Rev.  Joseph  Baxter  was  not  a  resident  missionary 
on  the  Kennebec,  but  made  temporary  visits  to  that 
dangerous  outpost,  a  portion  of  his  time  being  de- 
voted to  missionary  work  farther   west ;   but    Rale 


in  New  England. 


^7 


would  have  his  nephew  believe  that  he  drove  Baxter 
away  by  overcoming  him  in  theological  disputation  ; 
for  he  says,  "  Thus  ended  our  dispute,  which  sent 
away  the  Minister,  &  which  rendered  abortive  the 
project  that  he  had  formed  of  seducing  my  Neo- 
phytes." 

The  fallacy  of  this  claim  is  so  apparent  even  in 
Rale's  own  account  of  the  affair  as  to  need  no  other 
refutation.'  That  Protestant  missionary  effort  was 
productive  of  little  result  at  this  period  is  not 
strange.  The  difference  between  the  two  forms  of 
worship,  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant,  is  sufificient 
to  account  for  this.  The  Roman  ritual  with  its 
pomp  and  glitter,  preserved  in  some  degree  even  in 


^  The  letters  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter  to  Rale, 
which  have  been  preserved,  are  reproduced  in  the 
Collection  of  Documents  at  the  end  of  this  volume, 
as  well  as  a  fac  simile  page  of  one  of  them,  that  the 
reader  may  form  an  idea  of  the  justness  of  his  ad- 
versary's criticism.  The  neatness  and  precision  of 
the  writing  are  an  indication  of  a  careful  and  well- 
trained  mind.  It  would  be  strange,  indeed,  if  the 
Latin  of  a  New  England  minister  in  the  early  part 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  did  not  differ  in  some  par- 
ticulars from  that  of  a  Romanist  taught  in  PVance, 
and  by  whom  the  language  was  in  daily  use  ;  but 
however  great  the  differences  might  have  been,  as  the 
Puritan  divine  well  said,  an  aptitude  in  conjugating 
Latin  verbs  had  little  to  do  in  saving  savage  souls. 


88 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


the  wilderness,  was  attractive  to  the  savages,  and 
they  regarded  with  contempt  the  simplicity  so  dear 
to  New  England  Protestantism.  It  may  well  be 
doubted,  however,  if  any  of  the  missions  among  the 
savages  at  this  time  were  productive  of  much  sound 
spiritual  fruit.  The  wild  neophyte  had  no  concep- 
tion of  the  second  of  the  dual  prescripts,  for  if  there 
was  anything  which  he  cherished  in  his  heart  of 
hearts,  it  was  hatred  of  an  enemy.  Anything  like 
mercy  to  a  foe  was,  in  his  creed,  unmanly  and  de- 
grading ;  hence,  the  so-called  Christian  convert  could 
gloat  over  the  most  cruel  tortures  inflicted  upon  a 
helpless  prisoner,  and  immediately  participate  in  re- 
ligious exercises  with  apparent  zest.  This  leads  us 
to  doubt  the  genuineness  of  many  of  the  conversions, 
which  the  missionaries  of  this  period  claimed  to  have 
made,  and  to  ascribe  their  belief  in  them  to  a  fervor 
of  sentiment,  which  gave  a  fictitious  coloring  to 
facts. 

This  seems  not  less  probable  when  we  consider  a 
prevalent  condition  of  mind,  which  seriously  regarded 
strange  portents,  the  agency  of  witchcraft  in  human 
affairs,  and  other  unrealities  quite  as  fanciful,  a  con- 
dition of  mind  not  confined  to  any  nationality  or 
religious  class,  and  revealing  a  credulity  in  some 
cases  altogether  fatuous.     The  myst     'ous  solitude 


in  Nczu  England. 


89 


of  vast  forests;  the  presence  of  a  wild  and  uncouth 
people,  sug-gestive  almost  of  kinship  to  infernal 
powers;  the  lack  of  mental  attrition  with  men  pos- 
sessing well-trained  faculties,  would,  in  themselves, 
influence  minds  friendly  to  speculation,  and  affect 
judgment  in  all  matters  in  penetralia  7nentis. 

If  we  may  believe  his  converts,  Rale  entertained  a 
belief  in  omens  and  visions  quite  as  fantastical  as 
some  of  his  contemporaries  on  the  English  side;  but 
little  of  this  nature  respecting  him  has  been  recorded,^ 

'This  appears  from  the  Journal  of  Rev.  Joseph 
Baxter,  of  Medfield.  He  says  under  date  of  Oct. 
27,  1717  :  "I  preached  at  George  Town.  I  had  an 
account  from  Capt"  Giles,  of  his  being  informed  by  ye 
Indians  yt  the  Jesuit  still  predicted  yt  ye  world  would 
soon  come  to  an  end,  yt  it  would  be  in  49  days." 
Some  weeks  before  he  recorded,  that  certain  Indians 
had  related  to  him  a  similar  prediction,  and  April  23, 
1 718,  "I  discussed  with  Three  Indians,  one  of  them 
gave  an  account  likewise  of  an  apparition  that  the 
Jesuit  at  Norridgewock  saw,  who,  Lying  alone  in  his 
wigwam,  awaked  in  the  night,  and  saw  a  great 
Light,  as  if  his  wigwam  had  been  on  fire,  whereupon 
he  got  up  &  went  abroad,  and  after  some  time  he 
returned  to  his  wigwam  &  went  to  sleep  again,  and 
after  a  while  he  awaked,  and  felt  as  it  were  a  hand 
upon  his  throat,  yt  almost  choaked  him,  &  saw  a  great 
light  again,  and  heard  a  voice  saying:  '*  It  is  vain  for 
you  to  take  any  pains  with  these  Indians,  your  chil- 
dren, for  I  have  got  possession  of  them.  The  Jesuit 
likewise  said,  yt  there  was  a  Letter  brought  to  him, 

13 


90 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


and  this  comes  from  savage  sources  too  unreliable 
for  evidence.  Knowing  the  superstition  of  the  savage 
mind  he  may  have  bent  it  to  a  useful  purpose. 

Although  peace  between  the  French  and  English 
continued,  the  situation  of  the  frontier  settlers  was 
painful  in  the  extreme.  They  were  continually  har- 
assed by  rumors  of  savage  outbreaks,  and  alter 
getting  their  rude  cabins  erected,  and  the  land  about 
them  cleared,  many  would  abandon  them  and  seek 
safer  places  of  abode.  Many  of  the  savages  were 
friendly  and  desired  the  English  to  settle  near  them. 
One  of  them  remarked  to  Capt.  Giles  at  Brunswick, 
that  he  did  not  understand  what  the  French  governor 
meant  "by  hindring  ye  English  from  settling  here  un- 
less he  is  afraid  y*  we  shall  live  too  happy  together."^ 

A  short  time  after,  Capt.  Westbrook,  at  the  block 
house  at  St.  George,  showed  a  number  of  Kennebec 


which  was  written  in  the  name  of  an  Indian  yt  was 
dead,  wherein  he  declared  yt  he  was  now  burning  in 
a  most  horrible  fire.  He  shewed  this  Letter  to  the 
Indians,  but  first  tore  off  the  name  yt  was  subscribed, 
&  did  not  let  them  know  who  he  was.  The  letter 
was  written  in  ye  Indian  Tongue.  This  Apparition,  he 
said,  was  about  forty  days  ago."  A  copy  of  this 
Journal  made  by  the  Hon.  Joseph  Williamson  may 
be  found  in  the  archives  of  the  Me.  Historical  Society. 
^  Vide  Journal  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter  of  Med- 
field,  archives  of  the  Me.  Historical  Society. 


in  New  England. 


91 


savages  the  letter  written  by  Rale  to  Governor  Shute, 
already  spoken  of,  and  which  was  written  in  the 
names  of  all  the  savages,  and  he  read  to  them  the 
threats  made  to  burn  the  settlers'  houses;  "where- 
upon they  said  y'  Patrahows,  /.  c,  the  Jesuit  Lied,  and 
he  was  very  wicked,  &c.,  and  y'  They  desired  always 
to  live  in  friendship  and  Brotherhood  with  the  Eng- 
lish." Soon  after,  Westbrook  had  an  opportunity  to 
show  this  letter  to  some  Penobscot  chiefs,  who,  also, 
expressed  ignorance  of  it,  and  declared  their  desire 
to  live  with  the  English  "  as  Brothers."  But  this 
was  not  to  be  permitted.  In  the  spring  of  1719, 
John  Minot  and  Joseph  Heath  were  sent  by  Governor 
Shute  with  a  message  to  the  natives  of  Norridge. 
wock,  and  after  their  return,  affidavit  was  made  that 
the  natives  asserted  that  they  were  continually  urged 
by  Rale  to  attack  the  English  settlements  ;  that  King 
George  was  not  the  right  king,  that  he  came  in  at  the 
back  door,  and  that  there  was  "Another,  who  was  the 
x\(A\\.  heir  to  the  crown."  ^ 


'  Vide  Maine  Historical  Quarterly  for  1890,  p. 
372  ;  Depositions  of  Lewis  Bane,  Esq.,  and  John 
Minot,  mercht.  ;  also,  Collection  Mass.  Historical 
Society,  2d  series,  vol.  VHI,  p.  265  ;  Letter  of  Joseph 
Heath  and  John  Minot  to  Gov.  Shute  as  follows: 
"After  the  Jesuit  had  talk't  with  us  as  before  inserted 
in  the  name  of  the   Indians  (as  he  said   we  told  the 


92 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


This  report,  with  the  threatening  attitude  of  the 
savages,  alarmed  the  English,  and  awakened  animos- 
ity, for  awhile  dormant,  toward  Rale,  and  the  Gen- 
eral Court  passed  a  resolve  to  send  a  hundred  and 
fifty  men  to  Norridgewock  to  compel  the  savages  to 
make  amends  for  their  depredations  upon  the  set- 
tlers, and  to  arrest  Rale  and  take  him  to  Boston. 
The  Council,  however,  wishing  to  avoid  war  if  pos- 
sible, did  not  assent  to  this  resolve,  and  it  was  set 
aside. 

Though  fickle  and  unreliable,  the  savages  dreaded 
war  with  the  English,  whose  power  they  reaii/."^d;  but 
Rale  was  advised  by  Vaudreuil  to  urge  them  to  prevent 
English  settlement.  Their  naive  reply  was  a  re- 
quest for  the   French   king  to  do  so,  and  that   they 

principall  Indians  thereof,  who  said  the  Jesuit  had 
told  us  wrong  storeys,  and  calling  a  councell  declaired 
they  did  not  consent  to  what  the  Jesuit  said,  and  that 
he  spoke  his  mind  and  not  theirs,  and  that  they  did 
not  imploy  him  to  write  any  letter  for  them,  and  that 
if  he  sent  any  letters  at  any  time,  they  desire  your 
Excellency  would  receive  them  as  his  letters  and  not 
theirs.  Its  our  humble  oppinions  that  the  Fryer  is 
an  incendiary  of  mischief  amongst  these  Indians 
and  that  were  it  not  for  his  pernicious  suggestions, 
your  Excellency  would  not  meet  with  any  trouble 
from  them."  This  statement  is  in  harmony  with  re- 
peated utterances  of  the  savages  to  others  who  have 
left  similar  records. 


in  Neii>  E7igla7id, 


93 


had  granted  to  the  English  the  privilege  of  coming 
"  half  way  from  Sagadahock  to  Norridgewock."  Hut 
they  were  not  permitted  to  remain  at  peace  even  if 
they  would.  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  were  especially 
instructed  by  the  king,  to  hinder  traffic  between  them 
and  the  English.  The  cattle  of  the  frontiersmen 
were  killed,  and  when  one  of  them  complained,  Rale 
wrote  Vaudreuil  the  savage's  re[)ly,  which  he  had 
doubtless  inspired.  "  Complain  as  much  as  you  wish 
to  the  governor;  he  is  not  my  judge  and  has  noth- 
ing to  do  with  me.  For  the  payment  of  your  cattle 
you  should  ask  him  who  has  told  you  to  build 
there."'      The  action   of  the   French  in  exciting  the 

* ''  Pour  ce  qui  regarde  ceux  de  Narantsouaks,  je 
vois  par  les  lettres  du  Pcre  Raslo  qu'ils  ne  se  de- 
mentent  point.  Ce  missionnaire  me  marque  par  sa 
lettre  du  15  Septembre  qu'il  avoit  re^'U,  en  lafinissant, 
une  lettre  d'un  Anglois  qui  s'est  boti  dans  la  Riviere 
de  Narantsouak,  par  laquelle  il  se  plaint  que  les 
Sauvages  tuent  ses  bestiaux  et  demande  qu'ils  les 
payent  et  cessent  de  les  tuer,  autrement  qu'il  s'en 
plaindraau  Gouverneur  ;  et  que  pour  reponse  il  avoit 
marque  k  cet  Anglois  qu'il  avoit  fait  assembler  les 
Sauvages  pour  savoir  ceux  qui  avoient  tue  ces  besti- 
aux et  deliberer  du  payement  ;  que  c'estoit  tout  ce 
qu'il  pouvoit  faire,  et  qu'il  lui  envoierait  la  reponse  de 
ces  Sauvages,  cette  reponse  est  en  ces  termes : 

'  I'lains-toi  tant  que  tu  voudras  au  Gouverneur,  ce 
n'est  point  mon  juge,  et  il  n'a  rien  k  voir  sur  moi. 
Pour  le  payment  de  tes  bestiaux,  tu  le  demanderas  k 


Ha 


94 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


savages  to  prevent  the  English  from  settling  in  East- 
ern Maine  was  a  terrible  wrong.  They  certainly  had 
as  much  right  to  settle  there  as  the  French  had  to 
settle  along  their  own  frontiers,  a  right  which  the 
English  did  not  have  the  hardihood  to  question  ; 
nevertheless,  they  persisted  in  their  ungenerous 
course,  and  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  wrote  home  on  the 
26th  of  October,  1  720,  "  Father  Rale  continues  to  ex- 
cite the  savages  of  the  Norridgewock  mission  not  to 
suffer  the  English  to  spread  over  their  lands."  And 
the  king  replied,  "  His  Majesty  is  gratified  with  the 
pains  which  Father  Rale  continues  to  take  to  excite 
the  savages  of  the  Norridgewock  mission  not  to  suffer 
the  English  to  establish  themselves  on  their  lands."  ^ 

celui  qui  t'as  dit  de  te  bfitir  lA.'  Voil^  une  reponse 
vigoureuse,  mais  il  est  sY  craindre  que  ces  Sauvages 
et  ceux  de  Panaowamske  et  de  la  Riviere  St  Jean  ne 
puissent  pas  se  soutenir  centre  les  Anglois,  s'il  est 
vrai  comme  la  Pere  Rasle  me  marque  que  le  Gouver- 
neur  de  Baston  va  envoyer  200  families  anglaises  pour 
habiter  la  Riviere  Ponaowamske,  etc."  Vide  P.apport 
de  Monsieur  de  Vaudreuil  au  Conseil.  Quebec,  le  31 
Octobre,   1718.     Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol. 

3.  P-  32.     ^ 

^  "  Le  Pere  RAlle  continue  k  exciter  les  Sauvages 
de  la  mission  de  Narantsouak  a  ne  point  souffrir  les 
Anglois  des'etendre  sur  leurs  terres."  "  Sa  Majeste 
est  satisfaite  des  soins  que  le  Pere  Rasle,  jesuite, 
continue  de  se  donner  pour  exciter  les  Sauvages  de 


m  New  England. 


95 


The  church  at  Norridgewock  was  completed  in 
the  autumn  of  1720.  Funds  had  been  furnished  by 
the  French  king  to  build  it,  and  the  work  was  per- 
formed by  English  workmen.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  P6re  Charlevoix  wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
that  Rale,  who  had  made  attempts  to  prevent  the 
English  from  settling  on  the  lower  Kennebec,  had 
not  thought  it  possible  to  employ  all  his  authority, 
since  this  would  have  uselessly  exposed  his  life,  and 
would  not  have  prevented  the  settlement  of  the 
English,  who,  finding  out  what  the  jesuit  had  done 
to  hinder  them,  would  not  fail  to  put  a  price  on  his 
head,  as  they  did  in  the  case  of  Father  Aubrey, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  former  war,  for  the  same 
reason.^      Yet  he  was  not  inactive.     A  letter  which 

sa  mission  de  Narantsouak,  et  ne  point  souffrir  que  les 
Anglois  s'  etablissent  sur  leurs  terres.  —  Sa  Majeste 
approuvera  qu'on  ne  laissepar  manquerde  munitions 
les  Sauvages  de  ces  trois  missions,  et  qu'on  les  sou- 
tienne  en  cas  qu'ils  soient  attaques  contre  raison  par 
les  Anglois."  Lettre  de  Messieurs  Vaudreuil  et 
Begon  au  Ministre.  A  Quebec,  le  26,  8  bre,  i  720 ;  and 
Memoire  du  Roy  Aux  Sieurs  de  Vaudreuil  et  Begon. 
Versailles,  le  8  juin,  1721.  Collection  de  Manuscrits, 
etc.,  vol.  3,  pp.  48,  54. 

•  Vide  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.,  vol.  3,  p. 
52.  Memoire  sur  les  limites  de  1' Acadia  envoye  h. 
Alonseigneur  le  Due  D'Orleans  par  le  Pere  Charle- 
voix, Quebec,  le  29  Octobre,  i  720. 


96 


Tlic  Pioneers  of  Neio  France 


he  wrote  to  Capt.  Moody  near  the  close  of  the  year 

1 719,  greatly  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  English. 

Judge    Sewall,  under  date   of   March  7,    1720,  says 

that  it  was  read  in  Council  on  that  date,  and  calls  it 

"  Friar     Ralle's    railing     Letter."^       The     principal 

portion  of  the  letter  has  been  preserved,  which  is  as 

follows : 

'''Feb.  7,  1720. 

"  The  Governor  (Shute)  solicits  some  Indians  to 
go  to  England.  If  they  do  I  shall  drive  them  forever 
from  the  Church  &  the  Indians  would  then  remove 
them  from  being  of  their  Kindred,  for  mere  External 
Consenting  to  it,  through  Complaisance.  I  will  not 
receive  them  in  a  year:  You  must  know  a  Missionary 
is  not  a  Cipher  like  a  Minister,  The  Indians  hold 
no  Council  but  they  call  me  to  it  &  when  they  have 
deliberated  ask  my  thoughts.  If  I  approve,  I  say 
that's  well,  If  not,  I  say  so  &  give  my  reasons,  for 
we  must  give  them  reasons.  '  Well,'  say  they,  *  Let 
it  be  as  our  father  says,'  they  in  their  Councils  always 
having  my  presence  &  admitting  my  correcting, 
hence  the  Treaty  at  Arrowsick  could  not  be  admitted 
in  this  Village,  much  less  with  those  at  Canada,  who, 
when  they  heard  of  it,  their  people  that   Live  in  two 

^  Vide  Sewall    Papers,  5th  Series,   Mass.   Histori- 
cal Society's  Collections,  vol.  3,  p.  245. 


in  Ncio  England. 


97 


great  Villaj^es  &  the  Mohawks,  the  Algonkins,  the 
Ilurons,  &c.,  sent  two  young  men  hither  to  disallow 
&  reject  it. 

"  They  approve  of  Nothing  but  what  Ouaourene  ' 
spoke ;  he  had  the  word  of  the  Nation  &  said  to  the 
Governor,  'this  is  what  I  send  thee:  thou  shalt  not 
go  beyond  that  mill,  which  I  see  from  hence  &  among 
the  habitations  thou  shalt  build  no  fort.'  Says  the 
Governor,  '  I'll  build  a  hundred  If  I  please.'  Then 
said  Ouaourene  to  his  people,  '  Let  us  begone,  it's 
vain  talking  here.' 

"This  only  that  passed  at  that  Treaty  was  received 
by  the  Indians  of  Canada  &  this  Village,  this  is  also 
what  I  govern  myself  by. 

"  If  the  Indians  kill  Cattle  below  the  Mill  towards 
the  seaside  they  must  absolutely  pay  for  them,  but 
from  the  Mill  on  this  side,  I  exhort  them  not  to  do  it, 


'  This  is  the  same  chief  called  by  the  English  Wi- 
wurna,  and  Rale,  artfully  assumed  that  all  that  took 
place  after  Wiwurna  left  the  conference  with  Shute 
on  the  afternoon  of  August  loth  was  null  ;  nor  did 
he  fail  to  exercise  all  his  power  to  prevent  the  cement- 
ing of  friendship  with  the  English,  even  to  the  ex- 
tent of  excommunication.  No  wonder  that  the  indig- 
nation of  the  English  was  deeply  aroused  at  such  an 
extraordinary  assumption,  although  they  were  not 
perhaps  fully  aware  of  his  efforts  to  prevent  friendly 
relations  between  them  and  the  Savages. 

13 


98 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  France 


because  you  improve  the  Land  against  the  Consent 
of  the  people  of  the  Land,  So  that  whatever  was 
said  after  the  breaking  up  is  Null  although  it  be 
printed. 

"The  Indians  have  Wit  foreverythingwhich  regards 
them,  they  speak  in  their  Councils  well  without  study- 
ing. The  reason  is,  the  Indian  has  none  but  his  own 
affairs  in  his  head,  the  Europeans  have  many.  All 
Boston  is  not  so  certainly  informed  as  I  am  of  every 
considerable  thing  that  passeth  in  Europe,  so  that  I 
am  not  in  pain  to  refute  the  false  News  which  the 
English  tell  the  Indians.  When  the  Governor  said 
to  the  Indians  at  Piscataqua,  that  he  had  been  in  the 
army,  and  was  always  victorious,  the  Indians  diver- 
ted themselves  with  it,  saying,  'he  thinks  to  fright 
us  ; '  some  said,  '  we  wish  war  was  begun  presently, 
that  we  might  see  If  he  be  such  a  warrior.' 

"  The  Governor  told  the  Indians  at  Piscataqua  that 
King  George,  '  my  king  '  or  '  ours'  had  so  Conquered 
the  King  of  France  that  he  could  not  Live,  If  he  had 
not  granted  him  some  part  of  his  Land  to  Live  on. 
The  Indians  whom  I  had  instructed  about  the  Terms 
of  the  peace  were  Scandalized  saying,  he  would  by 
this  take  us  off  from  the  King  of  France,  that  he 
might  attach  all  to  his  King,  and  only  scorned  him. 
I  should  blush  to  relate  their  words  ;  for  my  part,   I 


i 
ill 


in  Ncio  England. 


99 


accuse  the  interpreter,  for  you  have  not  one  interpre- 
ter that  can  Explain  faithfully  in  the  Indian  Lan- 
guai^e:  they  speak  nothing  but  Gibberish. 

"  They  Enquire  about  my  words  :  do  they  intend  to 
unite  against  me  to  drive  me  from  my  Mission  ?  that 
would  be  a  retirement  from  misery,  both  by  the  In- 
dians who  can't  furnish  me  with  Butter  or  Cheese, 
but  Indian  Corn  ;  besides,  I  shall  have  the  same 
Merit  before  God  as  if  I  had  finished  my  Life  in  the 
misery  to  which  I  consented  at  my  coming  among 
the  Indians,  but,  upon  my  quitting  my  Mission,  It 
may  happen,  '  deficiente  uno  non  deficit  alter  aureus 
et  Simile  frendescit  virga  metallo'.  You  may  like- 
wise think  that  I  sha'n't  be  made  to  Leave  it  for  such 
trilles  :  whatever  you  may  think  you  can't  move  me. 

"  I.  All  debates  in  Indian's  Councils,  If  I  approve, 
it  Stands.     If  not  It's  changed  or  Nulled. 

"  2.  Any  Treaty  with  the  Governor,  particularly 
that  of  Arrowsick  is  Null,  If  I  don't  approve  it, 
though  the  Indians  have  consented,  for  I  bring  them 
so  many  reasons  against  it  that  they  absolutely  con- 
demn what  they  have  done. 

"3.  The  English  tell  them,  I  have  bought  of  the 
ancient  Indians  such  and  such  Lands.  I  tell  them 
'twas  after  this  manner,  the  Englishman  offers  a 
bottle  of  rum  for  such  a  tract  of  Land  ;  the  Indians 


lOO 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


\ 


agree  ;  the  English  ask  the  Indian's  name  and  writes 
it  down  and  so  the  bargain  is  made,  and  shown  to 
dazzle  the  Indian's  Eyes  ;  the  Indian  and  English, 
too,  knows  this  is  not  buying  :  furthermore  by  the 
Laws  of  all  Kingdoms  the  Guardians  of  pupils  can't 
sell  or  alienate  the  Estates  of  the  pupils.  I  say  to 
the  Indians  you  are  masters  of  the  Land  which  God 
has  given  you  to  Live  on,  but  though  the  English 
should  give  all  their  treasures  they  can't  buy  it,  be- 
cause your  Children  whose  Guardians  you  are,  will 
forever  reenter  into  their  Estates  :  this  is  a  Law 
established  all  the  world  over. 

"  Moreover  if  the  English  had  bought  the  Land  in 
form,  you  having  retaken  it  three  times  by  force  of 
arms  are  become  masters  of  it.  All  this  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Dudley. 

"4.  The  Indians  will  that  presently  &  absolutely 
those  that  are  settled  in  the  river  quit  it  ;  because  I 
have  shown  them  Evidently,  that  If  they  did  not 
make  them  retire  they  would  Lose  their  Lands,  and, 
by  greater  misfortune,  their  prayers;  they  are  con- 
vinced of  it  now,  having  added  to  them  that  If  they 
did  not  do  it,  I  would  go  away  from  them.  I  say, 
then  that  from  the  Mill  on  this  side,  I  will  not  that 
there  should  remain  so  much  as  one  habitation  where 
several  are,  only  because  John   Giles  bid   them  sit 


in  New  En  inland. 


lOI 


down  there.  He  does  such  fine  actions;  he  Loves 
Ketermogus,^  a  Cipher  in  the  Village,  but  he's  hated 
by  the  greater  part,  wherefore  according  to  my 
thoughts,  the  Governor  will  do  well  to  cause  them 
to  withdraw  before  the  Treaty,  to  save  them  the 
shame  of  being  driven  away  by  the  Indians,  for  as- 
suredly, there  shall  not  one  remain  there. 

"  The  Traders  in  Brandy  to  the  Indians  had  by  their 
declarations  in  Canada  a  fine  set  upon  them  of  a 
thousand  Crowns,  and  he  that  could  not  pay  it  was 
condemned  to  the  Chain  and  to  be  whipped  through 


^The  reason  of  Rale's  animosity  against  this  chief 
was  caused  by  his  desire  to  maintain  peaceful  rela- 
tions with  the  English  settlers.  He  appears  to  have 
been  an  old  man  at  this  time,  and,  in  common  with 
many  of  the  older  men,  to  have  endeavored  to  dis- 
suade the  younger  and  more  violent  men  from  listen- 
ing to  the  bad  counsels  of  the  French,  foreseeing 
that  war  would  ultimately  be  disastrous  to  his  people. 
He  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Capt.  John  Giles,  the 
commander  of  the  fort  at  Brunswick.  Taken  a  cap- 
tive when  a  lad  by  the  savages,  and  having  lived  with 
them  for  a  period  of  eight  years,  Giles  had  acquired 
a  knowledge  of  their  language,  and,  understanding 
their  idiosyncracies,  was  in  a  position  to  exercise  a 
considerable  infiuence  over  them.  This  rendered  him 
particularly  obnoxious  to  Rale,  whose  declaration 
that  he  spoke  nothing  but  gibberish,  must  be  taken 
with  allowance,  or  placed  in  the  category  of  state- 
ments shown  in  this  work  to  be  unsupported  by  facts. 


I 


I02 


The  Pioneers  of  Neio  France 


the  Town.  There  is  no  Justice  among'st  the  Eng- 
lish, who  have  never  given  them  any,  Even  under 
this  Governor,  I  think  to  do  it  myself. 

"  If  Rum  drinking  continues,  the  drinker  of  Rum 
shall  find  wherewithall  to  eat,  by  suffering  him  to  kill 
one  of  the  cattle  belonging  to  him  that  shall  have 
given  him  drink.  And  if  he  won't  kill  it  for  fear  of 
being  refused  it  another  time,  another  that  is  not  a 
drinker  shall  kill  it ;  this  I  think  to  propose  to  the 
men,  when  they  come  home,  and  I  am  sure  they'll 
hear  me  with  pleasure. 

"  I  can't  by  my  Character  carry  them  forth  to  war, 
I  can  absolutely  hinder  them  when  they  haven't  solid 
reasons  for  it,  but  when  they  have  any,  I  sha'n't  hin- 
der them,  as  for  example,  to  preserve  their  Land 
whereon  depends  their  prayers,  or  any  considerable 
wrong  that's  done  to  them,  in  these  cases  I'll  tell 
them  they  may  make  war. 

"The  views  of  your  Governor  are  fine  &  generous  ; 
he  desires  war,  and  being  a  warrior  he  must  not 
wonder  at  it,  but  I'm  sure  he  would  be  astonished  at 
an  Indian  war,  five  forts  and  many  houses  in  Arrow- 
sick  were  reduced  to  ashes  in  one  day. 

"  The  English  say  it's  the  Fryer  or  Mr.  Vaudreuil 
that  stirs  up  war,  but  'twi'l  be  said  at  the  Conference 
(where  I  shall  be  &  upon  their  desire,  perhaps,  speak 


1 


in  New  England. 


103 


for  the  Indians)  'tis  you  English,  you  seize  our 
Lands  against  our  will  &  thereby  take  away  our 
prayers,  more  valuable  than  our  Lands  or  bodies ; 
you  would  govern  us  ;  I  desire  your  Governor  may 
know  this.  I  am  actually  com^'osing  an  ample 
writing  about  these  things  to  send  to  the  King  of 
France,  that  he  see  what  I  do  to  preserve  my  Indians 
in  their  Lands  &  prayers,  which  depend  thereon  ; 
herein  I  heard  the  King's  designs  reported  to  me  by 
Mr.  Vaudreuil,  Last  fall,  and  three  years  before  that 
I  "should  assist  the  Indians  to  preserve  their  Lands  & 
prayers;  to  move  me  he  has  assigned  me  a  consider- 
able pension  of  6,000  francs  till  my  death  ;  all  this 
goes  away  in  Good  Works ;  this  I  suppose  comes 
because  vour  Governor  has  threatened  he  will  have 
me  taken  up,  or  cause  me  to  quit  by  writing  to  his 
King  against  me  ;  the  Indians  told  it  to  Mr.  Vau- 
dreuil who  wrote  it  to  the  Court,  since  which  I  am 
more  and  more  strenofthened  here. 

"  I'll  cause  my  book  to  be  printed,  presented  to 
the  King  &  the  public,  that  it  may  be  seen  what  I 
do  for  my  Children.  Shall  they  be  Cheated,  driven 
from  their  Lands  &  prayers,  &  shall  not  I  counsel  & 
defend  them;  they  shall  sooner  take  away  my  Life 
than  hinder  me.  The  book  shall  be  Embellished 
with  figures  of  Rhetoric,  Epigrams,  Poetry,  &c.     A 


I04  The  Pioneer:  of  New  France 

Jesuit  is  not  a  Baxter  or  a  Boston  Minister.  I'll 
describe  how  the  English  treat  the  Indians,  killing 
them  &  their  dogs,  dearer  to  him  than  his  Oxen  ; 
would  govern  him  &  possess  all  his  Land  without  his 
Consent,  to  his  own  great  profit,  and  when  the 
Indian  says  to  the  English,  'why  do  you  thus'  the 
answer  is,  '  you  offend  me,  your  father  bid  you 
say  it.'  " 

This  letter,  so  threatening,  so  arrogant  and  so 
vain,  was  read  by  the  sober  magistrates  of  Boston 
with  surprise.  No  men  were  less  likely  than  they 
to  be  intimidated  by  threats,  or  moved  to  regard 
priestly  assumption  with  respect.  They  understood 
now,  if  they  had  not  before,  what  they  had  to  ex- 
pect and  the  source  of  their  peril  was  plainly  re- 
vealed to  them. 

The  method  of  reasoning,  which  rendered  it  im- 
possible for  men  once  in  possession  of  land  to  ever 
alienate  it  under  any  conditions  ;  no  matter  if  their 
tenure  were  by  recent  conquest,  as  in  this  case,  or,  if 
alienation  were  legal,  that  they  possessed  the  right 
of  taking  it  back  again  by  force  ;  the  proposition  to 
maUe  it  lawful,  in  this  instance  equitable,  for  one  who 
purchased  intoxicants  of  another  to  despoil  him  of 
his  property  or  to  procure  a  virtuous  friend  to  do  so, 
that   he   might   secretly   continue   to  profit  by  the 


in  Neii)  Enpland. 


105 


nefarious  business  as  long  as  possible,  might  surprise 
one  not  familiar  with  that  remarkable  body  of 
similar  reasonings,  long  ago  formulated  and  still 
sanctioned  by  casuists  of  Rale's  order  ;  but  some  of  the 
men  who  read  this  "  railing  letter,"  though  surprised 
at  its  assumptions,  were  as  familiar  with  these  reas- 
onings as  we  are,  and  as  fully  realized  their  signifi- 
cance as  we  can  realize  them  to-day.  Point  had 
been  given  to  this  letter  not  long  before  its  reception 
at  Boston,  by  the  destruction  of  a  house  belonging 
to  a  venturesome  settler  on  the  Kennebec,  and  the 
slaughter  of  cattle,  and  Rale  had  dispatched  two 
chiefs  from  Norridgewock  to  inform  Vaudreuil  of 
the  belligerent  attitude  of  his  savages,  and  that 
Governor  Shute  had  threatened  to  send  in  the  spring 
five  hundred  men  to  protect  the  settlers. 

This  was  communicated  to  the  kinji  at  once  with 
the  intimation  that  Shute's  threat  was  probably  made 
to  intimidate  the  savages,  who  now  appeared  de- 
termined to  drive  out  the  English.^ 

Yet  as  already  remarked,  the  reluctance  of  the 
savages  to   another  war  with   the   English  could  not 

^  Vide  Extract  de  la  Rcponse  en  datte  du  26  8*^'"® 
1 719,  faite  par  M'"-  Yaudreiiil  Et  Begon,  cydevant 
Gouverneur  general  Intendant  en  Canada,  au  Me- 
moire  du  Roy  en  datte  du  23,  May  de  Lad'*^  anne,  in 
the  author's  collection  of  manuscripts. 

14 


io6 


The  Pioneers  of  Nciu  France 


\ 


\    I 


be  readily  overcome.  This  is  illustrated  by  an  event 
which  occurred  about  this  time.  Their  chief  Taxous 
died,  and  it  was  necessary  to  elect  his  successor. 

A  council  was  called  at  Norridgewock,  and  thither 
the  wild  people,  tricked  out  in  barbaric  paint  and 
feathers,  flocked  in  large  numbers.  Should  they 
have  war  or  not,  was  the  uppermost  question  with 
the  fickle  and  restless  crowds,  gathered  under  the 
spreading  trees,  and  thronging  the  open  glades  about 
Norridgewock.  There  were  two  parties  ;  one,  com- 
posed of  the  older  and  wiser  men,  was  for  peace,  the 
other  for  war.  The  election  of  a  chief  from  one  or  the 
other  of  these  parties  would  determine  the  question. 

When  the  council  assembled,  the  acts  of  the  Eng- 
lish, which  had  been  placed  in  the  worst  light  by  the 
French,  were  made  the  pretext  for  immediate  hostili- 
ties by  the  younger  and  more  violent  men,  but  wiser 
counsels  prevailed,  and  Wissememet,  a  champion  of 
peace,  was  elected.  A  short  time  after,  a  friendly 
conference  was  held  at  Georgetown,  at  which  was 
present  not  only  the  chief,  whom  Rale  calls  "  Keter- 
mogus,  a  cipher  in  the  Village,"  because  of  his  love 
of  peace  ;  but,  also,  Ouaourene,  whom  he  praises  for 
his  hostility  to  the  English,  and  both  not  only  de- 
clared themselves  to  be  friends  of  peace,  but  more- 
over delivered  hosta""es  to  confirm  this  declaration. 


in  New  England. 


107 


One  who  studies  carefully  the  history  of  the  trans- 
actions between  the  English  and  savas^es,  cannot  fail 
to  be  impressed  with  the  apparent  desire  of  both  for 
friendly  relations ;  but  a  treaty  was  no  sooner  con- 
cluded between  them,  than  the  active  agents  of 
the  French  began  to  make  the  savages  dissatisfied 
with  it. 

Rale,  in  evident  chagrin,  wrote  Vaudreuil  the  result 
of  the  election.  The  reply  to  this  letter  reveals  the 
odious  character  of  Vaudreuil,  He  was  indignant  at 
the  faintheartedness  of  the  savages  in  making 
pledges  to  the  English,  and  thought  that  active  efforts 
should  be  made  to  obtain  the  aid  of  the  Canadian 
tribes  to  awaken  their  zeal.  The  new  chief  was 
made  to  feel  the  displeasure  of  the  French  at  his 
pacific  attitude  ;  and  Ouaourene  was  flattered  and 
rewarded  for  displaying  his  opposition  to  them.  A 
number  of  "  degraded  "  savages,  friendly  to  the  Eng- 
lish, were  sent  to  Quebec  by  Rale,  and  their  recep- 
tion by  the  governor  may  be  imagined  from  this 
passage  from  his  letter  to  the  priest,  "  You  may 
depend  I  will  make  the  degraded,  sensible  how  much 
I  am  discontent  with  their  conduct."^ 


'  Vide  Begon's  letter  to  Rale,  Quebec,  the  14th 
June,  1721  ;  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  New  England, 
bundle  T,  vol.  17,  and  Vaudreuil  to  Rale,   Quebec, 


io8 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  France 


'\ 


^ 


\\ 


The  reception  by  Gov.  Shute  of  a  letter  from  the 
savages,  in  the  summer  of  1721,  increased  the  public 
indignation  against  Rale.  It  was  in  French,  signed 
by  the  head  of  the  Norridgevvocks  and  eight  other 
chiefs,  his  allies,  so  called,  and  was  a  threatening  pro- 
test against  English  settlement,  along  the  Kennebec. 
It  was  certainly,  on  the  face  of  it,  an  alarming  docu- 
ment, for  it  represented  not  only  the  tribes  of  Maine, 
but  the  Micmacs,  Iroquois,  Algonkins,  Hurons  and 
other  more  remote  tribes,  the  signatures  of  whose 
chiefs  had  been  obtained  by  the  French,  and  it  so 
plainly  revealed  the  hand  of  Rale,  that  he  was  be- 
lieved not  only  to  have  instigated,  but  to  have  been 
the  author  of  it.  De  la  Chasse  was,  however,  quite 
as  prominent  in  its  production  as  his  confrere. 

We  now  know,  from  the  correspondence  of  the 
chief  actors  in  the  affair,  the  secret  history  of  this 
document,  much  of  which  was  concealed  from  the 
knowledge  of  our  forefathers.  The  formation  of  a 
peace  party  among  the  Norridgewock  savages,  already 
spoken  of,  aroused  Rale  to  action,  and  a  conference 
with  the  English  having  been  determined  upon,  he 
planned  to  prevent  the  peace  party  from  having  a  too 


the  25th  September,  1721.  Ibid.,  bundle  10,  vol.  16, 
Office  of  the  Public  Records,  London,  printed  by  the 
author  in  Me.  Hist.  Quarterly  for  1890,  pp.  2)ll}~'hn' 


in  New  Englajid. 


109 


prominent  part  in  the  conference.  As  he  wrote  Vau- 
dreuil,  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  have  the  peace 
delegates  to  the  conference  outnumbered  by  the 
"  well  intcntioned  "  or  in  the  words  of  the  practical 
politician  of  our  day,  to  pack  the  meeting.  Fearing 
defection  even  among  those  who  were  for  war,  he 
dispatched  six  savages  to  Canada,  to  invite  their 
countrymen  residing  there,  and  the  Hurons  of  Lor- 
ette,  "  to  find"  themselves  at  the  proposed  conference. 
Rale's  runners  were  received  by  Vaudreuil,  who 
brought  them  to  the  villages  of  St.  Francis  and  Becan- 
court,  to  impress  upon  the  savages  how  injurious  to 
them  was  English  settlement  on  the  frontier.  This 
mission  was  successful,  and  they  all  agreed  to  join  in 
the  conference. 

To  strengthen  affairs  at  Norridgewock  Vaudreuil 
dispatched  thither  Father  de  la  Chasse,  Superior  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  had  served  among  the  Abnakis  for 
a  score  of  years,  in  order  to  bring  the  people  there 
"to  one  mind,"  a  task  which  was  rendered  easier  by 
the  vigorous  measures  which  Rale  had  adopted  at 
the  outset.  Flaving  accomplished  this  task,  De  la 
Chasse  then  returned  to  Canada,  where  he  assembled 
his  savage  neophytes  and  again  set  out  for  Norridge- 
wock, gathering  on  his  way  a  wild  band  from  the 
Penobscot  and  other  savage  villages  ;  in  fact,  to  the 


no 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


surprise  of  the  English,  he  succeeded  in  getting  re- 
cruits from  their  dangerous  neighbors  on  the  Pis- 
cataqua.  Having  gathered  these  savages  of  differ- 
ent tribes  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  and  fifty ; 
on  the  28th  of  July,  1721;  when,  be  it  remembeied, 
I'Vance  and  England  were  at  peace,  the  two  priests, 
with  Castin  and  Croisel,  the  latter  a  French  officer, 
appeared  with  them  opposite  Arrowsic,'  and  for- 
mally presented  the  letter  in  question,  which  was  as 
follows  : 

'  La  Pcre  Ralo,  missionaire  h,  Narantsouak,  a  in- 
forme  les  Sieurs  de  Vaudreuil  et  Begon,  le  printemps 
dernier,  que  sur  les  representations  qu'il  avoit  faitcs 
aux  Sauvages  de  sa  mission  de  ne  pas  souffrir  que 
les  Anglois  continuassent  de  sctabler  au  bas  de  leur 
reviere,  ils  avoient  tue  il  y  a  deux  ans  un  grand 
nombre  de  bestiaux  appartenant  aux  Anglois  et  de- 
puis  les  avoient  menace  que  s'ils  ne  se  retiraient  ils 
augmenteraient  lesactes  d'hostilite  pour  les  y  forcer; 
que  r  automne  dernier  it  s'est  forme  deux  partes  dans 
ce  village  dont  la  moitic  a  etc  d'avis  de  continuer  de 
s'opposer  aux  etablissements  des  Anglois,  et  I'autre 
gagne  par  eux  dans  la  volante  de  souffrir  qu'ils  s'y 
etablissent.  Le  sentiment  de  ces  derniers  a  pre- 
valee  ;  et  quatre  otages  ontcte  envoyes  ^  Baston. 

II  leur  a  aussi  donne  avis  que  les  Anglois  leur 
ayant  indique  un  pourparler  pour  engager  le  reste 
du  village  h  souffrir  leur  etablissement,  il  ctait  nee- 
essaire  que  dans  ce  pourparler  le  parti  des  Sauvages 
bien  intentionne  fut  la  plus  mtmbreux  afin  de  faire 
revenir  ^  leur  sentiment  ceux  qui  avoient  ete  gagnes 


\  I 


Is 


in  New  England. 


I II 


"  Great  Captain  of  The  English  : 

"  Thou  seest  by  the  treaty  of  peace  of  which  I  send 
thee  a  copy,  that  thou  shouklst  live  peaceably  with 
me.     Is  it  to  live  in  peace  with  me   to  take  my  land 

par  les  Anj^lois,  et  qu'ils  fussent  tous ensemble  parlcr 
avcc  fcrmctc  a  I'Anglois  pour  I'obliger  \  se  retirer  de 
dcssus  leurs  terres. 

Comme  il  y  a  d  craindre  que  les  Sauvages  de  ce 
village  parlant  sculs  a  I'Anglois  ceux  que  avoient 
tcnu  bon  jusques  h.  present  ne  se  laissent  gagner 
par  les  presents,  caresses,  menaces  et  mensonges  des 
Anglois  pour  parvenir  a  leur  fin,  il  a  engage  six  des 
Sauvages  de  venir  ici  inviter  les  Abenakis  et  les 
Ilurons  de  Lorette  de  se  trouver  au  pourparler. 
Pour  faciliter  le  succes  de  cette  invitation,  le  Sieur 
de  Vaudreuil  les  a  mcne  aux  villages  de  St.  Francois 
et  de  Becancourt  oil  ils  ont  explique  combien  I'enter- 
prise  des  Anglois  etoit  prt-judiciable  aux  intorets  de 
la  nation.  Le  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  leur  a  aussi 
fait  connaitre  qu'il  etoit  important  que  I'Anglois 
jiige  par  lui  meme  qu'il  se  les  attiroit  tous  centre 
lu'i. 

Ces  deux  villages  convinrent  d'envoyer  ^  ce  pour- 
parler trois  canots  de  St.  Francois  et  trois  de 
Fx'cancourt  auxquels  s'est  joint  un  cauot  de  Hurons 
de  Lorette. 

II  a  cru  aussi  devoir  engager  avec  eux  le  Pore  La 
Chasse,  Suporieur  des  Jcsuites,  qui  ayant  cte  pendant 
20  ans  missionaire  des  trois  villages  Abenaquis  de 
I'Acadie  les  connait  bien. 

Ce  Pere  a  ete  d'abord  a  Narantsouak,  et  apres 
avoir  ruuni  les  esprits  de  tous  les  Sauvages  de  cette 
nation  il  invita  les   Sauvages   du    village   de    Pan- 


I  12 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


despite  me  ?  My  land  that  I  have  received  from  God 
alone,  my  land  of  which  no  King^  nor  strange  power 
has  been  abh;,  nor  can  dispose  of  despite  me,  that 
which  thou  nevertheless  hast  done  for  several  years, 
by  establishing  and  fcjrtifying  thys(;lf  therein  against 


aouamskc  d'ou  il  a  fait  aiissi  avertir  ceux  de  Medoc- 
teh  et  de  Penondaky. 

II  est  revenu  ensuite  a  Narantsoiiak  accompagnt- 
de  plus  de  lOO  Saiivages  dc  I'anouamskc  et  des  d(> 
putt'js  des  villages  de  Medoctch  et  de  Penondaky. 
11  a  fait  vf-nir  aiissi  ceux  de  Pegeonaky  qui  sont  les 
plus  proches  des  Anglois  du  c'^to  de  Baston. 

Ces  Sauvages  ainsi  rasseniblrs  et  an  nombre  de  250 
qui  repn'sentoient  touU*  la  nation  Abrnatjuise  et  leurs 
allit's,  ajjrc:s  avoir  t(,'nu  Cons(nl,  se  sont  rendus  le  28 
juilh^t  d(*rnier,  amies  devant  le  Port  Anglois  de  Men- 
askous  ou  le  pourparler  etoit  indicjue. 

Le  Gouverneur  de  Baston  informe  du  grand  nom- 
bre de  Sauvages  qui  vouloient  lui  parler,  n 'ayant 
pas  os/'  s'y  trouver  aprrs  s'etre  fait  attcMulrc;  [xMidant 
50  jours,  les  Sauvages  sommerent  les  [)rinc;ipaux  of- 
liciers  des  cinq  forts  et  environ  50  des  habitants  an- 
glois les  plus  considerables  de  s'y  trouver  au  drfaut 
du  Gouverneur,  et  y  etant  venus,  ils  leur  dirent  qu'ils 
eussent  a  se  retirer  de  leurs  terres  leur  jetterent  les 
200  castors  par  eux  proniis  pour  les  b(;stiaux  tu('*s  et 
en  mrme  temps  leur  il(;maiulerent  oil  t'toit-nt  les  quatre 
hommes  qu'ils  avoient  amends  a  Boston  pour  surety 
de  ce  paiement. 

Des  Anglois  n'-pondirent  qu'ils  ne  pouvoient  se 
retirer  des  terres  sans  I'Ordre  du  Gouverneur  qui  les 
y  avoit  envoyes  ;  que  pour  les  otages  ils  ne  croyoient 


S 


in  Nc2iu  Jiiii^land. 


113 


my  will,  as  thou  hast  done  in  my  River  of  Anmou- 
kan^an,  of  Kcnibekki,  in  that  of  Matsidouanoussis, 
and  elscwlierc  and  recently  in  my  River  of  Anmou- 
kan^an,  where  I  have  been  surprised  to  see  a  fort 
which  they  tell  me  is  built  by  thy  orders. 

"  Consider  ;  Great  Captain  ;  that  I  have  frequently 

pas  que  le  Gouverneur  les  rendit  a  moins  cpi'ils  n'en 
envoyessent  quatre  autres  pour  gajj^e  de  leur  fidelite 
;i  la  Couronne  d'Angleterre. 

Surquoi  les  Sauva^^es  se  recrierent  protestant  que 
c'etoit  une  imposture ;  qu'ils  n'avoient  donne  ces 
otaj^^es  que  pour  surete  des  2CO  castors,  et  qu'ils 
n'avoient  jamais  consenti  de  donner  des  hommes 
pour  qu(;l(iu(;s  bc'tes  qu'ils  avoient  eu  \v.  droit  de  tuer 
pour  les  obli^er  de  se  retirer  sur  leurs  terres. 

Aprcs  de  j^randes  contestations  les  Sauvages 
prierent  le  Pere  de  la  Chasse  de  lire  leurs  paroles 
declarant  aux  An^^dois  qu'ils  les  avoient  mis  en  ecrit 
pour  envoyer  au  Gouverneur  de  Boston  puis  qu'ils 
ne  pouvoient  pas  lui  parler. 

Ouaourne  et  Pehonuret  dirent  cette  parole,  le 
premier  en  Sauvaj^c  et  le  second  en  An^dois,  Elle 
fut  dite  aussi  en  latin  par  le  Fere  de  la  Chasse, 
ministre,  qui  I'expliqua  en  Anj^dois  ;  apres  v'l  !<-' 
Sieur  Fenhalo  un  des  princi[)aux  officiers  du  Fort 
de  Menaskouk  et  d'autres  officiers  reeurent  cet 
ecrit  si^ne  des  mar([ues  des  Abc'nakis  et  des  Sauv- 
aLjes  leurs  allies  dont  copie  est  ci  jointe  ;  ils  promi- 
rent  de  I'envoyerau  Gouverneur  de  Baston,  ce  qu'ils 
o:it  f.iit."  Vide  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc.  Rap- 
port de  Messieurs  de  Vaudreuil  et  Begon  au 
Ministre,  vol.  3,  p.  57. 


114 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


told  thee  to  retire  from  off  my  lands,  and  I  repeat  it 
to  thee  now  for  the  last  time.  My  land  belongs  to 
thee  neither  by  right  of  conquest,  nor  by  gift,  nor  by 
purchase.     It  is  not  thine  by  right  of  conquest. 

"  When  hast  thou  driven  me  from  it  ?  and  have  I 
not  always  driven  thee  from  it,  every  time  that  we 
have  had  war  together,  which  proves  that  it  is  mine 
by  many  titles. 

"  It  is  not  thine  by  gift,  The  King  of  France,  thou 
sayst  has  given  it  to  me  ;  but  has  he  power  to  give 
it  to  thee?  am  I  his  subject?  The  Indians  have 
given  it  to  thee.  Some  Indians  that  thou  hast  over- 
reached by  making  them  drink,  have  they  power  to 
give  it  thee  to  the  predjudice  of  all  their  nation,  who 
very  far  from  ratifying  this  gift,  which  would  be  nec- 
essary to  give  thee  some  right,  declares  it  to  be  vain 
and  illusory  ?  Some  have  lent  thee  some  places,  but 
know  that  all  the  nation  revokes  these  loans,  because 
of  the  abuse  which  thou  hadst  made  of  them.  When 
have  they  permitted  thee  to  build  forts  and  to  ad- 
vance thyself  as  much  as  thou  hast  done  in  their 
River? 

"  It  is  not  thine  by  right  of  purchase.  And  thou 
tellest  me  a  thing  that  my  grandfathers  and  my 
fathers  have  never  told  me.  That  they  had  sold  my 
land  when  some  of  them  would  have  sold  certain 


in  New  Eiiirland. 


115 


places,  which  is  not  so  since  thou  canst  not  say  that 
thou  hast  fully  paid  for  the  least  of  the  islands  which 
thou  wishest  to  possess.  I  have  the  right  of  recover- 
ing property  which  has  not  been  alienated  to  my  pred- 
judice,  and  that  I   have  so  many  times  reconquered. 

"  I  wait  then  thy  reply  within  three  sabbath  days  ; 
if  within  this  time  thou  dost  not  write  me,  that  thou 
hast  retired  from  my  land,  I  will  not  tell  thee  again 
to  withdraw,  and  I  shall  believe  that  thou  wishest  to 
make  thyself  master  of  it  in  spite  of  me. 

"  Furthermore  this  is  not  the  word  of  four  or  five 
savages,  whom  by  thy  presents,  thy  lies  and  thy 
tricks  thou  canst  easily  make  fall  into  thy  opinions, 
this  is  the  word  of  all  the  Abnaki  nation  spread  over 
this  continent  and  Canada,  and  of  all  the  other 
christian  Indians  their  allies  who  are  expressly  as- 
sembled at  Pemster  in  order  to  speak  to  thee  thus 
about  my  land,  and  who,  after  having  awaited  thee 
more  than  50  days  and  my  people,  that  I  am  sur- 
prised that  thou  hast  not  sent  back  to  me,  contrary 
to  thy  word,  summon  thee  alltogether  to  withdraw 
thyself  from  off  the  land  of  the  Abnakis,  that  thou 
wishest  to  unjustly  usurp,  and  which  has  for  bounds 
the  River  Kenlbequi,  the  River  which  separates  it  from 
the  land  of  the  Iroquois.  I  should  have  the  right  to 
reclaim  from  thee  all  the  space  which  is  between  that 


ii6 


The  Pioneers  of  Nctv  France 


River  and  me,  since  thou  possesses!  nothing  of  it 
only  by  deceit,  but  I  am  quite  willing  to  leave  thee 
in  this  place,  on  condition  that  absolutely  no  more 
English  shall  dwell  within  a  league  of  my  River  Pe- 
gonakki,  nor  from  this  bound  along  the  borders  of 
the  Sea  which  corresponds  to  all  the  extent  of  my 
land,  nor  at  the  mouth  of  my  Rivers,  nor  in  any  of 
the  islands,  which  correspond  to  my  land,  which  are 
adjacent  and  where  my  canoe  can  go.  If  some  in- 
dividual savages  addicted  to  drink  tell  thee  to  dwell 
where  thou  didst  formerly  dwell,  Know  that  all  the 
nation  disavows  this  permission  and  that  I  will  go  to 
burn  the  houses  after  having  pillaged  them. 

"  By  my  people  who  are  in  Boston,  I  await  thy  re- 
ply in  my  village  of  Nanrantsouak,  in  French  as  I 
write  thee.  If  thou  writest  me  in  English  I  shall  be- 
lieve that  thou  dost  not  wish  to  be  understood  and 
that  thou  wishest  to  retain  my  land  and  my  people  in 
spite  of  me,  which  I  then  tell  thee  to  restore  to  me, 
because  the  land  is  mine,  and  that  for  my  4  men  I 
have  given  ransom  for  which  we  are  assembled  to  ac- 
quit myself  of  my  word  although  I  owe  thee  nothing. 
This  is  the  word  of  all  the  Abnaki  nation,  spread  over 
this  continent  and  Canada  and  of  all  the  Catholic 
Indians,  Hurons,  Iroquois,  Micmaks,  and  other  al- 
lies of  the  Abnakis  of  which    the  old  men  and  depu- 


in! 


in  New  Englajid. 


117 


n 


•^1 


ties  have  appeared  and  spoken  at  the  place  called 
Menaskek,  at  the  river,  July  28- 1  721. 

"  Know  further  Great  Captain  that  all  the  Abnaki 
nation  pronounces  void  all  the  deeds  which  thou  hast 
passed  heretofore  with  the  Indians  and  because  they 
have  not  been  avowed  nor  received  from  all  the  na- 
tions, and  because  they  have  only  been  the  effect  of 
thy  impositions,  as  in  the  case  of  Peskadoe,  upon 
which  thou  establish  thyself  so  strongly,  where  thou 
didst  so  falsely  make  the  savages  understand  that 
thou  wast  sole  master  of  the  land,  that  the  King  of 
France  had  given  thee  their  country  as  if  a  king  could 
give  that  which  is  not  his. 

"  Mark  the  effect  of  the  drink  which  thou  has  given 
in  plenty  to  the  Indians,  after  which  they  promise 
thee  all  that  thou  wishest. 

"  Mark  the  effect  of  the  violence  which  thou  hast 
exercised  against  them  on  several  occasions,  and  quite 
recently  the  last  winter,  when  after  having  called  six 
to  speak  with  thee,  on  the  subject  of  the  cattle  which 
they  had  killed  for  thee,  and  which  they  had  a  right 
to  kill  for  thee  in  order  to  oblige  thee,  by  that  to 
withdraw  from  the  land  which  is  not  thine,  thou  mad- 
est  them  enter  into  a  house  and  immediately  surroun- 
ded it  with  near  two  hundred  Englishmen  armed 
with  pistols  and  swords  and  compelled  4  of  them  to 


ii8 


The  Pioneers  of  N'ew  France 


remain  for  the  cattle  killed.  Thou  hast  conducted 
these  4  men  to  Boston.  Thou  hast  promised  to  re- 
store these  4  men  by  giving  thee  2cx:>  beavers.  The 
beavers  have  been  given  and  now  thou  retainest 
these  men.     By  what  right  ? 

"Signatures  of  the  Abnaki  Nation  and  of  the  In- 
dians, its  allies."^ 

The  Rev.  Hugh  Adams,  who  had  befriended  Rale 
at  Arrowsic,  joining  in  the  common  indignation,  ex- 
perienced an  extraordinary  revulsion  of  feeling.  With 
that  mental  bias  peculiar  to  the  age  already  alluded 
to,  he  prayed  that  his  former  patient  might  be  con- 
founded in  his  wicked  designs,  and  publicly  predicted 
his    overthrow.  ^      So    much    in    harmony,    however, 


^  This  document  has  the  character,  8,  employed 
by  the  French  Jesuits  to  represent  the  sound  of 
the  French  ou.  The  employment  of  this  character 
indicates  its  authorship.  I  have  thought  best  to  omit 
it  and  to  substitute  the  letters  ou. 

^  The  Rev.  Hugh  Adams  was  graduated  at  Harvard 
College  in  the  class  of  1697,  and  the  year  following 
removed  to  South  Carolina,  where  he  remained  until 
1706.  In  1707  he  settled  at  Braintree  and  resided 
there  until  i  71 1,  when  he  removed  to  Chatham,  Cape 
Cod.  In  1716  he  was  at  Arrowsic,  but  remained 
there  but  one  year,  when  we  find  him  settled  at 
Dover,  N.  H.  He  died  in  1750.  Vide  Proceedings 
Mass.  Hist.  Society,  vol.  3,  pp.  322-326.  Collections 
N.  H.  Society,  vol.  5,  p.  135.     The  History  of  Cape 


Those  of  Narrantouak 


Those  of  Pentagouet 
Those  of  Narakamigou 

Those  of  Anmissoukanti 
Those  of  Muanbissek 

Those  of  Pegouakkl 

Those  of  Medokteck 

Those  of  Kouupahag 
Those  of  Pesmokanti 
Those  of  Arsikantegou 

Those  of  Ouanouinak 
Their  Allies 

The  Iroquois  of  the  Falls 
The  Iroquois  of  the  Mountain 

The  Algonquins 

Tht  Hurons 
The  Mikemaks 

The  Montagnez  of  the  Northside 

The  Papinachois  and  other  neighboring 
nations 


V 


or 


8" 


<^ 


in  Neiv  England. 


119 


was  this  with  the  current  thought  of  the  age,  that  it 
excited  no  surprise,  a  fact  which  should  not  be  over- 
looked in  our  estimate  of  men  and  acts  connected 
with  the  events  under  consideration. 

So  bitter  had  the  feeling  against  Rale  become,  that 
the  General  Court  voted  to  send  a  force  of  three 
hundred  men  to  Norridgewock  to  demand  his  sur- 
render, but  owing  to  the  opposition  of  Judge  Sewall, 
it  was  not  carried  into  effect.  Castin  and  his  son,  a 
half  breed,  the  English  had  good  reason  to  believe  to 
be  conspirators  with  Rale  in  his  plots  against  them. 
Castin  himself  still  claimed  to  be  in  the  French  ser- 
vice, if  we  may  judge  from  his  application  to  the  king 
at  this  time  for  arrears  of  pay  as  a  lieutenant,  and 
his  son  sported  the  uniform  of  a  French  officer.  The 
frequen*:  outbreaks  of  the  savages,  and  the  well 
known  influence  of  the  Castins,  made  them  objects 
of  suspicion,  and,  an  opportunity  offering,  the  young 
Castin  was  arrested  and  taken  to  Boston,  where  he 
was  detained  for  several  months,  and  questioned  rela- 
tive to  his  participation  in  recent  hostilities ;  but  as 
nothing  could  be  proved  against  him,  he  was  returned 
to  his  people.     There  is  nothing  on  record  to  show 


Cod,  by  Frederick  Freeman,  Boston,  1862,  vol,  2,  pp. 
593"595-  The  prediction  alluded  to,  may  be  found  in 
the  Massachusetts  Courant  for  December,  1722. 


120 


The  Pioneers  of  New  Fra^ice 


that  he  was  not  treated  with  due  consideration,  yet 
some  writers  would  have  us  believe  that  his  arrest 
was  the  cause  of  subsequent  acts  of  hostility,  which, 
in  fact,  were  but  a  continuance  of  similar  ones.  Rale, 
however,  was  a  too  conspicuous  fomenter  of  mischief, 
to  be  permitted  by  the  English  to  continue  his  dan- 
gerous designs  against  them,  and  in  the  winter  of 
1721-22,  Colonel  Thomas  Westbrook  was  dispatched 
to  Norridgewock,  to  apprehend  and  take  him  to  Bos- 
ton. As  Westbrook  was  painfully  making  his  way 
up  the  river,  he  was  discovered  by  Indian  hunters, 
who,  divining  his  purpose,  struck  across  the  forest  to 
alarm  the  village. 

Unsuspecting  danger,  Rale  was  alone  in  the  village 
with  the  old  men,  women  and  children,  the  young 
men  being  absent,  when  he  was  startled  by  the  sud- 
den appearance  of  the  savages,  who  had  discovered 
Westbrook's  approach. 

Not  a  m.oment  was  to  be  lost.  Seizing  the  con- 
secrated host,  the  pious  missionary  swallowed  it  in 
haste,  and  then  packing  the  church  vessels  in  a  small 
chest,  he  fled  to  the  forest  where  the  frightened  people, 
who  had  been  left  in  the  village,  had  betaken  them- 
selves. Night  was  approaching  when  Westbrook 
and  his  men  cautiously  made  their  way  through  the 
thickets  which  surrounded  Norridgewock.     All  was 


in  Nciu  Enpland. 


12  I 


ominously  silent  as  they  drew  near  the  village  and 
surrounded  it.  Surprised  at  the  dead  silence,  they 
drew  nearer,  keeping  on  the  alert  for  a  foe,  whose 
cunning  they  well  knew.  There  was  no  sound,  no 
movement  in  the  village,  and  finally  the  secret  was 
disclosed  ;  it  had  been  deserted.  A  diligent  search 
was  made  the  next  day  for  Rale,  but  although  West- 
brook's  men  passed  near  his  hiding  place,  they  did 
not  discover  him,  and  at  last  abandoned  the  search. 
Westbrook  secured,  however,  a  valuable  prize,  a  small 
box  containing  letters  from  Vaudreuil  and  Begon, 
which  disclosed  to  the  English  the  perfidy  of  their 
French  neighbors.  In  the  box  was  also  a  dic- 
tionary of  the  Abnaki  language,^  the  labor  of 
Rale  for  many  years,  and  when  we  consider  how 
precious  this  manuscript  was  to  him,  we  cannot 
but  sympathize  with  him  for  its  loss,  for  in  the 
hands  of  his  enemies,  whom  he  regarded  as  ruth- 
less vandals,  he  supposed  it  forever  lost  to  the 
world;  yet  Providence  seems  to  have  employed 
this  method  for  its  preservation.  On  the  door  of 
the  church  was  found  the  following  paper  in  Rale's 
handwriting  : 

^This  valuable  relic  is  now  the  property  of  Har- 
vard College.     It  was   published   in    1833,    by  John 
Pickering,  LL.  D. 
16 


122  The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

"  Englishmen. 

"  I  that  am  of  Norridj^wock  have  had  Thoughts 
that  thou  wil't  Come  and  Burn  our  Church  &  Our 
Fathers  House  to  Revenge  thy  self  without  Cause 
for  the  Houses  I  have  Burnt  of  thine.  It  was  thou 
that  didst  force  me  to  it,  why  didst  thou  build  them 
upon  my  Land  without  my  Consent. 

"  I  have  not  yet  burnt  any,  but  what  was  upon  my 
own  Land  ;  Thou  mayest  burn  it,  because  thou 
knowest  that  I  am  not  there  such  is  thy  Generosity, 
for  if  I  were  there,  Assuredly  thou  shouldst  not  burn 
it,  altho  thou  shouldst  Come  with  the  number  of 
many  hundred  Men. 

"  It  is  111  built,  because  the  English  dont  work 
well ;  It  is  not  finished,  altho  five  or  six  Englishmen 
have  wrought  there  during  the  space  of  four  years, 
and  the  Undertaker  who  is  a  great  Cheat,  hath  been 
paid  in  advance  for  to  finish  it.  I  tell  the  Neverthe- 
less, That,  if  thou  dost  burn  it  in  Revenge  upon  my 
Land,  thou  mayest  Depend  upon  it,  That  I  will  Re- 
venge myself  also  and  that  upon  thy  Land  in  such  a 
manner  as  will  be  more  sensible  and  more  disadvanta- 
geous to  the,  for  one  of  thy  Meeting  houses  or 
Temples  is  of  more  value  beyond  Compare  than  our 
Church.  And  I  shall  not  be  Satisfied  with  Burning 
only  one  or  two  of  thine,  but  many ;  I  know  where 


tn  New  Itno/iutd. 


123 


they  arc,  and  the  Effect  shall  make  the  know  that  I 
have  been  as  good  as  my  word. 

"  This  shall  Certainly  be  done  sooner  or  later,  for 
the  War  is  but  just  beginning  ;  And  if  thou  wouldst 
know  where  it  will  have  an  End  I  tell  the  it  will 
not  have  an  end  but  with  the  World.  If  thou  Canst 
not  be  driven  out  before  I  Dye,  Our  Children  and 
Nephews  will  Continue  it  till  that  time,  without  thy 
being  able  to  Enjoy  it  peaceably. 

"  This  is  what  I  say  to  the,  who  am  of  Norridge- 
wock  in  the  Name  of  all  the  NATION."' 

The  discovery  of  Vaudrcuil's  duplicity,  as  his  cor- 
respondence with  Shute  had  been  such  as  would 
naturally  pass  between  men  in  their  position,  whose 
governments  were  nominally  friendly,  astounded  the 
English,  and  Shute  at  once  dispatched  copies  of  the 
letters  found  in  Rale's  box  to  the  government,  and 
himself  wrote  a  letter  to  the  French  governor,  so 
manly  in  tone,  that   he  must  have  always  respected 


^This  letter  was  copied  by  me  from  the  one  in  the 
office  of  the  Public  Records,  London,  and  bears  the 
following  indorsement  :  "  Translated  from  the  French. 
The  foregoing'  luas  found  upo7i  the  Church  Door  at 
Norridgcivock  &  in  the  hand  Writing  of  Father 
Ralle,  the  Jesuit,  Examined  pr.  J.  Willard,  Sec'y." 
The  box  containing  the  correspondence  of  Vaudreuil 
is  now  the  property  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society. 


124 


TJie  Pioneers  of  Nezv  France 


its  author,  In  spite   of  the  bitter   reproofs   which    it 
contained.     In  this  letter  he  said  : 

"  Sir  :— 

"  In  the  month  of  September  last  I  did  myself  the 
Honor  of  writing  to  you  a  Letter  by  the  way  of  Al- 
bany, which  I  hope  came  Safe  to  your  hand  ;  how- 
ever, for  fear  of  a  Miscarriage,  I  have  now  sent  you 
a  copy  of  it.  Therein  you  will  observe  the  great 
Confidence  I  had  at  that  time  in  your  Justice  and 
Friendship  with  respect  to  the  Indians  at  Norridge- 
wock,  but  I  am  sorry  to  find  I  was  so  much  mis- 
taken ;  You  have  convinced  me  by  Letters  under 
your  own  hand,  that  I  was  in  the  wrong  to  Expect 
the  least  Service  from  you  upon  that  occasion.  For  it 
appears  over  &  over  again.  That  the  Hostile  appear- 
ance and  Insolent  Behaviour  of  the  Indians  at  Arow- 
sick  in  the  Summer  last  past,  was  not  only  with  your 
Allowance,  but  even  with  your  projecting  from  the 
beginning  ;  And  your  Approbation  of  it  afterwards. 
That  you  excited  them  to  it,  Supplyed  them  in  it, 
with  Officers  and  Stores  of  War,  and  after  all  was  done, 
mightily  applauded  and  Rewarded  them,  And  least 
they  should  be  at  a  loss  what  to  say,  to  the  English 
you  even  put  Words  into  their  Mouths,  &  prepared 
Instructions  for  their  Conduct  in  that  Affair;  I  must 
needs  say.  Sir,  I  should  not  easily  have  been  brought 


RALKS  BOX  CONTAINING  THE  FRENCH  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Captured    hv  WestbrooU  in   the  winter  of    1721-22,   now  in 
possessicin  of  the   Maine   Historical  Society. 


MMBi 


in  New  England. 


125 


to  believe  these  things  of  a  Gentleman,  a  Christian, 
and  a  Governor  of  a  French  Colony,  and  who,  as 
such,  is  Obliged  to  live  in  Peace  and  Friendship  with 
the  English  Government ;  But  what  shall  I  say  ?  I 
have  your  Original  Instructions,  and  Letters  now 
before  me,  as  you  may  See  by  the  Copies  of  some  of 
them,  which  I  now  Inclose  ;  The  Originals  I  shall 
send  home  to  his  Majesty,  my  Great  Master ;  You 
do  indeed  suggest.  That  you  have  Orders  for  what 
you  have  done  or  shall  do  further  in  this  Affair ;  His 
Majesty  will  soon  Discover  the  Truth  and  Validity  of 
that  pretence,  and  how  Agreeable  Your  Conduct  has 
been,  both  to  the  Letter  and  Spirit  of  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  more  especially  to  the  twelfth  and  Six- 
teenth Articles;  Is  it  thus  We  are  to  Imitate  the 
Examples  of  Our  Masters  at  Home,  who  live  in  such 
strict  Allegance  and  Friendship?  Should  I  have 
offered  to  stir  up  the  Indian  Tribes  at  St.  Francois  or 
Besancourt,  or  any  other  within  the  Bounds  of  Your 
Government  to  commit  such  Affronts  and  Hostilities 
to  the  Government  and  People  of  Canada,  would 
you  not  justly  &  greatly  have  Complained  of  it  ? 
I  do  not  Judge  it  necessary  to  Enter  far  into  an  Ar- 
gument upon  this  Head,  But  I  Could  Easily  Con- 
vince you  how  very  much  you  are  in  the  wrong  to 
Concern    yourself   with    an    Indian    Tribe  that  are 


126 


TJie  Pioneers  of  New  France 


settled  upon  one  of  the  Principal  Rivers  of  New 
England,  that  live  in  the  Neighborhood  of  Our 
English  Towns  &  Garrisons,  &  until  very  lately 
have  Constantly  Conversed  and  traded  with  them, 
and  pass  by  the  English  settlements  every  time  they 
Come  to  the  sea  for  their  Fishery,  And  their  Lands 
or  place  of  Settlement  must  of  necessity  fall  within 
the  English  Pale  or  Territory,  inasmuch  as  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  have  now  the  Right  & 
Dominion  of  Nova  Scotia,  formerly  called  L'Accadie, 
with  all  its  Dependencies,  But  above  all,  and  what  I 
very  much  Insist  on,  This  Tribe  of  the  Indians,  as 
well  as  that  of  Penobscot,  have  for  a  great  number 
of  years  last  past,  by  Frequent  and  Solemn  Treaties, 
willingly  and  Joyfully  put  themselves  under  the  Pro- 
tection of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  &  the  Gov- 
ernment of  New  England,  and  on  these  Occasions 
have  had  Tokens  of  His  Majesties  kindness  &  Friend- 
ship presented  to  them  ;  And  you  may  Depend  upon 
it  His  Majesty  will  never  quit  His  right  and  Interest 
with  respect  to  those  Indian  Tribes,  but  Insist  upon 
it  to  the  last,  And  while  I  have  the  Honour  to  be 
His  Governour  here,  I  shall  Endeavor  to  do  my 
Duty  in  Defending  and  Maintaining  it,  and  shall 
take  Just  and  proper  Measures  to  prevent  such  In- 
sults and  Injuries  to  His  Majesties  good  subjects  for 


in  New  England. 


127 


the  future  ;  I  suppose  Mr.  Ralle,  who  has  been  the 
great  Incendiary  in  all  this  Affair  has  acquainted 
you  with  his  narrow  Escape ;  he  will  do  well  to  take 
warning  by  it  &  return  to  his  own  Countrey,  or  at 
least  to  Canada,  and  no  longer  abuse  his  profession 
by  Stirring  up  the  Indians  of  this  Country  to  Acts  of 
Hostility,  which  if  Continued  in,  will  finally  end  in 
their  ruin. 

"  I  shall  be  glad  if  upon  this  Remonstrance  Your 
future  conduct  towards  this  Government  and  the 
Indian  Tribes  Dependent  thereon,  Especially  those 
of  Norridgewock  and  Penobscot  may  be  such  as  to 
give  me  Occasion  to  say,  what  I  would  willingly  do, 
That  I  am  Sir 

"  Your  very  humble  Servt. 

"  Samll.  Shute."^ 

This  expedition  of  Westbrook,  coupled  with  the 
arrest  of  Castin's  son,  acts  fully  warranted  by.  exist- 
ing circumstances,  furnished  the  savages  with  a  suffi- 
cient pretext  to  extend  their  depredations,  and  we 
are  told  by  Rale,  that  they  resolved  to  destroy  the 
English  habitations  near  them.  "  They  chanted  the 
war,"  he  says,  "among  the  Hurons  of  Lorette,  and  in 

^  This  letter  is  a  copy  made  by  the  author  from  the 
original  in  the  office  of  the  Public  Records,  London. 


128 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


all  the  villages  of  the  Abnaki  nation,"  and  "  Nor- 
ridgewock  was  the  place  appointed  to  assemble  the 
warriors  in  order  to  concert  their  project  together." 

In  June,  1722,  all  was  in  readiness,  and  the  first 
blow  was  struck.  The  savages,  proceeding  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Kennebec  on  the  13th,  destroyed  some 
small  buildings  of  the  English,  and  then  continuing 
up  the  river,  says  Rale,  "  plundered  and  burnt  the  new 
houses  which  the  English  had  built."  They,  however, 
abstained  from  slaughter  and  liberated  all  their  cap- 
tives but  five,  whom  they  retained  as  hostages. 

Doubtless  in  this  act  they  followed  the  advice  of 
their  older  men,  who  ever  counseled  moderation  ; 
but  moderation  is  not  a  savage  virtue,  and,  intoxi- 
cated with  success,  they  soon  entered  upon  a  whole- 
sale destruction  of  the  English  settlements.  On  the 
following  July,  Capt.  Harmon,  who  was  stationed  at 
Arrowsic  with  a  small  force,  having  discovered  that 
the  settlement  of  Brunswick  was  on  fire,  at  once  pro- 
ceeded in  two  whale  boats  to  its  relief.  As  he  made 
his  way  through  the  darkness  with  muffled  oars,  he 
perceived  lights  on  Pleasant  Point,  and  landing 
cautiously,  he  came  upon  eleven  canoes  of  the  sav- 
ages, who  had  been  engaged  in  the  destruction  of 
Brunswick.  They  had  been  enjoying  one  of  their 
infernal   orgies,  the  torturing  of  a  prisoner,  Moses 


in  Neiu  England. 


129 


Eaton,  of  Brunswick,  whose  tongue  they  had  cut  out, 
and  whose  legs  and  arms  they  had  also  severed  from 
his  body,  and  now  exhausted  by  the  exercise  of  their 
ferocious  passions,  they  were  lying  about  their  fires 
unsuspicious  of  the  proximity  of  an  avenger  of  their 
victim. 

The  moment  was  opportune,  and  Harmon,  cau- 
tiously advancing  his  small  force,  the  chief  reliance 
of  the  settlers  of  the  vicinity,  came  suddenly  upon 
them ;  indeed,  Penhallow  tells  us  that  he  "  stumbled 
over  them  as  they  lay  asleep."  The  attack  was  sud- 
den, yet  in  the  darkness  most  of  them  escaped.  A 
large  body  of  savages,  however,  were  encamped  not  far 
away,  and  aroused  by  the  sound  of  guns,  they  fired 
upon  the  English  in  the  darkness  but  without  execu- 
tion. Deeming  it  prudent  to  avoid  risking  a  battle  so 
far  from  his  base  of  supplies,  and  upon  ground  where 
the  savage  was  at  home,  after  burying  the  mutilated 
body  of  Eaton,  Harmon  hastened  back  to  the  de- 
fense of  Arrowsic. 

Let  us  see  Rale's  account  of  this  transaction.  He 
says,  after  relating  the  first  attack  of  the  savages,  in 
which  they  burnt  a  number  of  dwellings  and  re- 
leased all  of  their  prisoners  but  five,  suppressing  all 
allusion  to  the  destruction  of  Brunswick  and  the 
murderous  work  which  followed,  "  This  moderation 
17 


I  w 


The  Pioneers  of  Nen'  France 


of  the  Indians,  however,  had  not  the  desired  effect. 
On  the  contrary,  a  party  of  English  having  found 
sixteen  Abnakis  asleep  on  an  Island,  made  a  general 
discharge  on  them,  by  which  five  were  killed  and 
three  wounded." 

So  strong  were  Rale's  prejudices  against  the  Eng- 
lish, that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  relate  fairly 
any  incident  respecting  them.  The  savages,  who 
slowly  tortured  to  death  their  English  prisoners,  he 
saw  through  a  mist,  which  gave  them  an  appearance 
of  primeval  simplicity,  while  the  English  heretics, 
seen  through  the  same  medium,  took  on  the  shape 
of  ugly  satyrs.  This  is  but  a  single  instance  of  the 
manner  in  which  Rale  described  the  events  connected 
with  the  wars  between  his  savages  and  the  English, 
and  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say,  that  hardly  an  in- 
cident of  these  wars  involving  the  character  of  the 
English  related  by  him  and  Charlevoix,  the  latter  of 
whom  cooked  without  question  everything  which 
came  to  his  net,  will  bear  critical  analysis,  or  a  com- 
parison with  historical  documents  of  the  times. 

This  act  of  Harmon  has  been  criticised  by  several 
of  our  writers,  who  have  listened  too  readily  to 
Charlevoix,  as  impolitic  and  cruel,  but  they  certainly 
cannot  have  considered  the  existing  conditions.  Har- 
mon's act  was  cruel  only  because  all  war  is  cruel.  The 


i)i  New  Hnelcind. 


131 


English  settlers  were  surrounded  by  terrible  perils, 
and  knew,  from  years  of  bitter  experience,  the  merci- 
less nature  of  the  foe  with  whom  they  had  to  deal ;  a 
foe  who  surprised  sleeping  hamlets,  and  destroyed 
old  and  young  with  fiendish  cruelty.  Though  in 
their  first  attack  there  had  been  no  blood  shed  on 
either  side,  no  resistance  having  been  made,  the  im- 
periled settlers  realized  that  war  had  begun  with  a 
pitiless  foe,  and  self  preservation  was  the  question 
uppermost  in  their  minds.  In  this  condition  of  af- 
fairs we  should  not  expect  them  to  weigh  questions 
of  ethics  with  the  same  care  which  we,  in  the  seclu- 
sion of  our  closets,  bestow  upon  them.  That  injury 
might  not  be  done  to  those  savages  friendly  to  the 
English,  Governor  Shute  in  his  proclamation  of  war, 
issued  on  the  25th  of  July,  1722,  notified  them,  that 
none  would  be  molested,  who  reported  within  forty 
days  to  the  nearest  military  post,  and  those  within 
the  English  lines  were  ordered  to  remain  peaceably 
at  home  and  not  to  harbor  the  enemy. 

Although  the  French  could  not  openly  enter  into 
the  conflict,  they  secretly  supplied  the  savages  with 
arms,  and  encouraged  them  to  pursue  the  war.  The 
result  was,  that  along  the  English  borders  the  same 
scenes  of  desolation  and  cruelty  were  enacted,  that 
had  characterized  former  savage  wars. 


132 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


Rale,  by  his  own  testimony,  accompanied  his  neo- 
phytes on  some  of  their  bhjody  raids,  and  was  not 
always  careful  to  keep  in  the  backi^roiind,  but  ex- 
hibited himself  to  the  I'lni^lish  for  the  avowed  pur- 
pose of  exciting  their  rage  against  him.  The  fol- 
lowing letter  written  by  him  is  i)roof  of  this: 

"  My  people  returned  in  the  spring  having  learnt 
what  had  passed  in  the  winter,  made  a  party  of  forty 
men  against  the  I'3nglish  not  with  a  design  to  kill, 
but  to  put  them  in  mind  of  their  word,  and  to  make 
them  draw  off.  In  one  night  they  ranged  near  ten 
leagues  of  the  countrey  where  the  English  had  set- 
tled, broke  into  their  houses,  bound  their  men,  which 
they  made  prisoners  to  the  number  of  sixty-four, 
pillaged  their  houses  and  burnt  all,  and  this  party 
being  returned,  another  fitted  out  to  pillage  and  burn 
many  houses,  with  we  hear  a  stone  fort,  and  at  length 
they  took  up  the  hatchet  against  the  English  and 
carried  it  to  a  village  of  Canada.  The  warriors  set 
out  on  their  way  and  being  arrived  here,  I  em- 
bar([ued  with  them  to  go  to  war,  being  in  all  i6o,  we 
arrived  at  the  village  they  went  to  attack,  which  con- 
sisted of  fifty  fair  houses,  supported  by  five  forts, 
two  of  stone  and  three  of  wood.  At  break  of  day 
ten  Englishmen  coming  out  of  their  stone  fort  with 
their  arms,  seven  of  my  people  set  upon  them,  killed 


in  Nc7o  lingland. 


133 


some,  but  one  of  ours  being  wounded  in  the  thigh 
was  brought  to  the  camp,  and  the  EngHsh  dare  not 
after  that  come  out  of  their  stone  fort  any  more, 
where  all  the  inhabitants  had  sheltered  themselves  to 
the  number  of  near  600  men,  besides  women  and 
children. 

My  people  still  inviting  them  to  come  out  and 
nobody  appearing  they  fell  upon  the  houses,  sup- 
posing the  inhabitants  had  been  there,  which  they 
found  empty,  and  pillaged  and  burnt  them  all  with 
their  three  forts  of  wood  ;  they  burnt  all  their  works 
of  wood,  filled  up  their  wells,  killed  their  cattle,  oxen, 
cows,  horses,  sheep,  swine  ;  and  these  600  miserable 
I^nglishmen  saw  all  this  without  daring  to  come  out  ; 
and  as  for  myself  to  pleasure  the  English  I  made  my 
appearance  and  shewed  myself  to  them  several  times 
which,  perhaps,  increased  their  fury  against  me, 
while  they  saw  me,  but  dare  do  nothing  to  me,  al- 
though they  knew  that  the  governour  had  set  my 
head  at  a  thousand  livres  sterling,  I  shall  not  part  with 
it,  nevertheless,  for  all  the  sterling  money  in  Eng- 
land. Hut  that  which  I  see  most  perplexing  and 
pittiful  in  all  is,  that  the  English  still  keep  their  forts 
and  the  Indian  arms  not  being  able  to  do  anything 
against  them,  they  remain  still  masters  of  the  land, 
and  unless  the  French  join  with  the  Indians  the  land 


'34 


The  P/ojtccrs  of  New  F^'ancc 


is  lost.  This  is  wliat  now  discourageth  the  Indians 
for  which  reason  they  have  left  Norridgewock  fort 
for  to  people  the  villai^es  of  Canada,  they  would 
have  carried  me  with  them,  but  I  bid  them  go. 
But  as  for  me  I  remain,  and  they  are  gone  and  about 
eight  or  nine  stays  here  with  me.  We  know  what 
the  court  shall  judge  concerning  this  countery  and 
the  Indians  have  quitted  being  pers waded  that  the 
English  to  revenge  themselves  for  the  damage  we 
have  done  will  come  and  burn   Norridgewock." 

Regarded  by  the  English  as  one  of  the  chief  causes 
of  their  sufferings,  they  were  determined  to  drive 
Rale  from  the  Kennebec,  or  secure  his  person.  His 
life  must  have  been  one  of  constant  alarms,  situated 
as  he  was  in  an  exposed  position,  in  the  midst  of  a 
fickle  and  excitable  people.  It  was  at  this  time  that 
he  found  time  to  address  a  lengthy  letter  to  his 
nephew  across  the  sea,  giving  an  account  of  his  life 
and  labor  among  the  savages. 

This  letter  is  of  a  most  interesting  character,  ? 
gives  us  vivid  pictures  of  his  daily  life  and  surr 
ings,  in   fact,  almost   brings  the   bodily  presence   of 
the  man  before  us.^ 


^  This  letter  and  another  which  appears  further 
on,  were  published  in  a  collection  of  letters  from 
Jesuits  stationed  in  different  parts   of  the  world,  at 


/;/  Nnc  limiland. 


.s' 


135 


"  N()kkii)(;kwock, 

This  \^th  October^  1722. 

"Monsieur,  my  clear  Nephew, 

The  peace  of  Our  Saviour  : 

"  During  the  more  than  thirty  years  that  I  have 
lived  in  the  heart  of  these  forests  with  the  Savages, 
I  have  been  so  occupied  in  instructing  them  and 
forming  them  to  christian  virtues,  that  I  have  but 
little  leisure  to  write  many  letters,  even  to  those  who 
are  most  dear  to  me.  Nevertheless  I  cannot  refuse 
the  little  details  of  my  various  duties  which  you 
desire.  I  owe  it  in  acknowledgment  of  the  friend- 
ship, which  makes  you  so  strongly  interested  in 
everything  that  concerns  me. 

"  I  am  in  a  district  of  that  vast  extent  of  land 
which  lies  between  Acadia  and  New  England.  Two 
other  Missionaries  are  occupied  with  me  among  the 
Abnaki  Savages,  but  we  are  far  removed  from  each 
other.  The  Abnaki  Savages,  beside  the  two  villages 
which  are  in  the  center  of  the  French  colony,  have 
three    others,   each    villages   of    considerable    size. 


Paris,  in  1726,  by  Nicholas  LeClerc.  The  transla- 
tion is  the  author's,  and  was  nearly  completed  before 
he  was  aware  that  one  had  already  been  made  by 
Bishop  Kip,  which,  although  more  elegant,  is  not  so 
literal  as  the  one  here  given. 


136 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


situated  on  the  bank  of  a  river.  The  three  rivers 
empty  into  a  sea  south  of  the  Canada  river  between 
New  England  and  Acadia. 

"The  village  where  I  live  is  called  Nanrantsouak  ■} 
it  is  situated  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  which  discharges 
itself  into  the  sea  about  thirty  leagues  hence.  I 
have  built  a  Church,^  which  is  neat  and  very  orna- 
mental. I  thought  nothing  ought  to  be  spared 
neither  for  its  decoration,  nor  for  the  ornaments 
which  are  used  at  our  holy  ceremonies  ;  Vestments, 
chasubles,  copes,  sacred  Vessels,  everything  ap- 
propriate, and  would  be  so  esteemed  in  our  Churches 
of  Europe.  I  have  formed  a  little  Brotherhood  of 
about  forty  young  .Savages,  who  assist  at  divine  Ser- 
vice, in  their  cassocks  and  surplices;  each  have  their 
duties,  so  many  to  assist  at  the  holy  Sacrifices  of  the 
Mass,  &  to  chant  the  divine  Office  for  the  Consecra- 
tion of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  &  for  the  processions 
which  they  make  with  a  great  crowd  of  Sav- 
ages, who  often  come  from  long  distance  to  at- 
tend them.  You  would  be  edified  at  the  good  order 
which  they  keep,  &  the  piety  which  they  show. 

'  So  in  the  French,  which  is  doubtless  a  misprint, 
and  should  be  Narantsonak.  Later  it  crystallized 
into  Norridgewock. 

''The  church  he  here  speaks  of  was  really  the 
third  edifice  erected  by  him. 


in  Ne7o  Jiui^liDid. 


.s/ 


t 

1 

; 

,;■ 

\ 

■'  ■*',' 

\ 

'They  have  built  two  Chapels  at  about  three  hun- 
dred paces  frcjui  the  villaj^e  ;  the  one  dedicated  to 
the  most  holy  Virj^in.  tS:  where  may  be  seen  her 
Imaij^e  in  relief,  is  above  the  river;  the  other  dedi- 
cated to  the  (guardian  Anji^el,  is  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  same  river.  Since  they  are  both  on  the  road 
which  leads  either  to  the  woods  or  into  the  open 
country,  the  Savages  never  pass  them  without  offer- 
inij  their  prayer.  There  is  a  holy  emulation  among 
the  women  of  the  Village  as  to  who  shall  the  better 
decorate  the  Ciiap(d,  of  which  they  have  the  care, 
when  the  procession  repairs  thither.  All  that  they 
have,  jewels,  pieces  of  silk,  or  calico  and  other  things 
of  that  kind  are  used  to  adorn  it. 

"The  abundance  of  light  adds  not  a  little  to  the 
beauty  of  the  church  and  Chapels;  I  have  no  ne<;d 
to  be  saving  of  wax,  as  this  country  furnishe-.  it  to  me 
in  abundance.  The  islands  of  the  sea  are  bordered 
with  wild  laurels,'  which  in  autumn  bear  berries  a 
little  like  those  of  the  Juniper.  They  fdl  their  ket- 
tles with  th(mi  and  boil  them  with  water.  As  soon 
as  the  water  boils,  the  green  wax  rises  &  rtMiiains 
on  the  surface  of  the  water,  hrom  a  measure  of 
three  bushels  of  this  berry,   one  obtains  nearly  four 


'  The  bayberry. 
t8 


138 


The  Pioneers  of  N'ezv  France 


pounds  of  wax ;  it  is  very  pure  and  very  good,  but 
neither  soft  nor  manageable.  After  several  attempts, 
I  have  found  that  by  mixing  as  much  tallow,  either 
of  beef,  mutton  or  moose  as  of  the  wax,  fine,  hard  & 
serviceable  candles  may  be  made.  With  24  pounds  of 
wax  and  as  much  tallow,  one  can  make  two  hundred 
long  candles  of  more  than  a  foot  in  length.  One 
finds  an  infinity  of  these  laurels  on  the  islands  & 
along  the  sea  coast:  A  single  person  will  easily  pick 
four  measures  in  a  day.  The  berry  hangs  like 
grapes  from  the  branches  of  the  tree.  I  have  sent  a 
branch  to  Quebec  with  a  cake  of  wax :  it  has  been 
found  excellent. 

"None  of  my  neophytes  fail  to  repair  twice  a  day  to 
the  Church ;  in  the  early  morning  to  attend  Mass,  & 
in  the  evenings  to  assist  at  the  prayers  which  I  offer 
at  sunset.  As  it  is  necessary  to  fix  the  imagination 
of  the  Savages,  too  easily  distracted,  I  have  com- 
posed suitable  prayers  to  make  them  enter  into  the 
spirit  of  the  August  Sacrifice  of  our  Altars ;  they 
chant  them  or  properly  recite  them  in  a  loud  voice 
during  Mass.  Besides  the  sermons  that  I  give  them 
on  Sundays  &  Holy  Days,  I  scarcely  allow  a  week  day 
to  pass,  without  giving  a  short  exhortation,  to  inspire 
horror  of  the  vices  to  which  they  are  most  inclined,  or 
to  strengthen  them  in  the  practice  of  some  virtue. 


in  New  Eno-land. 


139 


"After  Mass  I  teach  the  Catechism  to  the  children 
and  ^young  people ;  a  large  number  of  old  per- 
sons assist  at  this  and  reply  with  docility  to  the  ques- 
tions which  I  ask  them.  The  rest  of  the  morning 
until  noon,  is  devoted  to  hearing  all  who  wish  to 
speak  to  me.  It  is  then  that  they  come  in  crowds  to 
make  me  share  their  pains  and  their  inquietudes,  or 
to  communicate  to  me  subjects  of  complaint  against 
their  countrymen,  or  to  consult  me  about  their  mar- 
riages, &  other  particular  affairs.  It  is  necessary  for 
me  to  instruct  some,  to  console  others,  to  re-establish 
peace  in  families  at  variance,  to  calm  troubled  con- 
sciences, to  correct  others  by  reproofs  mingled  with 
gentleness  and  charity ;  in  short,  as  much  as  it  is 
possible,  to  render  them  all  contented. 

"After  noon  I  visit  the  sick  and  go  around  among 
the  cabins  of  those  who  have  need  of  particular  in- 
struction. If  they  hold  a  council,  a  frequent  occur- 
rence among  the  Savages,  they  depute  one  of  the 
principal  men  of  the  assembly,  to  beg  me  to  assist  at 
the  decision  of  their  deliberations.  I  go  as  soon  as 
possible  to  the  place  where  the  council  is  being  held: 
if  I  judge  that  they  are  taking  a  wise  course,  I  ap- 
prove it  ;  if  on  the  contrary  I  find  anything  to  say, 
against  their  decision,  I  declare  to  them  my  opinion, 
which  I  support  by  solid  reasons,  &  they  conform  to 


■M 


140 


The  Pioneers  of  New   /'bailee 


it.  My  advice  always  fixes  their  resolutions.  They 
do  not  even  hold  their  feasts  without  inviting  me  ; 
those  invited  bring  each  a  dish  of  wood  or  bark  • 
I  give  the  benediction  on  the  food  ;  they  put  in  each 
dish  the  portion  prepared.  The  distribution  being 
made,  I  say  grace,  &  each  retires  ;  because  such  is 
the  order  &  custom  of  their  feasts. 

"In  the  midst  of  these  ceaseless  occupations,  you  will 
not  find  it  difficult  to  understand  v/ith  what  rapidity 
the  days  slip  by.  There  has  been  a  time  when  it  was 
with  difficulty  that  I  found  time  to  recite  my  Office, 
&  to  take  a  little  repose  during  the  night;  for  dis- 
cretion is  not  the  virtue  of  the  .Savages.  But  for 
some  years  I  have  made  it  a  rule  to  speak  to  no  one, 
from  the  evening  prayer  until  after  Mass  the  next 
morning,  &  I  have  forbidden  them  to  interrupt  me 
during  this  time,  unless  it  is  for  some  important 
reason,  as  for  example,  to  assist  a  dying  person,  or 
for  some  other  affair  which  cannot  be  put  off.  1 
employ  this  time  to  pray  and  to  repose  from  the 
fatigue  of  the  day. 

"  When  the  .Savages  go  to  the  seashore,  to  pass 
some  months  hunting  ducks,  bustards  &  other  birds 
which  are  found  there  in  great  (piantities,  they  build 
on  an  island  a  Chapel  which  they  cover  with  bark, 
near  which  they  prepare  a  little  hut  for  my  dwelling. 


in  Nero  Jin^/a^id. 


141 


r      4> 


I  take  care  to  carry  there  part  of  the  ornanieiUs,  ik 
the  service  is  performed  there  with  the  same  pro- 
priety and  the  same  crowds  oi  people  as  at  the 
village. 

"  You  see,  my  dear  nephew,  what  are  my  occupa- 
tions. For  as  to  what  regards  me  personally,  1  will 
tell  you  that  I  only  see,  only  hear,  only  speak  to 
Savages.  My  food  is  simple  and  light.  I  was  never 
able  to  adapt  my  taste  to  the  meat  &  to  the  fish  smoked 
by  the  .Savages ;  my  only  nourishment  is  maize,' 
which  they  pound  and  of  which  I  make  every  day,  a 
kind  of  pudding  which  I  cook  with  water. 

"  The  only  sweetening  which  I  have  here,  is  to  mix 
with  it  a  little  sugar  to  correct  the  insijjidity.  This 
is  not  wanting  in  these  forests.  In  the  spring  time 
the  Maples  hold  in  store  a  liquor  similar  t(j  that  which 
the  sugar  cane  of  the  Islands  contains.  The  women 
occupy  themselves  in  collecting  it  in  bark  dishes, 
when  the  trees  distil  it ;  they  boil  it  and  obtain  from 
it  a  fairly  good  sugar.  The  first  distilled  is  always 
the  best. 

"All  the  Abnaki  Nation  is  Christian,  ik.  very  zealous 
to  preserve  their  Religion.  This  attachment  to  the 
Catholic  Faith,  has  made  them  up  to  this  time  choose 
rather  our  alliance,  to  the  advantages  that   they  had 


Bled  dc  Turquie  in  the  original. 


142 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


drawn  from  the  alliance  with  the  English  their 
neighbors.  These  advantages  are  very  attractive  to 
our  Savages  ;  the  ease  which  they  have  of  trading 
with  the  English,  from  whom  they  are  not  farther 
away,  than  a  journey  of  one  or  two  days,  the  con- 
venience of  the  road,  the  great  market  which  they 
find  for  the  purchase  of  the  goods  which  suit  them  ; 
nothing  can  be  more  capable  of  attracting  them.  In- 
stead of  which  going  to  Quebec,  more  than  fifteen 
days  are  necessary  to  get  there,  besides  they  have  to 
provide  provisions  for  the  journey,  while  they  have  a 
number  of  rivers  to  cross,  and  frequent  portages  to 
make.  They  feel  these  inconveniences,  &  they  are 
not  indifferent  to  their  interests,  but  their  faith  is  in- 
finitely more  dear,  &  they  think  that  if  they  withdrew 
themselves  from  our  alliance,  they  would  soon  find 
themselves  without  Missionary,  without  Sacraments, 
without  Sacrifice,  without  almost  any  exercise  of 
Religion,  and  in  manifest  danger  of  being  plunged 
again  into  their  former  infidelity. 

"This  is  the  tie  which  binds  them  to  the  French. 
It  has  been  tried  in  vain  to  break  it,  either  by  traps 
which  have  been  held  out  to  their  simplicity,  or  by 
acts  of  trespass,  which  could  not  help  irritating  a 
Nation  infinitely  zealous  of  its  rights  &  of  its  liberty. 
These  beginnings  of  misunderstandings   fail  not  to 


/;/  Ah'w  E  nil  land. 


'43 


alarm  me,  &  make  me  fear  the  dispersion  of  the 
flock,  which  Providence  has  confided  to  my  care  so 
many  years  &  for  which  I  would  willingly  sacrifice 
that  which  remains  of  my  life.  Observe  the  various 
artifices  which  they  employ  to  detach  them  from  our 
alliance. 

"  The  Governor  General  of  New  England,  several 
years  ago  sent  to  the  lower  part  of  our  river  the  most 
able  of  the  Ministers  of  Boston,  for  the  purpose  of 
holding  a  school  there,  to  instruct  the  children  of  the 
Savages,  &  to  maintain  them  at  the  expense  of  the 
Government.  As  the  allowance  of  the  Minister  was 
to  increase  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  his 
scholars,'  he  forgot  nothing  to  draw  them  to  him;  he 
went  to  find  them  ;  he  caressed  them;  he  made  them 
little  presents  ;  he  pressed  them  to  come  and  see  him  ; 
in  fine  he  gave  himself  up  for  two  months  to  many 
useless  movements,  without  gaining  a  single  child. 
The  contempt  which  they  showed  for  his  caresses  & 
his  invitations  did  not  repulse  him;  he  addressed  him- 
self even  to  the  Savages,  he  put  to   them  various 

^  This  statement  was  without  foundation  in  fact. 
It  was  written  to  a  man  who  could  not  verify  its  in- 
correctness, for  the  sole  purpose  of  belittling  a 
brother  missionary,  and  making  it  appear  that  he 
was  governed  in  his  self-sacrificing  labors  by  mer- 
cernary  motives. 


144 


The  Pioneers  of  Nczu  France 


questions  touching  their  creed  ;  &  upon  the  replies 
which  were  made  to  him,  he  turned  into  ridicule  the 
Sacraments,  Purgatory,  the  Invocation  of  Saints, 
the  Beads,  the  Crosses  &  Images,  the  lighting  of 
our  Churches,  &  all  the  pious  customs  so  sacredly 
observed  in  the  Catholic  Religion.  I  believed  it  my 
duty  to  oppose  these  first  seeds  of  seduction;  I  wrote 
a  civil  letter  to  the  Minister,  wherein  I  pointed  out 
to  him  that  my  Christians  knew  how  to  believe  the 
truths  which  the  Catholic  Faith  teaches,  but  knew 
not  how  to  dispute  about  them  ;  that  not  being  skill- 
ful enough  to  solve  the  difficulties  which  he  proposed, 
he  had  apparently  the  design  that  they  should  be 
communicated  to  me;  that  I  seized  with  pleasure 
this  opportunity,  which  he  offered  me  to  confer  with 
him  either  personally,  or  by  letters  ;  that  I  would 
send  him  with  this  a  memorial  which  I  prayed  him 
to  read  with  serious  attention.  In  this  memorial 
which  was  about  a  hundred  pages,  I  proved  by 
Scripture,  by  tradition,  &  by  theological  reasons,  the 
truths  which  he  had  attacked  by  stale  enough  pleas- 
antries. I  added  in  finishing  my  letter  to  him,  that 
if  he  was  not  satisfied  with  my  proofs,  I  would  await 
a  refutation  from  him  precise  and  supported  by 
theological  reasons,  &  not  by  vague  arguments  which 
proved    nothing,   still    less   by    injurious    reflections 


in  Neio  Enoland. 


•,"1 


'45 


which  belonged  neither  to  our  profession,  nor  to  the 
importance  of  the  matters  with  which  he  struggled. 
Two  days  after  having  received  my  letter,  he 
started  to  return  to  Boston,  &  he  sent  me  a  short 
reply,  which  I  was  obliged  to  read  several  times  in 
order  to  comprehend  the  sense,  so  obscure  was  the 
style,  &  so  extraordinary  the  latin.' 


'The  best  refutation  of  this  is  the  fac  shnilc  por- 
tion of  the  original  letter  here  produced,  revealing  in 
its  neat  handwriting  the  careful  and  painstaking 
scholar  that  its  author  was  ;  the  entire  Latin  letter  in 
the  appendix,  and  the  following  translation  of  this 
letter. 

Reverend  Sir: 

I  received  your  letter  in  which  you  say  that  per- 
haps it  will  seem  strange  to  me  that  you  send  me 
this  letter.  Now  I  tell  you  frankly  that  if  you 
desire  to  have  friendly  intercourse  with  me,  it  will  be 
very  acceptable  to  me.  Let  us  send  letters  back  and 
forth  freely.  I  wonder  indeed  that  you  who  are 
thought  by  some  to  be  a  man  of  exalted  piety  and 
sanctity,  write  with  so  much  feeling  and  without  any 
provocation  or  reason  accuse  me  of  being  guilty  of 
deceit,  and  assert  that  you  and  others  also  know  that 
I  am  guilty.  Yet  you  do  not  show  and  therefore  it 
is  clear  that  you  cannot  show  in  what  I  am  deceitful. 
Is  it  not  strange  that  you  desire  to  frighten  me  from 
laboring  for  the  benefit  of  immortal  souls?  Even 
if  the  work  is  especially  laborious  and  difficult,  is  it 
not  worth  while  to  accomplish  a  very  difificult  and 

19 


146 


The  l^ionccrs  of  Nc7v  France 


"  I   understood  nevertheless  by  dint  of  reasoning, 
that    he    complained    that    I    attacked    him  without 


laborious  work  in  order  to  persuade  men  to  llee  to 
Christ  and  walk  in  the  way  of  salvation  and  thus 
receive  life  everlasting?  And  what  if  there  are  not 
with  us  magnificent  furnishings  and  decoration  of 
churches  and  splendor  and  beauty  of  priestly  robes 
to  attract  the  men  of  the  forest!  Neither  were  there 
these  things  in  the  time  of  the  Apostles  to  attract 
the  men  to  whom  the  Apostles  were  sent,  and  yet 
they  persuaded  many  to  believe  in  Christ  and  receive 
eternal  life.  Now  it  is  clearly  stated  that  the  Gospel 
or  the  word  of  God  is  the  power  of  God  unto  salva- 
tion (Rom.  I.  16)  and  that  it  pleased  God  to  save 
men  by  the  foolishness  of  preaching  (i  Cor.  i.  21). 
Although  this  is  a  work  difficult  of  accomplishment 
among  men  of  the  woods,  still  the  love  of  Christ 
and  of  souls  constrains  us.  Although  we  do  not 
expect  to  merit  salvation  by  accomplishing  this  work 
—  for  after  we  have  done  all  we  can  we  are  still  un- 
profitable servants  (Luke  17.  10)  and  trust  wholly  in 
the  merits  of  Christ  —  yet  where  the  love  of  Christ 
is,  there  is  the  desire  to  extend  Christ's  Kingdom, 
and  this  desire  moves  men  to  accomplish  a  very 
difificult  and  laborious  work  in  persuading  and  bring- 
ing men  into  the  Kingdom  of  Christ.  Hence  your 
arguments  are  puerile  and  ridiculous. 

You  say  that  you  desire  to  answer  for  the  men  of 
the  forest,  but  it  is  not  necessary  for  you  to  take  that 
labor  upon  yourself.  I  will  work  as  I  shall  have 
opportunity  to  bring  them  into  the  straight  path  of 
salvation,  and  to  give  them  satisfaction  in  all  things. 
If  there  is  any  hope  that  it  will   be  for  the  benefit  of 


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HAC  SIMILE  IN  REDUCED  SIZE  OF  LETTER  OF  REV.  JOSEPH    BAXTER, 


iHii 


in  New  England. 


H7 


reason  ;  that  zeal  for  the  salvation  of  souls  had  led 
him  to  show  the  Savages  the  way  to  Heaven  ;  that 
for  the  rest  my  proofs  were  ridiculous  &  childish. 
Having  sent  him  a  second  letter  to  Boston,  in  which 
I  pointed  out  the  blunders  in  his,  he  answered  me  at 
the  end  of  two  years  without  entering  into  the  mat- 
ter, that  I  had  a  jealous  and  critical  s[)irit,  &  that 
this  was  the  mark  of  a  temperament  inclined  to 
anger.^ 


you  who  ought  to  believe,  and  act  and  walk  accord- 
ing to  the  word  of  God  which  is  the  perfect  rule  of 
doctrine  and  morals,  I  will  cheerfully  reply  to  your 
arguments  but  your  messenger  says  that  he  will 
hasten  to  you  to-morrow,  and  so  I  have  not  at  this 
time  an  opportunity  of  replying  to  your  long  letter. 

Farewell,  sir. 

J.  Baxter. 

To  the  Rev.  .Sebastian  Rale  in  the  town  called 
Norridgewock. 

'The  following  translation  of  this  letter  will  con- 
vince the  reader  that  the  overcritical  priest  did  not 
have  the  best  of  the  argument,  as  he  tries  so  ostenta- 
tiously to  make  his  kinsman  believe. 

Reverend  Sir  : 

You  doubtless  take  delight  in  fault  finding  and  so 
find  fault  with  things  that  do  not  deserve  censure, 
and  in  your  fault-finding  you  admit  the  truth  of  the 
charges.  For  you  say  "You  write  English  using 
Latin  words."  In  these  very  words,  Sir,  you  contra- 
dict yourself;    for  if  any  one  uses  Latin  words,  al- 


148 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  F^'ance 


though  not  in  a  rhetorical  manner,  he  still  speaks 
Latin,  not  English.  Whoever  speaks  English,  uses 
English  words.  What  if  an  expression  has  a  decided 
English  ring,  it  is  truly  a  Latin  expression. 

You  say  amicu^n  is  a  substantive  and  cannot  be  an 
adjective,  but  you  are  not  correct.  It  is  most  cer- 
tainly used  by  Latin  writers  as  an  adjective  in  the 
following  :  amiC2is  animus ;  vale,  lumen  amictim  & 
humor  pratis  amicus  &c. 

You  say  commercium  (intercourse)  in  this  sense  is 
a  foreign  or  unpolished  word.  But  who  will  believe 
your   statement    without   proof.     Ipse  dixit  has  no 


weight. 


Concerning  many  other  things  also  you  say,  "  they 
are  not  Latin  but  foreign."  Your  opinion  is  of  no 
avail.  Most  certainly  such  words  are  used  by  Latin 
writers. 

You  say,  "  merere  is  a  solecism  ;  that  verb  is  de- 
ponent not  active ;  write  niererlT  Learned  men, 
however,  say  it  is  given,  mereo,  merere,  as  well  as 
mereor,  mererl.  Merere  culpam  in  the  infinitive  is  a 
Latin  expression  and  so  merere  salutem,  &c. 

You  say  ""  7nola  (mill)  is  a  stone  not  a  building." 
Learned  men,  however,  say  that  mola  is  the  building 
and  the  stone  that  is  placed  in  the  mill  (in  mola)  is 
the  mill-stone  (lapis  molares). 

You  say  ''  domus  has  in  the  accusative  y^XviX^domos 
T.r  t  domusl'  but  why  has  it  not  both  dotnos  and 
do7nus  ? 

You  also  find  fault  with  many  other  things  that  are 
not  to  be  blan.ed,  and  if  I  were  to  imitate  you,  I  might 
say  "  You  a  minister !  You,  a  member  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  and  not  know  these  things  !  "  You  say  that 
my  words  are  un'nlelligible.  Why,  pray,  are  you  ig- 
norant of  words  often   used  by  Latin  writers  ?     But 


in  Nciv  England. 


149 


I  prefer  to  follow  the  example  of  Christ  who  when  he 
was  reviled,  reviled  not  again  ;  when  he  suffered 
threatened  not,  &c.  (i  Pet.  2.  23),  and  I  will  also  give 
heed  to  the  warning  or  command  In  Proverbs  26.  4, 
"answer  not  a  fool  according  to  his  folly  lest  thou 
also  be  like  unto  him." 

It  Is  clearly  evident  that  you  find  fault  with  many 
expressions  that  ought  not  to  be  criticized.  I  grant 
that  there  are  errors  in  my  writing  which  I  wrote  very 
hurriedly,  viz.  :  Existimaris  viriim  for  vin^  movent 
for  movet,  &c.  In  your  writings  also  there  are  many 
errors,  although  you  were,  as  you  say,  a  Professor  of 
Rhetoric  and  Greek  in  the  city  of  Nismes. 

I  was  never  Professor  of  Rhetoric  and  yet  I  see 
errors.  How  many  errors  then  might  a  critic  and  a 
very  learned  man  find  in  your  letters?  Moreover  In 
the  letter  which  you  wrote  in  a  most  boastful  strain, 
you  falsely  accused  me  in  saying,  "you  boast  among 
the  men  of  the  forest  that  you  know  Latin  very  well," 
for  I  have  never  spoken  a  single  word  to  them  about 
Latin,  but  you  were  especially  boastful  In  your  second 
letter  and  yet  In  tJiat  you  wrote  intclligit  et  accurate 
scribit  Latina.  Even  in  this  expression  you  do  not 
write  Latin  accurately,  for  the  accusative  case  follows 
the  verb  scribit.  You  oucrht  to  have  written  accurate 
scribit  lino^nam  Latinam  or  accurate  scribit  Latine. 
You  also  wrote  ut  emendatur  in  scolis.  Scolus  Is  a 
mountain  In  Baeotla  and  a  town  in  Macedonia.  You 
should  have  written  /?/  scholis.  You  also  wrote  sub- 
stantiuni  et  adjectium.  No  such  Latin  words  are 
given.  You  ought  to  have  written  stibstantivuvi  et 
adjectivum.  You  wrote  "you  do  not  quote  Paul 
faithfully.  Paul  says  '  for  it  is  the  virtue  of  God  unto 
salvation  to  every  one  that  believeth '  "  {onmi  crc- 
dcndi).     If  I  were  to  Imitate  you  I  might  say  "  What 


•50 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 


do  you  mean  by  these  words  omni  credendif"  You 
should  have  written  "  for  it  is  the  power  of  God  unto 
salvation  to  every  one  that  believeth  "  {cuivis  cre- 
dcnti). 

You  wrote  mcrere  est  sollescismiis.  What  do  you 
mean  by  this  word  ?  No  such  word  is  j^iven  among 
the  learned.  They  write  soloecisvius.  Your  solles- 
cisnius  is  indeed  a  solecism. 

I  might  speak  of  many  other  things  and  exclaim 
"Your  words  are  foreign  and  unintelligible,  &c.,"but 
of  what  use  are  such  exclamations  ?  1  will  not  imi- 
tate you.  I  see  that  you  are  moved  by  anger  and  I 
would  not  provoke  you.  I  exhort  you  in  the  words 
of  the  Apostle  (Eph.  426-27)  :  "  Let  not  the  sun  go 
down  upon  your  wrath,  neither  give  place  to  the 
devi',"  and  in  verse  31  :  "Let  all  bitterness  and 
wrath  and  anger  and  clamor  and  evil  speaking  be 
put  away  from  you  with  all  malice."  It  is  written  in 
Tit.  I.  7.  "  For  a  bishop  must  be  blameless  as  the 
steward  of  God  ;  not  self-willed,  not  soon  angry, 
&c.,"  and  in  F^ccles.  7.  9,  "  Be  not  hasty  in  thy  spirit 
to  be  angry ;  for  anger  resteth  in  the  bosom  of 
fools." 

You  say,  "  Is  this  conclusion  of  yours  correctly 
drawn  :  I  have  not  made  known  to  you,  and  there- 
fore I  cannot  make  known  in  what  you  are  deceit- 
ful." I  reply:  "Indeed  the  inference  is  rightly 
made  and  it  is  proved  thus  :  if  you  had  been  able  to 
show  it  you  would  certainly  have  made  it  known,  for 
you  were  very  angry  with  me  and  earnestly  desired  to 
show  that  I  was  at  fault. 

You  have  taken  tJiis  upon  yourself,  viz.:  to  prove 
that  I  am  deceitful,  in  the  following  manner:  ist  : 
You  say  "  I  have  shown  openly  and  have  made  it 
clearer  than  light  that  you  (plural)  neither  have  nor 


in  New  linvland. 


15' 


follow  the  correct  standard  of  religious  belief  and 
that  no  one  among  you  is  able  to  make  answer  to 
arguments  that  assert  this.  Therefore  by  endeavor- 
ing to  persuade  a  different  rule  of  faith  upon  the 
men  of  the  forest  you  become  an  unfaithful  custo- 
dian of  their  souls  and  aim  to  plunge  them  more 
deeply  into  hell."  I  reply  that  you  have  not  proved 
this  nor  can  any  of  you  prove  it.  How  oft(;n  have 
professors  of  the  reformed  religion  made  answer  to 
all  yctiu-  arguments  and  shown  them  to  be  empty  ! 
I  was  not  unfaithful  for  all  my  teachings  were  in  har- 
mony with  the  Holy  Scriptures  which  teach  nothing 
except  truth  and  right.  2d  :  1  lie  men  of  the  forest 
say  "  The  luiglishman  is  very  eager  to  be  able  to 
teach  our  children  letter's  and  under  cover  of  letters 
gradually  to  persuade  them  all  to  embrace  the  Angli- 
can faith  when  they  are  men,  and  being  thus  united  in 
faith  and  friendship,  no  further  war  may  break  out 
between  them,  &c."  If  the  men  of  the  forest  say 
this,  I  think  jc/^  first  said  it  for  them.  I  have  never 
heard  them  speak  in  this  way.  Some  of  them  speak 
differently.  But  whoever  says  this,  only  substitutes 
it  fraudulently  for  the  truth,  and  neither  fraudulent 
substitution  nor  a  foolish  imagination  proves  the 
thing. 

You  say:  '•  I  know  that  you  cannot  present  formal 
arguments,"  but  how  do  you  know  it  ?  Afterwards 
you  say  "  Your  repli(;s  to  theological  arguments  are 
circumlocutions,  &c.,"  but  how  do  you  know  this? 
You  have  never,  I  think,  seen  my  replies  to  any 
theological  arguments.  I  did  not  reply  to  such  argu- 
ments in  the  letter  I  sent  you  and  because  I  did  not, 
you  seem  to  draw  this  conclusion,  viz.:  that  I  cannot 
reply  to  any  formal  arguments.  The  arguments  of 
which  I  spoke  are  contained  in  the  opening  of  your 


'5' 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


long  letter  where  it  is  stated:  "  Fifty  years  ago  some 
of  the  men  of  the  woods  went  to  the  city  of  Quebec 
to  make  purchases.  When,  however,  they  saw  the 
furnishings  of  the  churches,  the  priests  clad  in  their 
priestly  robes  nerforming  the  sacred  rites,  and  others 
richly  clad  waiting  upon  them,  and  the  ceremonies 
performed  by  them,  &c.,  they  were  so  moved  by 
these  things  as  to  be  carried  away  in  admiration. 
With  you,  however,  they  would  not  be  moved  by  the 
magnificent  furnishings  and  ornaments  of  your 
churches,  &c."  These  are  not  theological  argu- 
ments, ovXy  argnmetita  ad  honmies,  and  certainly  what 
you  say  is  more  pleasing  to  boys  than  to  men. 
In  such  words  you  do  not  present  formal  argu- 
ments. 

You  pride  yourself  very  much  on  the  statement, 
"In  the  course  of  my  letter  there  are  many  argu- 
ments thorny,  pungent,  &c.  I  say  and  maintain  that 
neither  you  nor  any  one  of  you  can  answer  them." 
But  is  it  not  written  in  Proverbs  27.  2,  "  Let  another 
man  praise  thee,  not  thine  own  mouth  ;  a  stranger, 
and  not  thine  own  lips,"  and  in  i  Kings  20.  11,  "  Let 
not  him  that  girdeth  on  his  harness  boast  himself  as 
he  that  putteth  it  off."  There  are  many  of  us  who 
can  reply  to  your  arguments  and  show  them  to  be 
empty  and  vain.  Although  you  say  that  I  will  not 
find  that  you  speak  in  anger,  still  I  have  found  that 
you  speak  in  anger  and  write  in  bitterness,  not  only 
in  the  letters  you  sent  me,  but  also  in  the  one  you 
wrote  our  governor.  It  i?  .aid  in  Proverbs  22.  24, 
"  Make  no  friendship  with  an  angry  man,"  and  in 
Proverbs  29.  20,  "  Seest  thou  a  man  that  is  hasty  in 
his  words  ?  There  is  more  hope  of  a  fool  than  of 
him."  When  all  bitterness  and  wrach  and  anger  are 
put  aside  by  you,  and  you  receive  with  meekness  the 


in  New  Ene/cind. 


15.^ 


H 


"  Thus  ended  our  dispute  which  sent  away  the 
Minister,  &  which  rendered  abortive  the  project 
that  he  had  formed  of  seducing  my  Neophytes. 

"  This  first  attempt  having  had  so  little  success, 
they  had  recourse  to  another  artifice.^  An  Eng- 
lishman asked  permission  of  the  Savages  to  build 
on  their  river  a  kind  of  storehouse,  to  trade  there 
with  them,  &  he  promised  to  sell  them  goods  at 
a  much  greater  bargain,  than  they  had  bought  them 
even  at  Boston.  The  Savaofes  who  would  find  it 
for  their  profit,  &  who  would  save  the  trouble  of 
a  journey  to  Boston,  consented  to  this  willingly. 
Another    Englishman    asked    soon  after    the    same 


ungrafted  word  which  is  able  to  save  your  soul,  I  will 
answer  your  arguments. 

Farewell,  sir, 

I  am  yours, 

J.   Baxter. 

(The  Latin  of  this  letter  may  be  found  in  the  ap- 
pendix.) 

'  Trading  posts,  or  truck-houses,  as  they  were 
called,  had  been  established  among  the  Abnakis  long 
before  the  arrival  of  Rale  among  them,  and  were 
purely  mercantile  enterprises,  which  were  alike  bene- 
ficial to  both  buyer  and  seller,  except  in  instances 
wliere  rum  was  sold  to  the  savages  by  unprincipled 
traders,  to  the  scandal  of  the  authorities  and  more 
thoughtful  men  of  New  England,  who  were  not  slow 
in  condemning  it,  but  powerless  to  prevent  it. 


20 


154  '^^^ii'-^  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

permission,  offering  conditions  even  more  favor- 
able than  the  lirst.  It  was  accorded  him  equally. 
This  readiness  of  the  Savages  emboldened  the 
English  to  establish  themselves  along  the  river, 
without  asking  permission ;  they  built  houses 
there,  &  raised  forts  of  which  three  were  of  stone. 
This  proximity  of  the  English  gave  at  first  pleas- 
ure enough  to  the  Savages,  who  did  not  perceive 
the  trap  which  they  laid  for  them,  &  who  only 
looked  at  the  pleasure  which  they  had,  in  finding 
their  new  guests  all  that  they  could  desire. 

"  But  at  last,  perceiving  themselves  insensibly  as 
it  were,  surrounded  by  the  habitations  of  the  Eng- 
lish, they  began  to  open  their  eyes,  &  to  enter- 
tain distrust.  They  asked  the  English  by  what 
right  they  had  established  themselves  on  their 
lands,  &  even  built  forts  there.  The  reply  which 
was  made  them,  that  the  King  of  France  had 
ceded  their  country  to  the  King  of  England,  threw 
them  into  great  alarm ;  for  there  is  no  Savage 
Nation,  which  does  not  suffer  impatiently  what  they 
regard  as  subjection  to  any  Power  whatever  it  may 
be ;  they  will  be  called  allies  and  nothing  more. 
This  is  why  the  Savages  immediately  sent  some  of 
their  number,  to  M.  le  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  Gov- 
ernor General  of  New  France,  to  learn   if  it  were 


in  New  England. 


155 


true,  that  in  effect  the  King  had  thus  disposed  of  a 
country  of  which  he  was  not  the  master.  It  was  not 
difficult  to  calm  their  inquietude  ;  it  was  only  neces- 
sary to  explain  to  them  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht  which  concerned  the  Savages,  &  they  de- 
parted content.* 

*  It  would  indeed  be  interesting  to  know  the  ex- 
act words  in  which  the  wily  Vaudreuil  made  this  im- 
possible explanation.  One  has  only  to  turn  to  the 
French  king's  patent  conveying  Acadia  to  De  Monts 
in  1603,  to  see  just  what  the  French  had  always 
claimed  as  belonging  to  them  prior  to  the  cession  of 
their  claims  to  the  English  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 
This  patent  defined  Acadia  as  comprising  all  the 
territory  between  the  forty-third  and  forty-sixth  par- 
allels of  latitude,  and  empowered  De  Monts  to 
"  establish  the  authority  of  the  French  king  and 
thcreunio  subject,  cause  to  submit  and  obey,  all  the  peo- 
ple of  said  landr  The  treaty  of  Utrecht  conveyed 
Acadia  to  the  English  ''by  its  ancient  limits ;"  that 
is,  as  described  in  the  patent  of  De  Monts,  as  well 
as  all  the  rights  which  they  possessed  therein  ;  yet, 
it  would  seem  by  this  statement  of  Rale,  that  the 
French  governor  was  so  skillful  in  the  use  of  words  as 
to  be  able  to  send  the  anxious  and  jealous  savages 
away,  satisfied  with  the  French,  who  had  conveyed 
Acadia  to  the  English  by  solemn  treaty,  and  inflamed 
against  the  English  who  had  received  the  conveyance, 
of  ;Gerard's  Peace  of  Utrecht,  Bolari's  Importance 
and  Advantage  of  Cape  Breton ;  The  Hardwicke 
Papers,  and  the  Actes,  Memoires,  etc.,  concernant 
la    paix   d' Utrecht.        Also,    memoire    pour     servir 


156  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

"  About  this  time  a  score  of  Savages  entered  into 
one  of  the  English  houses,  to  trade  or  to  rest.  They 
had  been  there  but  a  short  time,  when  they  saw  the 
house  suddenly  surrounded  by  a  troop  of  nearly  two 
hundred  armed  men.  IVc  are  dead  men  suddenly  cried 
one  of  them,  let  us  sell  our  lives  dearly.  They  pre- 
pared to  throw  themselves  upon  this  troop,  when  the 
English  perceiving  their  resolution,  &  knowing  be- 
sides of  what  the  Savage  is  capable  in  the  first  access 
of  fury,  strove  to  pacify  them,  by  assuring  them  that 
they  had  no  evil  designs,  &  that  they  had  come  only 
to  invite  some  of  them  to  go  to  Boston,  to  confer 
there  with  the  Governor,  on  the  means  of  keeping 
peace  and  good  understanding,  which  should  exist 
between  the  two  Nations.  The  .Savages  a  little  too 
credulous,  deputed  four  of  their  fellow  countrymen 
who  repaired  to  Boston  ;  but  when  they  arrived 
there,  the  conference  with  which  they  were  diverted, 
ends  in  retaining  them  prisoners.^ 


d'eclaricissement  sur  le  droit  que  les  fran^ois  ont  dans 
le  proprletc  des  pays  de  I'Amerique  .Septentrionale 
de  L'Accadie  depuls  Pentagouet  jusque  a  la  Riviere 
de  quinibequi. 

^  Rale  does  not  agree  with  himself  in  relating  this 
transaction.  The  evidence  is  clear  that  these  men 
were  voluntarily  delivered  to  the  English  as  hostages, 
and  were  so  recognized  by  both  parties  in  their  cor- 


mmk 


271  Neiu  England. 


157 


"  You  will  doubtless  be  surprised  that  so  small  a 
handful  of  Savages,  should  pretend  to  make  head 
against  a  troop  so  numerous  as  that  of  the  English. 
But  our  Savages  have  done  an  infinitude  of  deeds 
which  are  much  more  hardy.  I  will  relate  to  you 
one  only  from  which  you  may  judge  the  others. 

"  During  the  last  wars,  a  party  of  thirty  Savages 
returned  from  a  military  expedition  against  the 
English.  As  the  Savages,  &  above  all  the  Ab- 
nakis,  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  put  themselves  on 
their  guard  against  surprises ;  they  fell  asleep  at 
the  first  resting  place,  without  even  thinking  to  post 
a  sentinel  during  the  night.  A  party  of  six  hundred 
English,  commanded  by  a  Colonel,  followed  them  to 
their  Encampment,  &  finding  them  plunged  in  sleep, 
surrounded  them  with  his  force,  resolving  that  not 
one  of  them  should  escape  him.  One  of  the  Sav- 
ages being  awakened,  &  having  perceived  the  Eng- 
lish troops,  suddenly  warned  his  Companions,  crying 


respondence.  Vaudreuil  and  Begon,  as  well  as 
others  on  the  French  side,  always  denominated 
them  otaocs,  and  a  reference  to  Rale's  correspondence, 
a  portion  of  which  will  be  found  in  Note  i,  p.  161,  will 
show  that  Rale  fully  understood  the  transaction, 
and  reported  it  to  the  French  governor  quite  accu- 
rately;  yet  in  this  familiar  letter  to  his  nephew,  he 
places  the  transaction  in  very  different  light. 


1  5^  The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

according  to  custom,  we  are  dead  men  let  us  sell  our- 
selves dearly. 

"  The  resolution  was  immediately  taken ;  they 
formed  on  the  instant,  six  little  platoons  of  five  men 
each ;  then  with  hatchet  in  one  hand  &  knife  in  the 
other,  they  threw  themselves  on  the  English  with 
such  impetuosity  &  fury,  that  after  having  killed 
more  than  sixty  men,  among  whom  was  the  Colonel, 
they  put  the  rest  to  flight,* 

"  The  Abnakis  no  sooner  learned  in  what  way 
their  comrades  were  treated  in  Boston,  than  they  com- 
plained bitterly  of  this,  that  in  the  midst  of  the  peace 
in  which  they  rejoiced,  the  right  of  the  nation  was 
violated  to  the  utmost.  The  English  replied  that 
they  only  retained  the  prisoners  as  hostages  for  the 
wrong  which  had  been  done  them,  in  killing  several 
cattle  which  belonged  to  them ;  that  as  soon  as  they 

'  One  can  hardly  understand  how  Rale  could  have 
listened  to  this  boastful  story,  and  then  have  gravely 
recorded  it  as  true.  Neither  Encrlishmen  nor  French- 
men  shrunk  from  encountering  bodies  of  savages 
outnumbering  them ;  indeed,  the  European  ever 
held  the  prowess  of  the  savage  in  contempt,  except 
when  he  was  In  ambush  or  hidden  by  the  shadows  of 
night.  In  a  fair  fight  he  was  no  match  for  the  civil- 
ized man,  yet  Rale  would  have  his  nephew  believe 
that  the  English  were  a  race  of  cowards.  History 
renders  a  sufficient  answer  to  this. 


in  New  Emiland, 


'59 


would  repay  this  damage,  which  amounted  to  200 
pounds  of  Beaver,  the  prisoners  would  be  released. 
Although  the  Abnakis  were  not  convinced  of  this 
pretended  damage,  they  did  not  omit  to  pay  the  200 
pounds  of  Beaver,  not  wishing  that  for  so  small  a 
thing,  they  could  be  reproached  for  having  aban- 
doned their  brothers.  Meanwhile,  notwithstanding 
the  payment  of  the  disputed  debt,  they  refused  to 
liberate  their  prisoners. 

"  The  Governor  of  Boston,  fearing  that  this  refusal 
would  force  the  Savages  to  venture  upon  a  bold 
stroke,  proposed  to  treat  this  affair  amicably  in  a 
conference ;  they  agreed  on  the  day  &  the  place 
where  it  should  be  held  ;  the  savages  repaired  there 
with  P.  Rale,  their  Missionary;  the  Pere  de  la 
Chasse,  Superior  General  of  these  Missions,  who  was 
then  making  his  visit,  was  there  also,  but  M.  the 
Governor  did  not  appear.  The  Savages  argued  ill 
from  his   absence.^     They  formed  the  resolution  to 


^  Shute  well  answered  this  in  a  letter  to  Vau- 
dreuil,  April  23,  1722,  as  follows:  "  They  have  also 
misinformed  you  in  saying  that  I  had  appointed  to 
meet  them  the  last  year ;  for,  on  the  contrary,  I  sent 
them  word  by  an  express  that  some  of  the  principal 
gentlemen  of  this  government  would  see  and  treat 
with  them  at  Arrowsick,  who  accordingly  went 
thither,  but  finding  no  Indians,  returned." 


i6o 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 


make  him  understand  their  sentiments  by  a  letter 
written  in  the  savage  tongue,  in  Engli  'i  &  in 
Latin;  &  the  Pere  de  la  Chasse,  who  understood 
these  three  languages,  was  appointed  to  write  it.  It 
seemed  useless  to  use  any  other  than  the  linglish 
language,  but  the  Father  was  very  glad,  because  on 
the  one  hand  the  Savages  would  know  themselves, 
that  the  letter  contained  nothing  but  what  they  had 
dictated ;  &  on  the  other,  the  English  could  not 
doubt  that  the  English  translation  was  faithful.  The 
sense  of  this  letter  was  ist..  That  the  Savages  could 
not  comprehend  why  their  fellow  countrymen  were 
held  after  a  promise  had  been  given  to  return  them 
as  soon  as  200  pounds  of  Beaver  were  paid  ;  2nd., 
That  they  were  not  less  surprised  to  see  that  their 
country  was  seized  upon  without  their  consent;  3rd, 
That  the  English  should  leave  it  as  soon  as  possible 
&  set  at  large  their  prisoners  ;  that  they  would  ex- 
pect their  reply  within  two  months,  &  that  if  after 
that  time  they  refused  to  satisfy  them,  they  knew 
well  how  to  get  justice. 

"  It  was  in  the  month  of  July  of  the  year  1  72 1  that 
this  letter  was  carried  to  Boston  by  some  English- 
men who  had  assisted  at  the  Conference.  As  the 
two  months  rolled  by  without  a  reply  from  Boston, 
&  besides,  the  English  ceased  to  sell  powder,  shot. 


///  lYnc  li)tolinui. 


i6i 


&  food  to  the  Ahnakis  as  they  had  done  before 
this  trouble  ;  our  Savages  prepared  to  make  reprisal. 
It  needed  all  the  influence  of  M,  la  Marcpiis  de  Vau- 
dreuil  upon  their  minds,  to  make  them  suspend  for 
a  while  the  vows  already  made.'  I3ut  their  patience 
was  at  last  pushed  to  the  extreme,  by  two  acts  of 
hostility  which  the  English  committed  at  the  end  of 
December  of  the  year  1721,  &  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1722.  The  first  was  the  seizure  of  M.  de 
St.  Castin.  This  officer  is  Lieutenant  in  our  troops  ; 
his  mother  was  an  Abnaki  &  he  has  always  lived 
with  our  Savajjes,  amonof  whom  he  has  so  merited 
their  esteem  and  confidence  that  they  have  chosen 
him  for  their  Commander  General ;  in  this  capacity 
he  could  not  help  assisting  ai  the  conference  at 
which  I  spoke,  where  he  endeavored  to  regulate  the 
interests  of  the  Abnakis  his  brethren. 


'  Rale's  report  of  this  sham  conference,  planned 
and  arranged  most  artfully  by  himself,  de  la  Chasse 
and  Vaudreuil,  when  compared  with  Vaudreuil  and 
Begon's  report,  which  fortunately  has  recently  come 
to  light  and  is  printed  in  note  i,  page  1 10,  shows  well 
his  method  of  writing  history.  As  for  Vaudreuil's 
magnanimity  in  striving  to  prevent  the  savages  from 
attacking  the  English,  it  did  not  exist,  as  Rale's  cor- 
respondence with  him  shows.  Let  us  examine  some 
of  the  French  correspondence  bearing  on  the  sub- 
ject. In  a  report  made  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  by 
21 


.? 


:,■  I 


\ 


162  77/ (■  I ^i oncers  of  New  France 

"  The  Eni^lish  thouijht  it  a  crime  ;  they  dispatched 
a  small  Vessel  towards  the  place  of  his  abode.  The 
captain  took  pains  to  conceal  him,  and  with   the  ex- 


Pere  Charlevoix,  Oct.  29  1720,  after  treatinj^r  of  the 
limits  of  Acadia,  Charlevoix  relates  a  conference  be- 
tween V^audreuil  and  the  savages  of  Norridgewock, 
The  latter  complained  to  him  respecting  the  terms  of 
the  peace  made  by  the  I'Vench  with  the  linglish,  when 
he  replied,  "  My  children,  I  will  send  you  underhand, 
sa?!''^  ffiams,  hatchets,  powder  and  lead.  '  Is  it  thus, 
then,'  rejilied  the  savag<;,  '  that  the  father  helps  his 
children,  ar  ;  have  we  helped  thee  in  this  fashion?' 
'A  father,'  he  added,'  when  he  sees  his  son  contending 
with  an  enemy  stronger  than  himself,  comes  forward, 
makes  his  son  withdraw  and  t(dls  the  enemy  that  it  is 
with  him  that  he  has  to  deal.'  '  Kh  bien,  my  chil- 
dren,' said  Monsieur,  the  Governor,  '  I  will  engage 
the  other  savage  nations  to  help  you.'  To  these 
words  the  deputies  with  a  mocking  laugh  replied  : 
'  Know  that  whenever  we  all  wish,  inasmuch  as  we 
are  of  the  nations  of  this  vast  continent,  we  will  unite 

i;  together   to  drive  out    of  it   all   foreigners,  whoever 

|j  they  may  be." 

)|!  ''This    declaration    surprised    Monsieur   de    Vau- 

!■!  dreuil,  who,  to  quiet  them,  protested  that  rather  than 

abandon  them  to  the  mercy  of  the  English,  he  would 
march  himself  to  their  aid.  *  *  *  Monsieur 
the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  asserts  that  he  has  among 
the  Abnakis  of  Norridgewock,  an  accredited  man, 
'  hommc  accrc'dtW^  who  is  wholly  devoted  to  him. 
Monsieur  Begon  is  of  the  opinion  that  it  is  necessary 
that  some  rattle  brain  of  the  savages  should  strike  a 
blow  at  the  English  which  should  bring  about  war." 


-■■  r^ 


in  New  liugland. 


163 


ception  of  two  or  three  men  whom  he  left  on  deck, 
they  invited  M.  de  St.  Castin,  amon^.^  whom  he  was 
well   known,  to  come   on   board  to  refresh   himself. 


This  state  of  affairs  continued,  and  on  the  8th  of 
June,  I  72 1,  Vaudreuil  and  Hegon  were  informed  by 
the  king  that  he  was  satisfied  with  Rale's  efforts  to 
incite  the  savages  against  the  English 

On  the  8th  of  October,  Vaudreuil  and  Begon  re- 
ported to  the  king  what  had  taken  place  in  Canada  for 
several  months  past.  Although  this  report  is  given 
in  the  original  French  under  note  i,  page  1 10,  it  may 
not  be  considered  out  of  place  to  translate  a  portion 
of  it  here.  Vaudreuil  and  I>egon  reported  that  they 
had  been  informed  by  Rale,  that  upon  the  representa- 
tions he  had  made  to  the  savages  not  to  permit 
English  settlements  on  the  lower  Kennebec,  they 
had  during  the  past  two  years  killed  a  large  number 
of  the  settlers'  cattle  ;  but  that  there  had  grown  up 
a  peace  party,  whose  sentiments  had  so  far  pre- 
vailed, as  to  cause  the  tribe  to  send  four  hostages  to 
Boston. 

Rale  had  also,  they  say,  informed  them  "  that  the 
Eno^lish  havim^  appointed  a  co)iferenee  to  engage  the 
rest  of  the  village  to  permit  their  settle?)ie?it,  it  was 
necessary  that  in  this  confer enee  the  party  of  the 
Savages  wetl  intentioned ;  '  that  is,  the  war  party,' 
should  be  the  more  numerous^  in  order  to  compel  those 
ivho  had  been  gained  by  the  English  to  return  to  their 
former  fceliui^,  so  that  they  should  ali  together  speak 
emphatically  to  the  Jinglish  to  oblige  the))i  to  retire  from 
their  lands!'  In  other  words.  Rale  deemed  it  neces- 
sary to  pack  the  conference  with  men  whom  he  had 
encouraged    to  make   war  upon   the   English,   which 


164  The  Pioneers  of  Meiu   Fraiue 

M.  dc  St.  Castin,  who  had  no  reason  for  liohling 
himself  on  tlu;  defensive,  went  alone  ^  unat- 
tended.    Hut  hardly   had   he   appeared   there   when 


with  his  greater  skill   in   diplomacy  he  could  easily 
accomplish. 

The*  report  continues,  that  as  Rale  fears  thnt  others 
of  the  war  party  may  he  won  over  by  the  Mn;^lish, 
''he  has  engaoed  six  Siruai^es  to  conic  hcrc^'  that  is  to 
Quebec,  ''to  invite  the  Almakis  and  the  I furons  of 
Lorette  to  find  tliemselves  at  the  conference.  To 
focilitate  the  success  of  this  invitation,  the  Sieur  de 
i^aicdreuil  has  bronoht  thcni  to  the  villa^^es  of  St. 
Francis  and  Ui^cancourt,  luho  have  explained  how  much 
the  enterprise  of  the  ling/ is  Ji  ivas  fyrcjudicial  to  the  i7i- 
terests  of  the  nation.  The  Sieur  dc  Vatidrenil  has 
let  them  hnow  that  it  was  important  that  the  Jinglisli- 
man  may  see  for  himself  that  he  will  draw  them  all 
as^ainst  him. 

"  These  two  villages  agreed  to  seiid  to  this  conference 
three  canoes  from  St.  J'Vajicis  and  three  from  B (Ran- 
cour t  to  which  is  to  be  joined  a  catioe  oj  the  I lurons  of 
Lorette. 

"He  has  thoni^ht  it  also  his  duty  to  engage  with  them., 
the  Father  de  la  Chasse,  Superior  of  the  Jesuits,  who 
having  been  for  20  years  missionary  of  the  three 
Abnaki  villages  of  Acadia,  knoius  them  well. 

"  This  Father  luent  first  to  Norridi^eivock  and  after 
having  brought  all  the  savages  oJ  that  nation  to  one 
mind,  he  invited  the  savages  of  the  village  of  Penobscot.^ 
from  whence  he  also  iiotified  those  of  Medoctch  aftd 
Pemondaki. 

"He  returned  immediately  to  Norridgc7vock\  accom- 
panied by   more  thati    100  savages  oJ  Penobscot,  and 


///  Ni'io  J u upland. 


•65 


they  seized  &  carried  him  to  Boston.  There  they 
cross-questioned  !iini  &  interrogated  him  like  a 
criminal,      Amonjr  other  things  they  ask(;d  him  why 


deputies  fr 07V  the  villiipes;  of  Medocteh  and  Pent ondaky. 
He  also  made  those  of  Piscata(}ua  come,  zvho  are  near- 
est to  the  lifii^lish  on  the  coast  of  J  Boston. 

"  These  Savaj^es  thus  assembled  and  to  the  number  of 
250  who  represented  all  the  Abnaki  nation  and  their 
allies,  after  having  taheii  counsel^  presented  themselves 
the  28///  of  July  last,  armed  before  the  J i  mulish  fort  of 
Menaskous  ivhere  the  co)i/erence  loas  apfoinfed''  On 
the  loth  of  November,  Vaudreuil  in  anoth(^r  lette-r  to 
the  Council  of  State;,  says,  that  he  "  is  persuaded  that 
if  his  Majesty  permits  him  to  join  the  French  luiththe 
Abnakis,  the  Jl  mulish  will  be  forced  to  abandon  all  the 
settlements  luhich  they  have  on  the  lands  of  these  Sav- 
aj^rs,  he  feels  cerlaiii  of  the  result  by  the  lonyi  experience 
that  he  has,  that  the  Abnakis  supported  by  the  T^rench 
have  always  7Jtade  the  Imolish  tremble,  7uho  have  been 
oblii^ed  in  the  last  war  to  abandon  nearly  a  hundred 
leai^ues  of  country y 

it  is  unnec(;ssary  to  quote  from  the  French  corre- 
spondence; at  gr(;ater  length  to  show  how  far  from  the 
tru(;  [jicturc;  is  this  which  Rah:  [jresemts  to  his 
nejjhew.  Charlevoix's  account  of  this  confenmce  so 
artfully  jirepared  by  Vaudr(;uil,  j^alc  and  de  la 
Chasse,  presents  an  equally  false  picture  to  the  world, 
and  should  be  carefully  com]>ar(;d  with  the  detailed 
reports  of  Vaudreuil  and  H(!gon  to  the  I'rench  govern- 
UKMit.  Vide  Collection  ch;  iVlanuscrits,  (ttc,  vol.  3, 
pp.  df<^-']Q,ct passim;  MistoinM't  l)(;scrijjtion  Gcncrah; 
de  la  Nouvelle  France,  etc.,  a  i\aris  MUCCXUv/, 
lomi;  quatrienK;,  pp.  113    115. 


1 66  The  Pioneers  of  Nciv  France 

&  in  what  capacity  he  had  assisted  at  the  confer- 
ence which  was  held  among  the  Savages ;  what  was 
signified  by  the  Military  uniform  in  which  he  was 
clothed ;  &  if  he  had  been  sent  to  that  assembly  by 
the  Governor  of  Canada.  M.  de  St.  Castin  replied 
that  he  was  an  Abnaki  on  his  mother's  side  ;  that  he 
had  passed  his  life  among  the  Savages ;  that  his 
Countrymen  having  chosen  him  Chief  of  their  Nation, 
he  was  obliged  to  enter  into  their  assemblies  to  sup- 
port their  interests  ;  that  it  was  in  this  capacity  alone 
that  he  had  assisted  at  the  last  conference ;  as  for 
the  rest  the  coat  which  he  wore  was  not  a  Military 
uniform,  as  they  thought  it ;  that  in  truth,  it  was  his 
own  &  well  enough  decorated,  but  was  not  above 
his  rank,  even  independent  of  the  honor  which  he 
had  in  being  an  Officer  in  our  troops. 

"  M.  our  Governor,  having  learned  of  the  detention 
of  M.  de  St.  Castin,  wrote  at  once  to  the  Governor 
of  Boston  to  make  complaint. 

"  He  received  no  reply  to  his  letter.  But  near  the 
time  the  English  Governor  expected  to  receive  a 
second,  he  restored  liberty  to  his  prisoner,  after 
having  kept  him  confined  during  five  months. 

"  The  enterprise  of  the  English  against  myself,  was 
the  second  act  of  hostility,  which  served  to  irritate 
to  excess  the  Abnaki  Nation.      A  missionary  could 


///  N'c'ii'  England. 


167 


not  fail  to  be  an  object  of  hatred  to  these  Gentlemen. 
The  love  of  Religion,  which  he  strives  to  engrave  in 
the  hearts  of  the  Savages,  holds  these  Neophytes 
strongly  to  our  alliance,  and  alienates  them  from  that 
of  the  English. 

"  They  also  regard  me  as  an  invincible  obstacle  to 
the  design  which  they  have  to  spread  themselves 
over  the  Abnakis*  territory,  &  little  by  little  to 
seize  the  continent  which  is  between  New  Enofland 
and  Acadia.  They  have  often  sought  to  carry  me 
off  from  my  flock,  &  more  than  once  my  head  has 
been  put  on  sale.^  It  was  toward  the  end  of  Janu- 
ary in  the  year  1722,  that  they  made  a  new  attempt, 

^  Charlevoix,  who  almost  literally  quotes  Rale, 
says:  "They  set  a  price  on  his  head  and  promised  a 
thousand  pounds  sterling  to  anyone  who  brought  it 
to  them."  Our  own  writers  have  copied  and  re- 
peated this  without  taking  the  trouble  to  ascertain 
the  facts  relative  to  the  transaction.  This  statement 
of  Charlevoix  fairly  exhibits  the  percentage  of  truth 
to  be  found  in  his  entertaining  history.  The  follow- 
ing is  the  act  which  passed  the  General  Assembly 
July  13,  1720:  "This  court  being  credibly  informed 
that  Mons.  Ralle,  the  Jesuit,  residing  among  the 
Eastern  Indians,  has  not  only,  on  several  occasions 
of  late,  affronted  His  Majesty's  government  of  this 
Province,  but  has  also  been  the  incendiary  that  has 
instigated  and  stirred  up  those  Indians  to  treat  His 
Majesty's  subjects  settling  there  in  the  abusive,  in- 
solent, hostile  manner  that  they  have  done. 


I 

I 


1 68  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

which  had  no  other  success  than  to  show  their  ill 
will  in  regard  to  me. 

"  I  had  remained  alone  in  the  village  with  a  small 
number  of  the  old  and  infirm,  while  the  rest  of  the 
savages  were  off  hunting.  The  time  seemed  favor- 
able to  them  to  surprise  me,  &  with  this  in  view 
they  sent  out  a  detachment  of  200  men.  Two  young 
Abnakis  who  were  hunting  on  the  seashore,  learned 
that  the  English  had  entered  the  river;  they  im- 
mediately turned  their  steps  that  way  in  order  to 
watch  their  progress ;  having  perceived  them  at 
ten  leagues  from  the  village,  they  outran  them  in 
crossing  the  country  to  give  me  warning,  &  to 
cause  the  old  men,  women  &  children  to  retire  in 
haste. 

"  I  had  but  time  to  swallow  the  consecrated  Wafers, 
to  put  the  holy  Vessels  into  a  little  chest,  &  to  save 


"Resolved,  That  a  premium  of  One  Hundred 
Pounds  be  allowed  and  paid  out  of  the  Public 
Treasury  to  any  person  that  shall  apprehend  the 
s^  Jesuit  within  any  part  of  this  Province  and  bring 
him  to  Boston  and  render  him  to  justice." 

It  will  be  seen  that  no  price  was  put  upon  his  head, 
and  that  the  sum  offered  was  one-tenth  the  sum 
Rale  and  Charlevoix  state  it  to  have  been.  (  Vide 
Shea's  Charlevoix,  New  York,  1871,  vol.  5,  p. 
275  ;  Council  Records,  Massachusetts  iVrchives,  vol. 
8,  p.  71.) 


in  Nczu  England. 


169 


myself  in  the  woods.  The  English  arrived  in  the 
evening  at  the  Village,  &  not  having  found  me,  they 
came  the  next  day  to  search  for  me,  even  to  the 
place  of  our  retreat.  They  were  in  gunshot  when  we 
discovered  them  ;  all  that  I  could  do,  was  to  bury 
myself  in  haste  in  the  depths  of  the  forest.  But  as  I 
had  not  the  time  to  take  my  snowshoes  &  besides 
as  there  remained  to  me  considerable  weakness  from  a 
fall  from  which  several  years  since  I  had  a  broken  leg 
&  thigh,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  fly  very  far. 
The  only  resource  left  me,  was  to  conceal  myself  be- 
hind a  tree.  They  immediately  traversed  the  differ- 
ent paths  made  by  the  Savages,  when  they  went  to 
gather  wood,  &  when  they  came  within  eight  steps 
of  the  tree  which  concealed  &  where  naturally  they 
ought  to  have  seen  me,  as  the  trees  were  stripped  of 
leaves ;  still  as  if  they  had  been  restrained  by  an  in- 
visible hand,  they  all  at  once  retraced  their  steps  & 
repaired  again  to  the  village. 

"  It  was  thus  as  by  an  especial  protection  of  God 
that  I  escaped  their  hands.  They  pillaged  my 
Church  &  my  little  dwelling,  whereby  they  almost 
reduced  me  to  death  by  hunger  in  the  midst  of  the 
woods.  It  is  true  that  when  they  knew  of  my  ad- 
venture at  Quebec,  they  immediately  sent  me  pro- 
visions, but  they  could  not  arrive  until  very  late,  &  dur- 


I  70  The  Pioneers  of  New  Franee 

ing  that  time  I  found  myself  deprived   of  all  succor 
and  in  extreme  need. 

"These  repeated  insults  made  the  Savages  judge 
that  they  had  no  further  answer  to  expect,  &  that 
it  was  time  to  repel  violence,  &  to  make  open  force 
succeed  peaceful  negotiations.  On  returning  from 
the  hunt,  &  after  having  sown  their  lands  they 
took  the  resolutior  to  destroy  the  newly  constructed 
dwellings  of  the  English  and  to  remove  far  from  them 
these  unquiet  &  redoubtable  guests,  who  little  by  little 
encroached  on  their  lands  &  who  meditated  enslav- 
ing them.  They  sent  a  deputation  into  the  differ- 
ent villages  of  the  Savages,  to  interest  them  in  their 
cause  &  to  engage  them  to  lend  a  hand  in  the 
necessity  wherein  they  were  making  a  just  defence. 
The  deputation  was  successful.  They  chanted  the 
war  among  the  Hurons  of  Lorette,  &  in  all  the  vil- 
lages of  the  Abnaki  Nations.  Norridgewock  was  the 
place  designed  for  the  assembling  of  the  Warriors, 
that  they  might  concert  their  plans  together.  Mean- 
while the  Norridgewockians  descended  the  river  ;  ar- 
rived at  its  mouth,  they  seized  three  or  four  little  Ves- 
sels belonging  to  the  English.  Then  reascending 
the  same  river  they  pillaged  and  burned  the  new 
houses  which  the  English  had  built.  They  ab- 
stained nevertheless  from  all  violence  toward  the  in- 


in  Ncii)  En(^land.  1 7 1 

habitants ;  they  even  permitted  them  to  withdraw  to 
their  people,  excepting  five  whom  they  retained  as 
hostages  until  their  countrymen  had  been  given  up 
who  were  detained  in  the  prisons  of  Boston. 

"  This  moderation  of  the  Savages  had  not  the  effect 
which  they  hoped  ;  on  the  contrary  a  party  of  Eng- 
lish having  found  sixteen  Abnakis  sleeping  on  an 
Island,  made  a  general  discharge  on  them,  by  which 
five  were  killed  and  three  wounded.' 

"  This  is  the  new  signal  of  the  war,  which  is  being 
lighted  between  the  English  and  the  Savages.  The 
la'-ter  expected  no  help  from  the  French,  because  of 
the  peace  which  reigns  between  the  two  Nations  ; 
but  they  have  one  resource  in  all  the  other  Savage 
Nations,  who  will  not  fail  to  enter  into  their  quarrel, 
and  to  take  up  their  defense 

"  My  Neophytes,  touched  by  the  peril  in  which  I 
found  myself  exposed  in  their  Village,  often  press 
me  to  retire  for  a  while  to  Quebec.  But  what  will 
become  of  the  flock,  if  it  is  deprived  of  its  Shepherd  ? 
There  is  nothing  but  death  that  can  seperate  me 
from  it.     They  have  well  represented  to  me,  that  in 


'  This  relates  to  Harmon's  act  at  Pleasant  Point 
and  is  another  strange  perversion  of  facts,  perhaps 
caused  by  a  too  ready  confidence  in  savage  ra- 
conteurs. 


I  72  Tlie  Piouco's  of  New  France 

case  1  should  fall  into  the  power  of  their  enemies, 
the  least  thet  can  befall  me  is  to  languish  the  rest  of 
my  life  in  a  hard  prison  ;  I  close  their  mouths  with 
the  words  of  the  Apostle,  which  Divine  goodness 
has  engraved  deep  in  my  heart,  "  Do  not  trouble 
yourselves,  I  say  to  them  as  to  what  regards  me  ;  I 
fear  not  the  threats  of  those  who  hate  me  without  a 
cause  &  /  count  not  my  life  dear  nnto  myself  that  I 
might  finish  7ny  coicrse^  &  the  ministry  ivhicJi  I  have 
ij  received  of  the   Lord  Jesus.       Pray    him    my    dear 

ii  Nephew  that   he   will   strengthen  in    me  this  senti- 

,^  ment    which    springs   only  from  his    mercy,   to    the 

;  end  I  may  live  and  die  without  ceasing  to  labor  for 

ij  the  salvation  of  these  neglected  souls,  which  are  the 

\\  price  of  his  Blood,  &  which  he  has  deigned  to  com- 

IJ  mit  to  my  care. 

;;  "  I  am,  &c." 

We   can   but  admire   the   calm   reliance   of    Rale 
|:  upon  the  protection  of  a  higher  power,  and  his  en- 

tire devotion  to  what  he  considered  his  duty.     The 
spirit  which  he  exhibits  in  his  religious  work  largely 
!  compensates  for  his  arrogant  assumptions  of  superi- 

ority over  religious  workers  in  other  fields,  and  the 
ji  weakness  which  he  displays  in  recounting  the  prow- 

ess of  his  savage   people,  and  accepting  their  rela- 
tions of  transactions  with  the  English  as  facts  to  be 


in^^l'^M 


in  Nczu  En  inland.  i  73 

recorded  as  history.  Nor,  regarding  him  as  a  fal- 
lible Christian  of  a  fallible  age,  should  we  be  sur- 
prisea  that  he  did  not  love  the  English,  though  as  a 
disciple  of  Christ,  we  should  admire  him  more  if  he 
had  displayed  more  charity  toward  them.  This  lack, 
however,  was  to  prove  his  bane.  He  had  taken  the 
sword  figuratively,  and  was  to  perish  by  it. 

In  the  winter  of  1723,  another  expedition  against 
Norridgewock  was  planned.  It  was  led  by  the  in- 
trepid Harmon,  but  he  found  the  country  impassable, 
and  returned  to  camp  without  accomplishing  his  pur- 
pose. This  failure  but  strengthened  the  self-confi- 
dence of  the  savages,  and  increased  their  audacity. 
The  Rev.  Joseph  Willard  was  surprised  on  the  high- 
way and  killed  after  a  struggle  in  which  he  manfully 
defended  his  life.'  The  Abnaki  converts  had  killed 
three  of   New  England's  Christian  pastors,  who  had 


'He  was  a  graduate  of  Yale  College,  in  1714, 
and  was  settled  in  the  ministry  at  Southerland  for 
several  years  after  leaving  college.  In  the  summer 
of  I  72 1  he  moved  to  Rutland.  On  the  14th  of  Au- 
gust, 1723,  a  party  of  five  savages  fell  upon  Deacon 
Joseph  Stevens  and  his  four  sons  while  making  hay 
on  their  farm  at  Rutland.  Two  of  the  sons  were 
killed,  and  two  made  prisoners ;  but  the  father  es- 
caped by  concealing  himself  in  some  bushes.  Two 
of  the  savages  then  concealed  themselves  in  ambush 
to  surprise  some  other  haymakers  in  the  vicinity,  but 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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j:74 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  Fra?tee 


taken  no  part  in  the  war,  nor  done  anything  to  make 
themselves  conspicuous.  To  many  it  seemed  as  if 
the  war  was  a  religious  one,  and  that  the  cause  of  it 
could  be  traced  to  the  Jesuit  missions,  established 
in  defiance  of  a  law  of  England,  which  prohibited 
even  the  residence  of  a  Jesuit  within  her  territorial 
possessions. 

Rale  and  Lauverjeat,  his  confrere  on  the  Penob- 
scot, were  certainly  encouraging  their  neophytes  in 
the  war,  and  glorying  in  their  successes.  About  this 
time  he  penned  the  following  interesting  letter  to 
his  brother  in  France.'^ 

"At  Nanrantsouak,  this  12th.  of  October  1723, 
"  Monsieur  and  very  dear  brother: 
"  The  peace  of  Our  Lord : 

"  I  can  no  longer  refuse  the  kind  requests  which 
you  make  me  in  all  your  letters,  to  inform  you  a 
little  in  detail  of   my  occupations  and  of  the  charac- 


not  wanting  to  be  too  long  separated  from  their 
companions,  who  had  gone  on  with  the  prisoners, 
they  started  to  join  them,  when  they  encountered 
Mr.  Willard,  who  was  armed,  and  fired  upon  him. 
Willard  returned  the  fire,  and  wounded  one  of  them. 
The  other  would  probably  have  been  overpowered 
had  not  the  three  others,  hearing  the  firing,  come  to 
his  assistance  and  slain  the  brave  minister. 

'  Vide  Lettres  Edifiantes  et  Curieuses,  Paris,  i  726 
The  translation  is  the  author's. 


i7i  New  Encland. 


/J 


ter  of  the  Savage  nations,  in  the  midst  of  which 
Providence  has  placed  me  for  so  many  years.  I  do 
it  the  more  willingly,  because  in  conforming  in  this 
regard  to  wishes  so  urgent  on  your  part  I  satisfy  yet 
more  your  affection  and  curiosity. 

"  It  was  the  23  of  July  of  the  year  1689  ^^^^^  ^  ^"^" 
barked  at  Rochelle  ;  and  after  three  months  of  a 
pleasant  enough  voyage,  I  arrived  at  Quebec  the  13 
of  October  of  the  same  year.  I  applied  myself  at 
first  to  learning  the  language  of  our  Savages.  This 
is  difficult  ;  because  it  is  not  sufficient  to  study  the 
terms  and  their  signification  and  to  make  a  collec- 
tion of  words  and  phrases,  it  is  still  necessary  to 
know  the  turn  and  the  arrangement  which  the  sav- 
ages give  them,  which  one  hardly  acquires  except  by 
intercourse  and  association  with  these  people. 

"  I  went  then  to  dwell  in  a  village  with  the  Abnaki 
nation,  situated  in  a  forest,  which  is  only  three 
leagues  from  Quebec.  This  was  inhabited  by  two 
hundred  savages  nearly  all  Christians.  Their  cabins 
were  arranged  a  little  like  the  houses  in  the  towns  ; 
an  inclosure  of  stakes,  thick  and  high,  form  a  kind 
of  wall  which  shelters  them  from  the  incursions  of 
their  enemies. 

"  Their  cabins  are  very  soon  set  up  ;  they  plant 
poles  which  they  join  at  the  top;  and  they  cover 


; 


1  76  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

them  with  great  sheets  of  bark.  The  fire  is  made  in 
the  middle  of  the  cabin  ;  they  spread  all  round  rush 
mats,  on  which  they  sit  during  the  day  ;  and  take 
their  repose  during  the  night. 

"  The  clothino-  of  the  men  consists  of  a  cassock  of 
skin,  or  else  of  a  piece  of  red  or  blue  stuff.  That  of 
the  women  is  a  blanket ;  which  hangs  from  the  neck 
quite  to  the  middle  of  the  legs  and  which  they  ad- 
just quite  properly.  They  put  another  blanket  on 
the  head,  which  descends  even  to  the  feet  and  which 
serves  them  for  a  cloak.  Their  stockings  extend 
only  from  the  knee  to  the  ankle.  Socks  made  of 
elks'  hide  and  lined  inside  with  hair  or  wool  serve 
them  in  place  of  shoes.  This  sock  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  them  in  order  to  be  adjusted  to  the 
snow-shoes,  by  means  of  which  they  walk  upon 
the  snow.  These  snow-shoes  are  made  lozenge 
shape,  are  more  than  two  feet  long  and  a  foot  and  a 
half  wide.  I  did  not  believe  that  I  could  ever  walk 
with  such  machines  ;  when  I  made  trial  of  them  I 
soon  found  it  so  easy  that  the  savages  could  not  be- 
lieve that  it  was  the  first  time  that  I  had  made 
use  of  them.  The  invention  of  these  snow-shoes  is 
of  great  use  to  these  savages  not  only  to  travel  on 
the  snow,  with  which  the  ground  is  cc  -^red  a  great 
part  of  the  year,  but  also  to  go  in  puiauit  of  beasts 


in  Neiv  England. 


177 


and  above  all  of  the  moose ;  these  animals,  larger 
than  the  largest  oxen  of  France  walk  only  with  diffi- 
culty upon  the  snow  ;  thus  it  is  not  difficult  for  the 
savages  to  overtake  them,  and  they  often  kill  them 
with  a  common  knife  attached  to  the  end  of  a  stick, 
they  feed  upon  their  flesh  and  after  having  well 
dressed  their  skins  in  which  they  are  skillful  they 
trade  them  with  French  and  English  who  give  them  in 
exchange  cassocks,  blankets,  kettles,  guns,  hatchets 
and  knives. 

"To give  you  an  idea  of  a  savage,  picture  to  your- 
self a  large  man  strong,  agile,  of  a  swarthy  tint, 
without  beard,  with  black  hair,  and  whose  teeth  are 
whiter  than  ivory.  If  you  wish  to  see  him  in  his 
acoutrements  you  will  only  find  for  his  whole  adorn- 
ment what  is  called  beads;  this  is  a  kind  of  shell  or 
stone  which  they  fashion  into  the  form  of  little  grains, 
some  white  and  others  black,  and  which  they  string 
in  such  a  manner,  that  they  represent  divers  very 
regular  figures  which  are  agreeable  to  them.  It  is 
with  this  bead  that  our  Savages  knot  and  plait  their 
hair  above  their  ears  and  behind,  make  collars,  gar- 
ters, belts,  five  or  six  inches  wide  and  with  this  sort  of 
ornaments  they  estimate  themselves  a  great  deal 
more  than  an  European  does  with  all  his  gold  and 
his  jewels. 
23 


Ulrifii 


li 


.r 


I  78  77/6'  Pioneers  of   New  France 

"  The  occupation  of  the  men  is  hunting  or  war,  that 
01  the  women  is  to  remain  in  the  village  and  to  make 
there  out  of  bark,  baskets,  bags,  boxes,  dishes,  plates 
etc.  They  sew  the  bark  with  roots  and  make  of 
them  various  utensils  very  'ippropriately  wrought, 
the  canoes  are  likewise  made  solely  of  bark,  but  the 
largest  can  scarce  hold  more  than  six  or  seven  persons. 
"It  is  with  these  canoes  made  of  a  bark  which  has 
hardly  the  thickness  of  a  crown,  that  they  cross  the 
arms  of  the   sea,  and  that  they  navigate  the  most 

(  dangerous  rivers  and  lakes  of  four  or  five  hundred 

leagues  around.  I  have  thus  made  many  voyages 
without  having  run  any  risk.  Only  once,  that  in 
crossing  the  river  Saint  Lawrence  I  found  myself 
suddenly  surrounded  with  masses  of  ice  of  enormous 

{■  size  and  the  canoe  was  wedged  in  them  ;  at  once  the 

two  savages  who  conducted  me  cried  out ;  "we  are 
dead  men  ;  it  is  done,  we  must  perish,"  in  the  mean 
time  making  an  effort,  they  leaped  upon  the  floating 

;,  ice.     I  did  like  them,  and  after  having  drawn  up  the 

'  canoe  we  carried  it  to  the  extremity  of  this  ice.  Then 

it  was  necessary  for  us  to  place  ourselves  again  in  the 
canoe  to  gain  another  ice  cake,  and  thus  then  leaping 
from  ice  cake  to  ice  cake,  we  arrived  at  last  at  the 
bank  of  the  stream  without  other  inconvenience  than 
being  very  wet  and  numb  with  cold.     Nothing  equals 

i 
,  1 


in  New  Engl  ana. 


179 


the  affection  which  the  savages  have  for  their  chil- 
dren. As  soon  as  they  are  born,  they  place  them  on 
a  little  piece  of  board  covered  with  cloth  and  a  little 
bear  skin  in  which  they  envelope  them,  and  this  is 
their  cradle.  The  mothers  carry  them  on  their  back 
in  a  manner  convenient  for  the  children  and  for  them. 
Hardly  do  the  children  begin  to  walk  when  they  are 
trained  to  draw  the  bow.  They  become  so  adroit  in 
this,  that  at  the  age  of  ten  or  twelve  years  they  do 
not  fail  to  kill  the  bird  that  they  shoot  at.  I  have 
been  surprised  at  it.  and  I  should  have  hardly  be- 
lieved it,  if  I  had  not  been  witness  of  it. 

"  That  which  I  most  revolted  at  when  I  began  to 
live  with  the  savages  was  to  find  myself  obliged  to 
take  my  repast  with  them ;  nothing  is  more  disgust- 
ing. After  having  filled  their  pot  with  meat  they 
make  it  boil  at  the  most  three  quarters  of  an  hour, 
after  which  they  take  it  from  the  fire,  serve  it  in  bark 
porringers  and  divide  it  with  all  those  who  are  in  the 
cabin.  Each  one  bites  into  this  meat  as  he  would 
into  a  piece  of  bread.  This  spectacle  did  not  give 
me  much  appetite,  and  they  very  soon  noticed  my 
repugnance.  '  Why  dost  thou  not  eat,'  they  asked. 
I  replied  to  them  that  I  was  not  accustomed  to  eat 
meat  thus,  without  adding  to  it  a  piece  of  bread. 
'It    is  necessary  to    conquer  thyself,'   they  replied, 


■jeggiM^aBmmtmiii^^ 


I: 


1 80  The  Piomcrs  of  Nczv  France 

'  is  it  so  difficult  as  to  be  a  patriarch  who  knows  prayer 
perfectly  ?  We  overcome  a  great  deal  to  believe 
that  which  we  cannot  see.'  After  this  there  was  no 
more  to  consider.  It  was  best  to  bring  one's  self  to 
their  manners  and  customs  in  order  to  merit  their 
confidence  and  gain  them  to  Jesus  ( -hrist. 

"  Their  meals  are  not  regular  as  in  Europe,  they  live 
from  hand  to  mouth,  whilst  they  have  somewhat  from 
which  to  make  good  cheer,  they  profit  by  it,  without 
troubling  themselves  about  having  anything  to  live 
on  the  following  days. 

"They  passionately  love  tobacco;  men,  women, 
children  smoke  almost  continually.  To  give  them 
apiece  of  tobacco,  is  to  give  them  more  pleasure  than 
to  give  them  their  weight  in  gold. 

"  In  the  beginning  of  June,  and  when  the  snow  is 
nearly  all  melted,  they  sow  the  skaviQ;ar,  this  is  what 
we  call  Turkey  or  Indian  wheat.  Their  style  of  sow- 
ing is  to  make  with  the  fingers  or  with  a  little  stick, 
different  holes  in  the  ground,  and  to  throw  in  each 
eight  or  nine  kernels,  which  they  cover  with  the  same 
earth  which  they  have  withdrawn  to  make  the  hole. 
Their  harvest  takes  place  at  the  end  of  August. 

"  It  is  in  the  midst  of  these  people,  who  pass  for  the 
least  coarse  of  all  our  savages,  that  I  passed  the  ap- 
prenticeship of  a  missionary.      My  principal  occupa- 


/;/  Nnv  luiirfand. 


i8i 


tion  was  the  study  of  their  tongue  :  it  is  very  difficult 
to  learn,  above  all  when  one  has  no  other  mas- 
ters than  savages.  They  have  many  sounds  which 
they  only  utter  from  the  throat,  without  making  any 
movement  of  the  lips  ;  ou,  for  example  is  of  this 
number,  and  this  is  why  in  writing  it,  we  make  it  by 
the  figure  <S,  to  distinguish  it  from  other  sounds.  I 
passed  a  part  of  a  year  in  their  cabins  and  heard  them 
talk.  It  was  necessary  for  me  to  maintain  extreme 
attention,  to  gather  what  they  said,  and  to  conjecture 
the  signification  of  it.  Sometimes  I  guessed  right, 
more  often  I  deceived  myself,  because  not  very  able 
to  manage  their  guttural  letters.  I  repeated  only 
part  of  the  word,  and  this  made  them  laugh.  At 
last,  after  five  months  of  continual  application,  I 
reached  the  point  of  understanding  all  their  terms, 
but  that  was  not  sufficient  for  me  to  express  myself 
according  to  their  taste.  I  had  still  a  good  way  to  go 
to  catch  the  scope  and  genius  of  their  tongue,  which 
is  altogether  different  from  the  genius  and  scope  of 
our  luiropean  languages.  To  shorten  the  time  and 
to  put  myself  sooner  in  a  state  to  exercise  my  func- 
tions, I  made  choice  of  some  savages  who  had  more 
wit  and  spoke  better.  I  told  them  roughly  some 
articles  of  the  catechism,  and  they  rendered  them  to 
me  in  all  the  delicacy  of  their  language.      I  put  them 


182  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

at  once  on  paper,  and  by  this  means  I  made  myself 
in  a  little  while  a  dictionary  and  a  catechism  which 
contained  the  principles  and  the  mysteries  of  religion. 
"  One  cannot  deny  that  the  language  of  the  savages 
has  true  beauties,  and  I  know  not  what  of  energy,  in 
the  turn  and  manner  in  which  they  express  them- 
selves. I  am  going  to  give  you  an  example  of  it.  If 
I  should  ask  you,  Why  God  has  created  you  ?  You 
would  reply  to  me,  that  it  is  to  know  him,  to  love 
him  and  to  serve  him,  and  by  this  means  to  merit 
eternal  glory.  But  should  I  put  the  same  question 
to  a  savage,  he  would  reply  to  me  thus  in  the  term  of 
his  language ;  The  great  Spirit  has  thought  of  us ; 
let  them  know  me,  let  them  love  me,  let  them  honor 
me,  and  let  them  obey  me  for  then  I  shall  make  them 
enter  into  my  glorious  felicity.  If  I  should  wish  to 
tell  you  in  their  style,  that  you  would  have  much 
difficulty  in  learning  the  savage  tongue,  see  how  it 
would  be  necessary  to  express  myself ;  I  think  of 
you  my  dear  brother,  that  he  will  find  difficulty  in 
learning  the  savage  tongue.  The  language  of  the 
Hurons  is  the  master  language  of  the  savages  ;  and 
when  one  possesses  it  in  less  than  three  months  one 
can  make  himself  understood  by  the  five  Iroquois 
nations.  It  is  the  most  Majestic  and  the  most  diffi- 
cult of  all  the  savage  tongues.     This  difficulty  does 


M 


in  New  R7iolancl. 


'H3 


not  come  alone  from  their  guttural  character,  but  still 
more  from  the  diversity  of  accents,  because  two 
words  composed  of  the  same  characters  have  sig- 
nifications quite  different.  Father  Chaumont,  who 
has  dwelt  fifty  years  among  the  Hurons,  has  com- 
posed a  grammar  of  it,  which  is  very  useful  to  those 
who  newly  arrive  in  that  mission,  nevertheless  a  mis- 
sionary is  most  happy  when,  with  those  helps,  after 
ten  years  constant  labor,  he  expresses  himself  ele- 
gantly in  this  language. 

"Each  savage  nation  has  its  particular  tongue; 
thus  the  Abnakis,  the  Hurons,  the  Iroquois,  the  Al- 
gonkins,  the  Illinois,  the  Miamis,  etc.,  have  each 
their  language.  They  have  no  books  to  learn  these 
languages,  and,  when  they  shall  have  them,  they  will 
be  useless  enough.  Practice  is  the  only  master 
which  can  instruct  us.  While  I  have  labored  in  four 
different  missions  of  savages,  namely  among  the 
Abnakis,  the  Algonkins,  the  Hurons  and  the  Illi- 
nois, I  have  been  obliged  to  learn  these  different 
languages.  I  am  going  to  give  you  a  specimen,  to 
the  end  that  you  may  know  the  little  relation  which 
there  is  between  them.     1  choose  the  strophe   of  a 

hymn  of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  which  they  ordinarily 
chant  during  the  Mass  at  the  elevation  of  the  sacred 

host  and  which  begins  in  these  words,  O  Salutaris, 


wr^ 


! 


li^' 


ii 


184  T/ie  Pwnccrs  of  Ncio  France 

hostia  ;    Such  is  the  translation  in  verse  of  this  strophe 
in  the  four  languages  of  these  different  nations.' 

En  langue  abnakise. 

Kighist  oui-  nuanuiouinns 
Spem  kik  papili  go  ii  damek 
Nemiani  oui  kouidan  gha  benk 
Taha  saii  grihine. 

En  Ian  langue  algonkine. 

Kouerais  Jesus  teousenam 
Nara  oueul  ka  stisian 
Ka  rio  vllighe  miang 
Vas  mama  vik  umong. 

En  langue  huronne. 

Je  ous  outo  etti   xichie 
Outo  etti  skuaalichi-axe 
J  chierche  axeraouensta 
D'aotierti  xeata-ouien. 

En  langue  illinoise. 

Pekiziane  manet  oue 
Piaro  nile  hi  Nanghi 
Keninama  oui  ouKangha 
Mero  ouinang  ousianghi. 

*  The  author  has  substituted  ou  in  place  of  the 
figure  8,  as  given  by  Rale. 


in  New  En<rland. 


'85 


which  signifies  in  French  :  '  O  saving  sacrifice  who 
art  continually  offered,  and  who  givest  life  ;  thou  by 
whom  we  enter  heaven,  we  are  continually  assaulted  ; 
come  strengthen  us.' 

"  It  was  nearly  two  years  that  I  lived  with  the  Ab- 
nakis,  when  I  was  recalled  by  my  superiors  ;  they 
destined  me  to  the  mission  of  the  Illinois,  who  had 
lost  their  missionary.  I  went  then  to  Quebec,  where, 
after  having  employed  three  months  in  studying  the 
Algonkin  tongue,  I  embarked  the  13th.  of  August  in  a 
canoe,  to  go  to  the  Illinois  ;  their  country  is  distant 
from  Quebec  more  than  eight  hundred  leagues. 
You  may  well  judge  that  so  long  a  voyage  in  these 
barbarous  lands  cannot  be  made  without  running 
great  risks,  and  without  suffering  great  incon- 
venience. I  had  to  traverse  lakes  of  immense  extent, 
and  where  storms  are  as  frequent  as  on  the  sea.  It 
is  true  that  one  has  the  advantage  of  setting  foot  on 
land  every  night;  but  one  is  fortunate  when  one 
finds  some  flat  rock  where  one  may  pass  the  night. 
When  the  rain  falls,  the  only  means  of  protection  is 
to  place  oneself  beneath  the  turned  over  canoe. 

"One  runs  still  greater  dangers  on  the  rivers, 
principally  in  places  where  they  flow  with  extreme 
rapidity.     Then  the  canoe  flies  like  an  arrow,  and  if 

it  comes  in  contact  with  rocks,  which  one  finds  there 

24 


! 


r 


i; 
i 


1 1 


1 86  T/ie  Pi07icers  of  New  France 


I  \  in  abundance,  it  breaks  into  a  thousand  pieces.    This 

misfortune  happened  to  some  of  those  who  ac- 
companied   me    in    other   canoes,    and    it    is    by    a 

i   I  singular  protection  of  divine  goodness  that  I  did  not 

suffer  the  same  fate  ;  because  my  canoe  struck  sev- 
eral times  against  the  rocks,  without  receiving  the 
least  damage.  In  fine,  one  risks  suffering  from  hun- 
ger that  which  is  most  cruel.  The  length  and  the 
^    j  II  difficulty    of  these   kinds   of    voyages  only   permits 

bringing  with  one  a  sack  of  Indian  corn.  One  would 
suppose  that  the  chase  would  furnish  on  the  route 
something  to  live  upon  ;  but  if  the  game  fails,  one 
finds  oneself  exposed  to  many  days  of  fasting.  Then 
all  the  resource  which  one  has  is  to  search  for  a 
kind  of  leaves,  which  the  savages  call  Kingncssa- 
nachy  and  the  French  tripes  de  roches}  One  would 
take  them  for  Cerfeuil,  of  which  they  have  the  shape, 
if  they  were  not  much  larger  ;  they  serve  them  either 
boiled  or  roasted  ;  those  which  I  have  eaten  are  not 
so  bad. 

"  I  did  not  suffer  much  from  hunger  as  far  as  the 
lake  of  the  Hurons,  but  it  was  not  the  same  with  the 
companions  of  my  voyage  ;  the  bad  weather  having 

^  Literally  reck  tripe.  A  bitter  and  purgative 
fungus  found  growing  on  rocks,  and  used  extensively 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  far  north  for  food. 


in  New  Etigland. 


187 


scattered  their  canoes,  they  could  not  join  me.  I 
arrived  the  first  at  Missilimalcinak,  from  whence  I 
sent  them  food,  without  which  they  would  have  died 
of  hunger.  They  had  passed  seven  days  without 
any  nourishment  but  that  of  a  crow,  which  they  had 
killed  rather  by  chance  than  by  skill,  for  they  had 
not  strength  to  support  themselves. 

"The  season  was  too  far  advanced  to  continue  my 
route  as  far  as  to  the  Illinois,  from  whence  I  was  yet 
distant  about  four  hundred  leagues.  Thus  it  was  nec- 
essary for  me  to  remain  at  Missilimakinak,  where 
there  were  two  of  our  missionaries,  one  among  the 
Hurons,  and  the  other  with  the  Outaouacks.  The 
latter  are  very  superstitious  and  much  attached  to 
the  jugleries  of  their  medicine  men.  They  attribute 
to  themselves  an  origin  as  senseless  as  ridiculous. 
They  pretend  to  spring  from  families,  and  each 
family  is  composed  of  five  hundred  persons. 

"Some  are  of  the  family  of  Michabou,  that  is  to 
say  of  the  great  hare.  They  pretend  that  this  great 
hare  was  a  man  of  prodigious  size,  that  he  could 
spread  nets  in  the  water  at  eighteen  feet  in  depth, 
and  that  the  water  came  hardly  to  his  armpits ;  that 
one  day,  during  the  deluge,  he  sent  the  beaver  to 
discover  the  land  ;  biit  as  this  animal  did  not  return 
he  sent  out  the  otter,  who  brought  back  a  little  earth 


^ 


i8S 


T/ic  Pioneers  of  Neio  France 


covered  with  loam  ;  Lliat  lie  repaired  to  tlie  place  in 
the  lake  where  he  foLind  this  earth,  which  formed  a 
little  isle;  all  around  which  he  walked  in  the  water, 
and  that  this  island  became  extraordinarily  large. 
This  is  why  is  attributed  to  him  the  creation  of  the 
earth.  They  add  that  after  having  accomplished 
this  work  he  flew  up  to  heaven,  which  is  his  ordinary 
abode,  but  before  quitting  the  earth,  when  his  de- 
scendants came  to  die,  that  they  should  burn  their 
bodies  and  throw  their  ashes  into  the  air,  so  that 
they  should  more  easily  raise  themselves  towards 
heaven ;  that  if  they  should  fail  in  this,  the  snow^ 
would  cease  to  cover  the  earth,  that  their  lakes  and 
their  rivers  would  remain  frozen,  and  that,  not  being 
able  to  angle  for  fish,  which  is  their  common  food, 
they  would  all  die  in  the  spring. 

"In  fact,  a  few  years  ago,  the  winter  having  on- 
tinued  longer  than  ordinary,  there  was  a  general  con- 
sternation among  the  savages  of  the  family  of  the 
great  hare.  They  had  recourse  to  their  accustomed 
jugleries  ;  they  assembled  many  times  in  order  to  ad- 
vise on  the  means  of  dissipating  this  snow  enemy  who 
seemed  obstinate  to  remain  upon  the  earth  ;  when 
an  old  woman  approached  them.  '  My  children,' 
said  she,  *  you  have  no  wit,  you  know  the  orders 
that  the  great  hare  has  left  to  burn  the  bodies  of  the 


in  Nczv  England. 


189 


dead  and  to  throw  their  ashes  to  the  wind,  to  the 
end  that  they  should  return  more  promptly  to 
heaven,  their  country  ;  and  you  have  neglected  his 
orders  by  leaving  some  days  journey  from  here  a 
dead  man  without  burning,  as  if  he  was  not  of  the 
family  of  the  great  hare.  Repair  forthwith  your 
fault,  take  care  to  burn  him  if  you  v/ish  that  the 
snow  should  disappear.'  '  You  are  right  our 
mother'  replied  they,  'thou  hast  more  wit  than  we 
and  the  council  which  thou  givest  us  restores  life  to 
us.'  They  immediately  deputed  twenty-five  men  to 
go  and  burn  this  body.  They  employed  about  fif- 
teen days  in  this  journey.  During  that  time  the 
thaw  came  and  the  snow  melted.  They  loaded  with 
praises  and  presents  the  old  woman  who  had  given 
the  advice;  and  this  event,  quite  natural  as  it  was, 
served  much  to  confirm  them  in  their  folly  and 
superstitious  credulity. 

*' The  second  family  of  the  Outaouacks  pretend 
to  have  sprung  from  the  Namcpick,  that  is  to  say 
from  the  carp.  They  say  that  a  carp  having  laid 
his  eggs  upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  the 
Sun  having  darted  its  rays  there,  he  formed  a 
woman  from  them  from  whom  they  are  descended. 
Thus  they  call  themselves  of  the  family  of  the 
carp. 


190  The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  France 

''  The  third  family  of  the  Outaouacks  attributes 
its  origin  to  the  paw  of  the  Machova,  that  is  to  say, 
of  a  bear,  and  they  call  tliemselves  of  the  family  of 
the  bear,  but  without  explaining  in  what  manner 
they  are  sprung  from  it.  When  they  kill  any  of 
these  animals  they  make  a  feast  to  him  of  his  own 
flesh;  they  speak  to  him,  they  harangue  him;  'do 
not  have  any  design  against  us,'  they  say  to  him, 
'  because  we  have  killed  thee  ;  thou  hast  wit,  thou 
seest  that  our  children  suffer  for  hunger,  they  wish 
to  make  thee  enter  into  their  bodies,  is  it  not  glori- 
ous for  thee  to  be  eaten  by  the  children  of  the 
chief  ? ' 

"  It  is  only  the  family  of  the  great  hare  which 
burns  dead  bodies,  the  two  others  bury  them.  When 
any  chief  dies  they  prepare  a  vast  coffm,  where,  af- 
ter having  laid  the  body  clothed  in  its  finest  gar- 
ments, they  enclose  with  him  his  blanket,  his  gun, 
his  supply  of  powder  and  lead,  his  bow,  his  arrows, 
his  kettle,  his  platter,  some  provisions,  his  toma- 
hawk, his  pipe,  his  box  of  vermillion,  his  mirror, 
some  collars  of  beads,  and  all  the  presents  which 
were  made  at  his  death  according  to  usage.  They 
imagine  that  with  this  outfit  he  will  make  his  jour- 
ney more  happily  to  the  other  world,  and  will  be 
better  received  by  the  great  chiefs  of  the   nation, 


in  New  Jiti'jland. 


loi 


who  will  conduct  him  with  them  into  a  place  of 
delights. 

"  While  all  is  beinj^  adjiist(;d  in  the  coffin  the  rela- 
tives of  the  dead  assist  at  the  ceremony  by  mourn- 
ing after  their  fashion,  that  is  to  say,  by  chanting  in 
a  lugubrious  tone  and  beating  time  witli  a  stick  to 
which  they  have  attached  many  rattles. 

"  Where  the  superstition  of  these  people  appears 
the  most  extravagant  is  in  the  worship  that  they 
render  to  that  which  they  call  their  ^naiiitou.  As  they 
scarcely  know  anything  but  the  beasts  with  which 
they  live  in  the  forests,  they  imagine  within  these 
beasts,  or  within  their  skin,  or  within  their  plumage, 
a  kind  of  spirit  which  governs  all  things,  and  which 
is  tlie  master  of  life  and  death.  There  are,  accord- 
ing to  them  manitous  common  to  all  the  nation,  and 
there  are  particular  ones  for  each  person.  Oussa- 
kita^  say  they,  is  the  great  manitou  of  all  the  beasts 
which  walk  upon  the  eartli,  or  which  lly  in  the  air. 
It  is  he  who  governs  them;  thus  when  they  go  to 
chase,  they  offer  him  tobacco,  powder,  lead,  and 
skins  well  dressed,  which  they  attach  to  the  end  of  a 
pole,  and  elevate  it  in  the  air.  '  Oussakita^  they  say 
to  him,  'we  give  thee  to  smoke,  we  offer  thee  of  that 
to  kill  the  game,  deign  to  accept  these  presents,  do 
not  permit   that  they  should   escape  our  arrows,   let 


192 


TJt,c  Pioneers  of  New  France 


us  kill  a  great  number  of  the  fattest  of  them,  so  that 

our    cliildren   shall   neither  fail   of  clothing,   nor  of 

nourishment. 

* 

"  They  call  MicJiibichi  the  manitou  of  the  waters 
and  of  the  fish,  and  they  make  a  sacrifice  to  him 
nearly  similiar  when  they  go  to  fish  or  when  they 
undertake  a  journey.  This  sacrifice  consists  of 
throwing  into  the  water  some  tobacco,  food,  kettles, 
and  asking  him  that  the  waters  of  the  river  should 
flow  more  slowly,  that  the  rocks  should  not  break 
their  canoes,  and  that  he  accord  to  them  fish  in  abun- 
dance. 

"  Besides  these  common  manitous,  each  has  his  own 
particular  one,  which  is  a  bear,  or  a  beaver,  or  a 
bustard,  or  some  similar  beast.  They  carry  the  skin 
of  this  animal  to  the  war,  to  the  chase,  and  on  their 
journeys,  persuading  themselves  that  they  preserve 
them  from  all  danger  and  that  they  will  make  them 
successful  in  their  undertakings. 

"When  a  savage  wishes  to  get  a  manitou,  the  first 
animal  which  presents  itself  to  his  imagination  dur- 
ing his  sleep  is  commonly  the  one  upon  which  his 
choice  falls.  He  kills  a  beast  of  this  kind  ;  he  puts 
his  skin,  or  his  plumage,  if  it  is  a  bird  in  the  most 
honoral)le  place  in  his  cabin  ;  he  prepares  a  feast  in 
his   honor,  during  which   he   makes  to  him   his   ha- 


in  New  Hnghuid. 


193 


rangue  in  terms  the  most  respectful,  after  which  he  is 
known  as  his  manitou. 

"As  soon  as  I  saw  the  spring  arrive,  I  left  Missili- 
makinak  to  go  to  the  Illinois.  I  found  on  my  route 
many  savage  nations,  among  others  Maskoutings, 
Jakis,  Omikoues,  Iripegouans,  Outagamis,  etc.  All 
these  nations  have  their  peculiar  language  but  for 
all  the  rest  they  differ  in  nothing  from  the  Outaou- 
acks.  A  missionary  who  dwells  at  the  bay  of  the 
Puants,  makes  from  time  to  time  excursions  among 
these  savages  to  instruct  them  in  the  truths  of  re- 
ligion. 

"  After  forty  days  walking,  I  entered  the  river  of 
the  Illinois,  and  having  advanced  fifty  leagues  I  ar- 
rived at  the  first  village,  which  was  of  three  hundred 
cabins,  all  of  four  or  five  fires.  One  fire  is  always 
for  two  families.  They  have  twelve  villages  of  their 
nation.  On  the  morrow  after  my  arrival  I  was  in- 
vited by  the  principal  chief  to  a  grand  repast,  which 
he  gave  to  the  more  considerable  persons.  He  had 
caused  to  be  killed  for  this  a  number  of  dogs  ;  such 
a  banquet  passes  among  the  savages  for  a  magnificent 
feast  ;  it  is  why  they  call  it  the  feast  of  the  chief. 
The  ceremonies  which  they  observe  are  the  same 
among  all  the  nations.  It  is  common  in  these  sorts 
of  festivals  that  the  savages  deliberate  upon  their 
25 


194  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

most  important  affairs,  as,  for  example,  when  it  is 
agitated,  either  to  undertake  war  against  their  neigh- 
bors, or  to  terminate  it  by  a  proposition  of  peace. 

"  When  all  the  guests  have  arrived,  they  range 
themselves  all  around  the  cabin,  seating  themselves 
either  on  the  bare  earth,  or  on  mats.  Then  the  chief 
arises  and  begins  his  harangue.  I  avow  to  you  that 
I  admired  his  flow  of  words,  the  justice  and  the  force 
of  reasons  which  he  displayed,  the  eloquent  turn  that 
he  gave  them,  the  choice  and  delicacy  of  the  ex- 
pressions, with  which  he  adorned  his  discourse.  I 
am  persuaded  that  if  I  could  put  in  writing  what  this 
savage  said  to  us  on  that  moment  and  without  pre- 
paration, it  would  convince  you  without  difficulty 
that  the  most  able  European,  after  much  meditation 
and  study,  could  scarcely  compose  a  discourse  more 
solid  and  better  termed. 

"Their  harangue  finished,  two  savages  who  per- 
formed the  function  of  carvers,  distributed  the  plates 
to  all  the  assembly,  and  each  plate  was  for  two  guests, 
they  ate  conversing  together  of  indifferent  things  ; 
and  when  the  repast  was  finished,  they  retired,  carry- 
ing, according  to  their  custom,  that  which  they  had 
remaining  in  their  plates. 

"The  Illinois  do  not  give  those  feasts  which  are 
customary  with   many  other  savage   nations,  where 


in  Nciu  England. 


195 


one  is  obliged  to  eat  all  that  has  been  served  to  him, 
should  one  burst  by  it.  When  it  happens  that  any 
one  has  not  the  power  to  observe  this  ridiculous 
rule,  he  addresses  himself  to  some  one  of  the  guests, 
whom  he  knows  to  be  of  a  better  appetite ;  '  My 
brother,'  says  he  to  him,  '  have  pity  on  me,  I  am 
dead  if  thou  dost  not  give  me  life,  eat  that  which  re- 
mains to  me,  I  will  make  thee  a  present  of  some- 
thing.' It  is  the  only  means  to  escape  from  embar- 
rassment. 

"The  Illinois  only  cover  themselves  about  the 
waist,  and  as  to  the  rest,  they  go  all  naked ;  differ- 
ent compartments  of  all  sorts  of  figures,  which  they 
engrave  on  the  body  in  a  way  which  is  ineffaceable, 
hold  for  them  the  place  of  garments.  It  is  only  in 
the  visits  which  they  make  or  when  they  assist  at 
church,  that  they  wrap  about  them  a  covering  of 
dressed  skin  during  the  summer,  and  during  the 
winter,  of  a  skin,  with  the  hair  on,  which  they  leave 
to  retain  more  warmth.  They  adorn  the  head  with 
feathers,  of  different  colors,  with  which  they  make 
garlands  and  crowns,  which  they  adjust  quite  prop- 
erly ;  they  take  care  to  paint  the  face  with  different 
colors,  but  above  all  with  vermillion  ;  they  wear  col- 
lars, and  pendants  from  the  ears  made  of  different 
stones  which  they  cut  in  the  form  of  precious  stones  ; 


l()C-) 


The  Pio)icci's  of  Nc7u  France 


some  are  blue,  red  and  white  like  alabaster,  to  which 
it  is  necessary  to  add  a  plate  of  porcelain  which  fin- 
ishes the  collar.  The  Illinois  persuade  themselves 
that  these  fantastic  ornaments  give  them  grace  and 
attract  respect. 

"  When  the  Illinois  are  not  occupied  in  war  or  in 
the  chase,  the  time  is  passed  either  in  sport,  or  in 
feasts,  or  in  the  dance.  They  have  two  sorts  of 
dances ;  some  which  are  used  in  token  of  rejoicing, 
and  to  which  they  invite  the  most  distinguished 
women  and  girls ;  the  others  are  used  to  mark  their 
grief,  the  death  of  the  more  important  of  their  na- 
tions. It  is  by  these  dances,  that  they  pretend  to 
honor  the  deceased,  and  to  dry  the  tears  of  their 
relatives.  All  have  the  right  to  mourn  in  this  way 
the  death  of  their  relations,  providing  they  make 
presents  for  this  purpose.  The  dances  last  more  or 
less  time,  in  proportion  to  the  price  and  value  of 
the  presents  and  they  immediately  distribute  them 
to  the  dancers,  their  custom  is  not  to  bury  the  dead  ; 
they  wrap  them  in  skins  and  attach  them  by  the 
head  and  feet  to  the  tops  of  trees.  Excepting  their 
times  of  sports,  of  feasts  and  dances,  the  men  re- 
main quietly  on  their  mats,  and  pass  their  time  in 
sleeping,  or  in  making  bows,  arrows,  pipes,  and  other 
things  of  this  nature.     As  for  the  women,  they  work 


in  Nciu  En 0:1  and. 


197 


from  morning  till  night  like  slaves.  It  is  for  them 
to  cultivate  the  land,  and  to  sow  the  corn  during  the 
summer  ;  and  from  the  beginning  of  winter  they  are 
occupied  in  making  mats,  in  dressing  skins,  and  in 
many  other  kinds  of  work  ;  because  their  first  care 
is  to  provide  the  cabin  with  all  that  is  necessary 
therein. 

"Of  all  the  nations  of  Canada,  there  are  none 
who  live  in  so  great  abundance  of  all  things  as  the 
Illinois.  Their  rivers  are  covered  with  swans,  with 
bustards,  with  ducks,  and  with  teals.  Hardly  can 
one  go  a  league,  but  he  finds  a  prodigious  multitude 
of  turkeys,  which  go  in  flocks,  sometimes  to  the  num- 
ber of  two  hundred.  They  are  bigger  than  those 
which  one  sees  in  France.  I  had  the  curiosity  to 
weigh  some  which  were  of  the  weight  of  thirty 
pounds.  They  have  at  the  neck  a  kind  of  wattle  of 
hair  a  half  a  foot  in  length.  The  bears  and  the 
stags  are  there  in  very  great  quantity ;  one  also  sees 
there  an  infinite  number  of  buffaloes  and  deers ; 
there  is  not  a  year  that  they  do  not  kill  thousands  of 
deers,  and  more  than  two  thousands  of  buffaloes  ; 
one  sees  on  the  prairies  till  lost  to  view  from  four  to 
five  thousand  buffaloes  which  feed  there.  They 
have  a  hump  on  the  back,  and  a  head  extremely 
large.     Their  hair,  except  that  on  the  head,  is  curled 


198 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


and  soft  as  wool,  their  flesh  is  naturally  salt,  and  is 
so  light,  that  although  one  eats  it  quite  raw,  it  does 
not  cause  indigestion.  When  they  have  killed  a 
buffalo,  which  appears  to  them  too  lean,  they  are 
contented  to  take  the  tongue,  and  go  to  seek  one 
fatter. 

"  Arrows  are  the  principal  arms  which  serve  them, 
in  war  and  in  the  chase.  These  arrows  are  armed  at 
the  end  with  a  cut  stone  and  sharpened  in  the  form 
of  a  serpent's  tongue  ;  lacking  a  knife  they  serve 
them  also  to  skin  the  animals  which  they  kill.  They 
are  so  adroit  in  drawing  the  bow,  that  they  hardly 
ever  miss  their  stroke,  and  they  do  it  with  so  much 
swiftness  that  they  will  have  sooner  discharged  a 
hundred  arrows  than  another  will  have  charged  his 
gun.  They  put  themselves  to  little  trouble  in  work- 
ing with  the  proper  nets  to  fish  in  the  rivers,  because 
the  abundance  of  animals  of  all  sorts  which  they  find 
for  their  subsistence,  renders  them  quite  indifferent 
to  fish.  However,  when  they  take  a  fancy  to  have 
them,  they  embark  in  a  canoe  with  their  bows  and 
their  arrows,  standing  upright  the  better  to  dis- 
cover the  fish,  and  as  soon  as  they  have  perceived 
him,  they  pierce  him  with  an  arrow. 

"  The  only  means  among  the  Illinois  to  public  es- 
teem and  veneration  is,  as  with  other  savages,  to  make 


in  New  Li  upland. 


'99 


the  reputation  of  a  skilful  hunter,  and  yet  more  of  a 
^rood  warrior;  it  is  princi[)ally  of  that  which  they 
make  their  merit  consist,  and  it  is  that  which  they 
call  to  be  truly  a  man.  They  are  so  passionate  for 
this  glory  that  they  will  undertake  journeys  of  four 
liundred  leagues,  in  the  midst  of  forests,  to  make  a 
slave,  or  to  take  the  scalp  from  a  man  whom  they 
have  killed.  They  count  for  nothing  the  fatigues 
and  the  long  fasts  which  they  have  to  sustain,  above 
all  when  they  approach  the  enemy's  land  ;  because 
then  they  no  longer  dare  to  hunt,  from  fear  that  the 
beasts,  being  only  wounded  may  fly  with  the  arrow 
in  the  body,  and  warn  their  enemy  to  put  himself  in 
state  of  defense,  because  their  manner  of  making 
war,  the  same  as  among  all  savages,  is  to  surprise 
their  enemies;  this  is  why  they  send  out  scouts,  to 
observe  their  number  and  their  march,  or  to  note 
if  they  are  on  their  guard.  According  to  the  report 
which  is  made  them,  they  either  put  themselves  in 
ambush,  or  make  an  irruption  into  their  cabins,  toma- 
hawk in  hand,  and  they  do  not  fail  to  kill  some  of 
them  before  they  had  dreamed  to  defend  themselves. 
"  The  tomahawk  is  made  of  a  stag's  horn,  or  of 
wood  in  the  shape  of  a  cutlass,  terminated  by  a  large 
ball.  They  hold  the  tomahawk  in  one  hand  and  the 
knife  in  the  other.     As  soon  as  they  have  dealt  their 


i 


200  r/ic  /'ioHicrs  of  Neiv  I^'rancc 

blow  on  the  head  of  their  enemy  they  encircle  it  with 
their  knife,  and  remove  the  scalp  with  a  surprising 
rapidity. 

"  When  the  savage  returns  to  his  country  laden 
with  many  scalps  he  is  received  with  great  honors  ; 
hut  it  is  for  him  the  height  of  glory  when  he  makes 
prisoners,  and  brings  them  alive.  As  soon  as  he  ar- 
rives all  the  people  of  the  village  assemble  and  range 
themselves  in  a  line  on  the  road  where  the  prisoners 
should  pass.  This  reception  is  very  cruel  ;  some  tear 
out  their  nails,  others  cut  off  their  fingers  or  ears ; 
while  others  deal  them  blows  with  clubs. 

"  After  thi'-,  fir  it  reception,  the  old  men  assemble 
to  deliberate;  if  they  shall  accord  life  to  their  prisoners 
or  if  they  shall  put  them  to  death.  When  there  is 
some  dead  person  to  revive,  that  is  to  say,  if  some 
one  of  their  warriors  has  been  killed,  and  whom  they 
judge  should  be  replaced  in  his  cabin,  they  give  to 
this  cabin  one  of  their  prisoners,  who  holds  the  place 
of  the  deceased  and  this  is  what  they  call  reviving 
the  dead. 

"  When  the  prisoner  is  condemned  to  death,  they 
plant  immediately  in  the  earth  a  great  post,  to  which 
they  attach  him  by  both  hands  ;  they  make  him  sing 
the  song  of  death,  and  all  the  savages  being  seatful 
around   the  post,  they  kindle  a   few  steps  from  it  a 


I  } 


in  Neio  Jingland. 


JOl 


great  fire,  where  they  heat  hatchets,  gun  barrels,  and 
other  irons.  Then  they  come  one  after  the  other, 
and  apply  thetn  all  red  upon  different  parts  of  the 
body,  there  are  those  who  burn  him  with  fini  brands  ; 
some  who  gash  his  body  with  their  knives;  others 
who  cut  off  a  piece  of  flesh  already  roasted,  and  eat 
it  in  his  [)resence  ;  one  may  be  seen  filling  his  wounds 
with  powder,  and  rubbing  it  all  over  his  body,  after 
which  they  set  it  on  fire.  In  fine  each  torments  him 
according  to  his  caprice,  and  that  during  four  or  five 
hours,  sometimes  even  during  two  or  three  days. 
The  more  shrill  and  piercing  the  cries  which  the  vio- 
lence of  these  torments  make  him  utter,  the  more 
agreeable  and  diverting  is  the  spectacle  to  these  bar- 
barians. It  was  the  Iroquois  who  invented  this 
frightful  kind  of  death,  and  it  is  only  by  way  of  re- 
taliation that  the  Illinois,  in  their  turn,  treat  their 
Iroquois  prisoners  with  an  equal  cruelty. 

"That  which  we  understand  by  the  word  Chris- 
tianity, is  known  only  among  all  tiie  savages  by  the 
name  of  prayer.  Thus,  when,  I  shall  say  to  you  in 
the  remainder  of  this  letter,  that  such  a  savage  nation 
has  embraced  prayer,  it  is  saying,  that  it  has  become 
christian,  or  that  it  is  disposed  to  be  so.  One  would 
have  had  less  trouble  in  converting  the  Illinois,  if  the 
prayer  had  permitted  polygamy  among  them.  They 
26 


202  The  Pionec7's  of  New  France 

avow  that  prayer  is  good,  and  they  are  pleased  when 
it  is  talked  to  their  women  and  children  ;  but  when 
one  speaks  of  it  to  themselves;  one  finds  how  diffi- 
cult it  is  to  fix  their  natural  inconstancy  and  to  per- 
suade them  to  have  but  one  wife  and  to  have  her 
always. 

"At  the  hour  when  they  assemble,  morning  and 
evening,  for  prayer,  all  repair  to  the  chapel.  There  are 
none  even  among  their  greatest  medicine  men,  that 
is  to  say,  among  the  greatest  enemies  of  religion,  who 
do  not  send  their  children  to  be  instructed  and  bap- 
tized. Here  is  the  greatest  fruit  which  one  finds  at 
first  among  the  savages,  and  of  which  one  is  the  most 
certain  ;  because  among  the  great  number  of  infants, 
not  a  year  passes  but  many  die  before  they  reach  the 
age  of  reason  •}  and  among  the  adults,  the  most  part 
is  so  fervent  and  so  attached  to  prayer,  that  they 
would  suffer  the  most  cruel  death  rather  than  aban- 
don it. 

"  It  is  a  blessine  for  the  Illinois  to  be  far  removed 
from  Quebec,  because  they  cannot  carry  to  them  the 
fire-water  as  they  do  others.  This  drink  is  among  the 
savages  the  greatest  obstacle  to  Christianity  and  the 
source  of  an  infinite  number  of  the   most   shocking 


'The  idea  here  is,  that  those  dying  before  the  age 
of  reason  were  saved  if  they  had  received  baptism. 


in  Nciv  Enoland. 


203 


crimes.  We  know  that  they  only  purchase  it  in  or- 
der to  plunge  themselves  into  the  most  furious  in- 
toxication ;  the  disorders  and  the  sad  deaths  of  which 
one  is  witness  every  day  should  much  overbalance  the 
^ain  which  one  can  make  by  traffic  in  so  fatal  a  liquor. 

"  It  was  two  years  that  I  abode  with  the  Illinois, 
when  I  was  recalled  to  consecrate  the  rest  of  my  days 
to  the  Abnaki  nation.  It  was  the  first  mission  to 
which  I  had  been  destined  at  my  arrival  in  Canada, 
and  it  is  that  apparently,  where  I  shall  finish  my  life. 
It  was  necessary  then  for  me  to  return  to  Quebec, 
to  go  from  there  to  rejoin  my  dear  savages.  I  have 
already  described  to  you  the  length  and  difficulties 
of  this  journey ;  therefore,  I  will  speak  to  you  only 
of  a  very  consoling  adventure  to  me  four  leagues 
from  Quebec. 

"I  found  myself  in  a  kind  of  village,  where  there 
are  twenty  five  French  houses,  and  a  cure,  who  had 
care  of  it.  Near  this  village  appeared  a  cabin  of 
savages,  where  was  found  a  girl  of  the  age  of  six- 
teen years,  whom  a  sickness  of  many  years  had  re- 
duced to  extremity.  M.  the  cure,  who  did  not  un- 
derstand the  language  of  these  savages,  prayed  me 
to  go  to  confess  the  sick  girl,  and  conducted  me 
himself  to  her  cabin.  In  the  conversation  which  I 
had  with  this  young  girl,  on  the  truths  of  religion,  I 


2n,\ 


I  lie    /\(>i/cir\  <>/    Nfii'   /•' r  (titer 


leMi'nc'l  liiat  :,li(;  ha.!  h'-cn  vftry  well  instnicUMl  by 
one  of  our  missir)n,'iries,  hut  that  she  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived l)aptism.  After  having  pass(;d  two  days  to 
put  to  her  all  the  questions  proper,  to  assure  myself 
of  her  disposition;  '  Do  not  r(ifuse  me,  I  conjur(i 
thee,'  said  she  to  me,  '  the  ^race  of  the  baptism  that 
I  demand  of  thee  ;  thou  s(Mist  how  much  my  breast 
is  oppressed  and  that  but  little  time  remains  to  me 
to  live;  how  unfortunate  it  would  be  to  me;  and 
what  reproaches  would(,*st  thou  not  have  to  make  to 
thyself,  if  I  shoidd  die  without  receiving  this  g.ace?' 
I  replied  to  her  that  she  should  prepare  for  it  on 
the  next  day,  and  retired.  The  joy  which  my  rejjly 
caused  Ik.t,  worked  in  her  a  chanj^f^  so  immediate 
that  she  was  in  a  state  to  repair  (;arly  in  the  morn- 
ing to  chapel.  I  was  extremely  sur[)rised  at  her  ar- 
rival and  immediately  I  solemnly  administered  bap- 
ti.^m  to  her.  After  which  she  returned  to  her  cabin 
where  she  ceased  not  to  thank  the  divine  mercy  for 
so  great  a  blessing  ;  and  to  sigh  for  the  hap[)y  mo- 
ment which  should  unite  her  to  God  for  all  eternity. 
Her  desires  were  granted,  and  I  had  the  haj)piness 
to  assist  at  her  death.  What  a  stroke  of  providence 
for  this  [)Oor  girl,  and  what  consolation  for  me  to 
have  been  the  instrument  which  (hkI  had  w(;ll 
wished  to  use  to  place  her  in  heaven. 


/;/   Nni<   liui^laniL 


205 


"You  d(j  uoL  r(-cjuir(;  from  mc,  My  chtar  l)r(>lhcr, 
that  I  shoiiltl  enter  into  the  d(;tail  of  all  that  which 
has  haiJjxMKMl  to  nn*  during  the  many  y(.'ars  that  I 
;iin  in  this  mission  ;  my  occupations  are  always  the 
same,  and  I  should  expose  myself  to  wearisome  repe- 
titions, i  will  content  myself  by  reporting  to  you 
certain  facts,  which  ai)pear  to  me  the  most  to  merit 
your  attention. 

"  I  can  tell  you  in  general  that  you  would  find  it 
difficult  to  restrain  your  tears  if  you  found  yourself 
in  my  church  with  our  assembled  savages,  and  if  you 
should  l>e  witness  of  the  piety  with  which  they  recite 
their  prayers,  chant  the  divine  offuxts  and  participate 
in  the  sacraments  of  penances  and  tin-  eucharist. 
When  they  have  been  illumiiKul  with  the  lii^hts  of 
■^aith,  and  when  they  have  sinc(;r<:ly  embrac(Ml  it 
they  ant  not  the  same  men,  :uid  the  most  j)art  pre- 
serv<;  the  innocence  which  they  have  received  from 
baptism.  It  is  this  which  fills  \wv.  with  the  sw(!(*t(;st 
joy,  when  I  h(;ar  their  confessions,  which  are  fre- 
cjuent ;  whatever  the  (piestions  which  1  put  to  thcwn, 
I  can  often  hardly  find  matter  to  absolve  them  from. 

"  My  occupations  with  them  ar(*  continual.  As 
they  only  expi^ct  hel[)  fnjm  their  missionary  and  as 
they  have  in  him  complete  confuhtnce,  it  does  not 
suffice   me   to   fulfill   the   spiritual    functions   of    my 


2o6 


The  Pionco's  of  Neio  France 


ministry  for  tin;  siHH'tificatioii  (jf  tlicir  souls,  it  is 
still  necessary  that  I  v.wW.x  into  tlntir  tcnipf^ral 
affairs  that  I  may  always  Int  r<;ady  to  comfort  them, 
when  they  come  to  consult  me,  and  that  I  should 
decid(;  their  little  differences,  that  I  slujuld  take  care 
of  th('m  when  they  are  sick,  that  I  shoulcl  bleed 
them,  that  I  should  ^dve  them  medicines,  etc.  My 
days  are  sometimes  s(j  full,  that  I  am  obliged  to  shut 
myself  up  in  order  to  find  time  to  devote  t(;  [jrayer, 
and  to  recite  my  office. 

"The  zeahnis  spirit  with  which  God  has  filled  me 
for  the  welfare  of  my  sava^^es  was  much  alarmed  in 
the  year  1697,  when  1  learned  that  a  nation  of  Ama- 
linj^an  savae^es  were  ccjuiint;  to  establish  th(jms('lves 
a  day's  journey  frtjm  my  village.  I  had  ground  to 
fear  that  the  jugleries  of  th(;ir  medicine  men,  that  is 
the  sacrifices  which  they  make  to  the  demon  and  the 
disorders  which  ordinarily  fcjilow,  might  make  an  im- 
pression upon  some  of  my  young  n(,'ophyt(;s  ;  but 
thanks  to  the  divine  mercy,  my  fears  were  very  soon 
dissipated  by  what  I  am  going  to  t(dl  you. 

"  One  of  our  ca[jtains,  celebrated  for  his  valor,  hav- 
ing been  killed  by  the  I^nglish,  from  whom  w*.-  are 
not  distant,  the  Amalingans  sent  several  of  their  na- 
tion into  our  village,  to  dry  the  tears  of  the  relatives 
of  this  illustrious  deceased,  that  is  to  say,  as  I  have 


MM 


in  NciO  lini^land. 


207 


aln^ady  exphiiiKxl  to  you,  t(j  visit  them,  to  make  pres- 
ents to  them,  and  to  testify  to  them  by  tlieir  (hitices 
the  part  which   tiiey    tak(;    in    th<ir   afliiclioii,     '1  hcty 
arrived  (hi  the  ev(;   of   Corpus   (Jhristi.      I    was   then 
occupied  in  hearing  the  confessions   of    my   savaj^es, 
wiiicii  continued   all    that   day,    th<;    ni;.;ht   followinj^, 
and  the  n<;xt  day  until  noon,  when  Ix'j^an  the  proces- 
sion  of  the.    Cons(;crated    Host.      It   was  done   with 
much  order  and  piety,  and,  even  in  the  midst  f)f  thes(; 
forests,  with  more  [jomp  and  ma^niificence  than   you 
yourself  could  ima^dne.     This  spc'ctacle,   which   was 
new  for  the  Amalinjruns,  attracted   them,  and  struck 
them    with    admiraticjn.      I    thoiii^ht   it    my  duty    to 
[)rf)rit  hy  th(;  favorahh,*  disposition  in  which  they  were, 
and  after,  havinj^  asstmibled  theiTi,  I  fnad(;  them   the 
followin}^  discourse    in   savage   style.      '  It   is  a  lon^ 
time,  my  children    that    I    have  wish(;d   to   set;   you  ; 
now  that   I   hav(;  this   happinctss,    it   wants  hut  little 
that  my  heart  should  burst.     Think  of  tin;   joy  that 
a  father  has  who  tend(;rly  loves    his  children,   when 
he  a^ain  se(;s  th(;m   after  a  lon^   absence*   in   which 
they  have  run  the  j^^reatest  dangers,  and  you  will  cf)n- 
ceive  a  portion  of  mine;  ;  because  although  you  pray 
not  yet,  I  cease  not  to    r(;J^^ard   you   as  my   children, 
and  to  have   for    you  a  fatlu;r's   tenderness,    because 
the  children  of  the  great  Spirit,  who   has  given  you 


208 


The  Pioneers  of  Nciv  Frajicc 


Ikmii^j^  as  well  as  those  who  pray,  who  has  made 
heaven  for  you  as  well  as  for  them,  who  thinks  of  you 
as  he  thinks  of  them  and  me,  that  they  may  rejoice 
in  eternal  happiness.  That  which  gives  me  [)ain,  and 
less(ins  the  joy  that  1  have  in  seeing  you  is  the  re- 
flection which  I  actually  make,  that  one  day  I  shall 
be  separated  from  one  part  of  my  children,  whose  lot 
will  be  eternally  unhappy,  because  they  do  not  pray  ; 
while  the  others  who  pray  will  l)e  in  the  joy  which 
never  ends.  When  I  think  of  this  sad  separation  can 
I  have  a  contcmted  heart  ?  'I'h(;  happiness  of  some 
does  not  give  me  so  much  joy,  as  the  unhappiness  of 
others  afflicts  me.  If  you  had  insurmountable  ob- 
stacles to  prayer,  and  if  abiding  in  the  state  where 
you  are  I  could  make  you  enter  into  heaven  I  would 
spare  nothing  to  secun;  you  this  happiness,  I  would 
push  you  in,  I  would  make  you  all  enter  there,  so 
much  I  love  you,  and  so  much  1  desire  that  you 
should  be  happy  ;  but  it  is  this  which  is  not  possible. 
It  is  necessary  to  pray,  it  is  necessary  to  be  baptized, 
in  order  to  enter  into  this  place  of  delights.' 

"After  this  preamble,  I  explained  to  them  at  great 
length  the  principal  articles  of  the  faith,  and  I  con- 
tinued thus : 

"  '  All  the  words  which  I  come  to  explain  to  you 
are  not  human    words  ;  they  are   the   words  of  the 


in  New  Jingland.  209 

^^reat  Spirit;  they  are  not  written  lik<;  tlie  words  of 
a  man  upon  a  collar,  which  they  make  to  tell  all  that 
they  wish  ;  but  th(;y  are  written  in  tlu^  hook  of  the* 
{^^reat  Spirit,  where  a  lie  cannot  have  access.' 

"  To  make  you  unchtrstand  this  savage  expression, 
it  is  necessary  to  remark,  my  d(;ar  brother,  that  the 
custom  of  these  people  wh(!n  they  write  to  any  na- 
tion, is  to  s(uk1  a  collar,  or  a  lar^ebelt,  on  which  they 
make  different  fitrures  with  porcelain  beads  of  differ- 
ent colors.  They  instruct  him  who  carries  the  collar, 
tellini^^  him,  this  is  what  the  collar  says  to  such  a  na- 
tion, to  such  a  person,  and  they  send  him  forth. 
Our  savages  would  have  trouble  in  understanding 
what  was  said  to  them,  and  would  be  but  little  atten- 
tive if  one  did  not  conform  hims(df  to  \\\v\x  manner 
of  thouii^ht  and  expression  ;   I  continued  thus  : 

'' '  Conra^re,  my  childnMi,  hear  the  voice  of  the  great 

Spirit  who  speaks  to  you  by  my  mouth,  he  loves  you  ; 

and  his   love  for  you   is  so  great,  that   he  has  given 

his   life   to  procure   for  you   an   eternal  life.      Alas  ! 

perhaps  he   has  only  permitted   the  ch^ath  of   one  of 

our  captains    in  order  to  draw  you    to  the   i)lace  of 

prayer,  and   make  you  hear  his  voice.      Rellect  that 

you  are  not  immortal.     A  day  will   come  when  they 

will   likewise  wipe  away  the  tears   for   your  death  ; 

what   will  serve  you   to  have  been    in  this  life  great 
27 


2IO 


The  rionccrs  of  New  France 


captains,  if,  after  your  death,  you  are  cast  into  eternal 
flames?  lie,  for  vviioin  you  come  to  mourn  with  us 
is  happy  to  iiave  listened  a  thousand  times  to  the 
voice  of  the  j^reat  S[>irit  and  to  have  been  faithful  to 
the  prayer.  Pray  like  him,  and  you  shall  live  eter- 
nally. Coura^^e,  my  children,  we  will  not  separate 
that  some  should  j^o  to  one  side,  and  others  to 
another  ;  let  us  all  <gQ  to  heaven,  it  i?  our  country,  it 
is  that  to  which  the  sole  master  of  life  calls  you  of 
whom  I  am  only  the  interpreter ;  think  of  it  seriously.' 

"  As  soon  as  I  had  done  speakinj^,  they  conversed 
together  some  time,  afterwards  their  orator  made 
me  this  reply  on  their  part  ;  *  My  l'\-ither,  I  am  glad 
to  listen  to  thee.  Thy  voice  has  penetrated  even 
into  my  heart,  but  my  heart  is  yet  closed,  and  I  can- 
not open  it  at  present,  to  make  you  know  what  is 
there,  or  on  what  side  it  will  turn  ;  it  is  necessary 
that  I  should  wait  a  number  of  chiefs  and  other  con- 
siderable people  of  our  nation  who  will  arrive  the 
next  autumn,  it  is  then  that  I  will  disclose  to  thee 
my  heart.  Behold,  My  dear  father,  all  that  I  have 
to  say  to  thee  at  present. 

*"My  heart  is  content,'  replied  J.  to  him  ;  'lam 
very  glad  that  my  word  has  given  you  pleasure,  and 
that  you  demand  time  to  think  of  it ;  you  will  only 
be  more  firm  in  your  attachment  to  the  prayer  when 


in  Ncio  /ifio/aud. 


•s" 


2  I  I 


you  shall  have  once  embraced  it.  In  tlie  meantime 
I  shall  not  have  ceased  to  address  myself  to  the  great 
Spirit,  and  to  ask  of  him  that  he  shoidd  regard  you 
with  eyes  of  pity,  and  that  he  shoidd  strengthen  your 
thoughts  to  the  end  that  they  should  be  turned  to 
the  side  of  prayer.'  After  which  I  cjuitted  their  as- 
sembly and  they  returned  to  their  village. 

"  When  autumn  had  come,  I  learned  that  one  of 
our  savages  would  go  to  the  Amalingans  to  seek 
corn  to  sow  their  lands.  I  made  him  come  to  me 
and  charged  him  to  say  to  them  on  my  part  that  I 
was  impatient  to  see  my  children  again,  that  I  had 
them  always  present  in  mind,  and  that  I  prayed  them 
to  remember  the  word  that  they  had  given  me.  The 
savage  acquitted  himself  faithfully  of  his  commission, 
and  this  is  the  response  that  the  Amalingans  made 
him. 

"  '  We  are  much  obliged  to  our  father  for  thinking 
of  us  without  ceasing.  On  our  side,  we  have  thought 
much  on  that  which  he  has  said  to  us.  W^e  cannot 
forget  his  words,  while  we  have  a  heart  because  they 
have  been  so  deeply  graven  there,  that  nothing  can 
efface  them.  We  arc  persuaded  that  he  loves  us, 
we  wish  to  listen  to  him,  and  to  obey  him  in  that 
which  he  desires  of  us.  We  accept  the  prayer  which 
he  proposes  to  us  and  we  see  nothing  in  it  but  what 


2  I  2  The  Pioneers  of  AVti'  France 

is  y^ood  and  laudable  ;  wc  arc  resolved  to  embrace  it, 
and  we  should  already  have  ^one  to  find  our  father 
in  his  villaj^^e,  if  there  had  been  sufficient  provisions 
for  our  subsistence  during  the  time  that  he  should 
devote  to  our  instruction  ;  but  how  can  we  find  it 
there?  We  know  that  hunufer  is  in  the  cabin  of  our 
father,  and  it  is  this  which  doubly  afflicts  us,  that  our 
father  should  be  hungry  and  that  we  should  not  be 
able  to  see  him  that  he  may  instruct  us.  If  our 
father  could  come  here  to  pass  some  time  with  us 
he  would  live  and  would  instruct  us.  This  is  what 
you  shall  say  to  our  father.  This  answer  of  the 
Amaling-ans  was  returned  at  a  favorable  juncture  ; 
the  greater  part  of  my  savages  had  been  gone  for 
some  days  to  seek  wherewith  to  live  upon  until  the 
gathering  in  of  corn;  their  absence  gave  me  leisure 
to  visit  the  Amalingans,  and  on  the  next  day  I  em- 
barked in  a  canoe  to  repair  to  their  village.  I  was 
no  more  than  a  league  distant,  when  they  perceived 
me;  and  immediately  they  saluted  me  with  continual 
discharges  of  guns  which  ceased  only  at  the  landing 
of  the  canoe.  This  honor  which  they  rendered  me 
assured  me  of  their  present  dispositions.  I  lost  no 
time  and  as  soon  as  I  arrived  I  caused  a  cross  to  be 
planted,  and  those  who  accompanied  me  very  soon 
raised  a  chapel  which  they  made  of  bark  in  the  same 


■Mi^atfAflflflHHflBi^M 


in  NeiJ  lino-land. 


2>3 


manner  as  tlieir  cabins  were  made,  and  erected  an 
altar  in  it.  While  they  were  occupied  with  this 
work,  I  visited  all  the  cabins  of  the  Amalin- 
t^ans,  to  prepare  them  for  the  instruction  which  I 
should  ^ive  them.  As  soon  as  I  commenced  they 
became  very  assiduous  to  understantl.  I  assembled 
them  three  times  a  day  in  the  chapel;  namely,  the 
morning  after  my  mass,  at  midday,  the  evenin<^  after 
prayer.  The  rest  of  the  day  I  went  about  the  cabins 
where  I  gave  them  more  particular  instructions. 

"  When  after  several  days  of  continual  work,  I 
judged  that  they  were  sufficiently  instructed  I  fixed 
the  day  when  they  should  come  to  regenerate  them- 
selves in  the  water  of  the  holy  baptism.  The  first 
who  repaired  to  the  cabin,  were  the  chief,  the  orator, 
three  of  the  more  considerable  of  the  nation,  with 
two  women.  After  their  baptism,  two  other  bands, 
each  of  twenty  savages,  succeeded  them,  who  re- 
ceived the  same  grace.  In  fine  all  the  others  con- 
tinued to  come  there  on  this  day,  and  the  morrow. 

"You  can  judge  well  enough,  my  dear  brother, 
that  however  the  missionary  labors,  he  is  well 
recompensed  for  his  fatigue  by  the  sweet  consolation 
that  he  receives  in  leading  an  entire  nation  of  sav- 
ages into  the  way  of  salvation.  I  prepared  to  leave 
them,  and  return  to  my  own  village,  when  a  deputy 


214  ^/^^  Pioneers  of  New  France 

came  to  tell  me  on  their  part  that  they  had  all  as- 
sembled In  the  same  place,  and  that  they  prayed  me 
to  repair  to  their  assembly.  As  soon  as  I  appeared  in 
the  midst  of  them,  the  orator  addressed  these  words 
to  me  in  the  name  of  all  the  others.  '  Our  father,' 
said  he  to  me,  '  we  have  not  words  to  testify  to  thee 
the  inexpressible  joy  that  we  all  feel  in  having  re- 
ceived baptism.  It  seems  to  us  now  that  we  have 
another  heart  ;  everything  which  gave  us  trouble  is 
entirely  dissipated,  our  thoughts  are  no  more  waver- 
ing, the  baptism  interiorly  fortifies  us,  and  we  are 
fully  resolved  to  honor  it  all  the  days  of  our  life. 
Behold  what  we  say  to  thee  before  thou  quittest  us.'' 
I  replied  to  them  In  a  little  discourse,  wherein  I  ex- 
horted them  in  the  singular  grace  which  they  had 
received,  and  to  do  nothing  unworthy  of  the  charac- 
ter of  a  child  of  God,  with  which  they  have  been 
honored  by  the  holy  baptism.  As  they  prepared  to 
depart  for  the  sea,  I  added  that  on  their  return,  we 
should  determine  what  would  be  most  proper,  either 
that  we  should  go  to  dwell  with  them  or  that  they 

^  Of  course  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the  savages 
ever  uttered  these  fine  sentiments.  They  but  ex- 
pressed their  good  will  in  their  savage  way,  and 
their  rude  sentiments  were  transfused  in  the  glowing 
imagination  of  the  poetic  Frenchman  into  this  splen- 
did y?/^;»:  de  bouche. 


ill  Nciu  EngUmd.  2 1 5 

should  come  to  form  with  us  one  and  the  same  vil- 
lage. 

"  The  village  where  I  dwell  is  called  Nanantsou- 
ack,  and  is  placed  in  a  country  which  is  situated  be- 
tween Acadia  and  New  England.  This  mission  is 
about  eight  leagues  from  Pentagouet,  and  they 
count  it  a  hundred  leagues  from  Pentagouet  to  Port 
Royal.  The  river  of  my  mission  is  the  greatest  of 
all  those  which  water  the  lands  of  the  savages.  It 
should  be  marked  on  the  chart,  under  the  name  of 
Kinibeki  ;  which  has  brought  the  French  to  give  to 
these  savao^es  the  name  of  kanibals.  This  river 
empties  into  the  sea  at  Sankderank,^  which  is  only 
five  or  six  leagues  from  Pemquit.  After  having  as- 
cended forty  leagues  from  Sankderank,  one  arrives 
at  my  village  which  is  on  the  height  of  a  point  of 
land.  We  are  only  the  distance  of  two  days  at  the 
most  from  the  English  habitation  ;  it  takes  more 
than  Uiteen  days  for  us  to  reach  Quebec,  and  the 
jouri  cy  is  very  painful  and  difficult.  It  would  be 
natural  that  our  savages  should  do  their  trading  with 
the  English,  and  there  are  no  advantages  which  the 
latter  have  not  offered  them  to  attract  and  to  gain 
their  friendship  ;  but  all  their  efforts  have  been  use- 


^  That  is,  at  Sagadahoc. 


It  ' 

I 

1 


216  7 Vie  Pioneers  of  New  France 

less  and  nothing  has  been  able  to  detach  them  from 
alliance  with  the  French.  The  only  tie  which  has 
so  closely  united  us  with  them  is  their  firm  attach- 
ment to  the  Catholic  faith.  They  are  convinced 
that  if  they  gave  themselves  up  to  the  English,  they 
would  very  soon  find  themselves  without  a  mission- 
ary, without  a  sacrifice,  without  a  sacrament,  and 
nearly  without  any  exercise  of  religion,  and  that 
little  by  little  they  would  be  plunged  into  their  first 
infidelity.  This  firmness  of  our  savages  has  been 
put  to  all  sorts  of  tests  on  the  part  of  their  powerful 
neighbors,  without  their  ever  having  been  able  to 
gain  anything. 

"In  the  time  when  the  war  was  on   the  point  of 
being  kindled  between   the   powers  of  Europe,  the 
1  English  governor  newly  arrived  at  Boston,  requested 

of  our  savasfes  an  Interview  on  the  sea-shore,  or  an 
island  which  he  designated.^  They  consented  to  it, 
and  prayed  me  to  accompany  them  there,  to  consult 
me  on  the  artful  proposals  v/hlch  might  be  made  to 
them,  in  order  to  be  assured  that  their  replies  should 
have  nothing  contrary  neither  to  religion,  nor  to  the 
interests  of  the  king's  service.  I  followed  them,  and 
my   intention   was   to  keep   myself   simply    in    their 


^  The  island  of  Arrowsic. 


iti  Nczu  EuQ-land. 


«•»■ 


17 


quarters,  to  aid  them  by  my  counsels,  without  ap- 
pearing before  the  governor.  As  we  approached  the 
island,  to  the  number  of  more  than  two  hundred 
canoes,  the  English  saluted  us  by  a  discharge  of  all 
the  cannons  of  their  ships,  and  all  the  savages  re- 
sponded to  this  salute  by  a  light  discharge  of  all 
their  guns.  Afterwards  the  governor  appearing  on 
the  island,  the  savages  landed  there  with  precipita- 
tion ;  thus  I  found  myself  where  I  desired  not  to  be 
and  where  the  governor  desired  not  that  I  should  be. 
When  he  perceived  me,  he  came  some  steps  toward 
me,  and  after  the  ordinary  compliments,  he  returned 
to  the  midst  of  his  people,  and  I  to  the  savages. 

"'It  is  by  order  of  our  queen,'  said  he  to  them, 
'that  I  come  to  see  you  ;  she  desires  that  we  should 
live  in  peace.  If  some  English  man  should  be  im- 
prudent enough  to  do  you  wrong,  do  not  dream  to 
avenge  yourself  for  it,  but  address  your  complaint 
immediately  to  me,  and  I  will  render  you  prompt 
justice.  If  It  happens  that  we  should  have  war  with 
the  French,  remain  neutral,  and  do  not  mix  your- 
selves in  our  differences.  The  French  are  as  strong 
as  we,  therefore  let  us  settle  our  quarrels  together. 
We  will  supply  all  your  needs  ;  we  will  take  your 
furs,  and  we  w^ill  give  you  our  goods  at  a  moderate 
price.'  My  presence  hindered  him  from  saying  all 
28 


M 


2 1 8  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

that  he  intended,  for  it  was  not  without  design  that 
he  had  brought  a  minister  with  him.' 

'''  When  he  had  ceased  speaking,  the  savages  re- 
tired, to  deliberate  together  on  the  reply  which  they 
had  to  make.  During  this  time,  the  governor  draw- 
ing me  apart  '  I  pray  you  sir'  said  he  to  me,  'not  to 
lead  your  Indians  to  make  war  against  us.'  I  ro> 
plied  to  him  that  my  religion  and  my  character 
engaged  me  to  give  them  only  counsels  of  peace.  I 
should  have  spoken  more,  when  I  saw  myself  sud- 
denly surrounded  with  a  score  of  young  warriors,  who 
feared  lest  the  governor  wished  to  carry  me  away, 
In  the  meantime  the  savages  came  forward,  and  one 
of  them  made  the  following  reply  to  the  governor. 

"  '  Great  chief,  thou  didst  tell  us  not  to  join  with  the 
French.  Supposing  that  thou  shouldst  declare  war 
against  him  ;  know  that  the  TVench  man  is  my 
brother  ;  we  have  the  same  prayer  he  and  I,  and  we 
are  in  the  same  cabin  at  two  fires  ;  he  has  one  fire 
and  I  the  other.  If  I  see  thee  enter  into  the  cabin 
on  the  side  of  the  fire  where  the  French  man  is  seated 
I  should  watch  thee  from  my  mat,  where  I  am  seated 
at  the  other  fire  ;  if,  in  watching  thee,  I  should  per- 
ceive that  thou  carriest  a  hatchet,  I  should  have  the 


'  The  Rev.  Joseph  Baxter,  of  Medway,  mentioned 
elsewhere. 


in  New  England. 


219 


thought  what  does  the  I^nglishman  intend  to  do  with 
this  hatchet  ?  I  should  raise  myself  then  upon  my 
mat,  to  observe  what  he  will  do.  If  he  raises  the 
hatchet  to  strike  my  brother  the  Frenchman,  I  take 
mine,  and  I  run  to  the  Englishman  to  strike  him.  Is 
it  that  I  should  be  able  to  see  my  brother  struck  in 
my  cabin,  and  remain  quietly  on  my  mat.  No,  no, 
I  love  my  brother  too  much,  not  to  defend  him.  Thus 
I  would  say  to  thee,  great  chief ;  do  nothing  to  my 
brother,  and  I  will  do  nothing  to  thee ;  remain  quiet 
on  thy  mat,  and  I  will  remain  in  repose  on  mine.' 

"  It  is  thus  that  this  conference  ended.  A  little  time 
after  some  of  our  savages  arrived  from  Quebec,  and 
reported  that  a  French  vessel  had  brought  there  the 
news  of  war  kindled  between  France  and  England. 
Our  savages  immediately,  after  having  deliberated 
according  to  their  custom,  ordered  the  young  men  to 
kill  the  dogs,  to  make  the  war  feast,  and  to  learn 
there  those  who  wished  to  engage  themselves  in  it. 
The  feast  took  place  ;  they  hung  a  kettle,  they  danced, 
and  two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors  met  there.  After 
the  feast  they  fix(*d  u|)on  a  day  to  come  to  confess 
themselves.  I  exhorted  the-m  to  be  as  attached  to 
their  prayer  as  they  were  in  the  village,  to  well  ob- 
serve the  laws  of  war,  not  to  exercise  any  cruelty,  not 
to  kill  anybody  except  in  the  heat  of  combat,  to  treat 


2  20  The  Pioneers  of  iVeiv  France 

humanely  those  who  surrendered  themselves  prison- 
ers, etc. 

"The  manner  in  which  these  people  make  war, 
renders  a  handful  of  their  warriors  more  formidable 
than  a  body  of  two  or  three  thousand  European  sol- 
diers would  be.  As  soon  as  they  have  entered  into 
the  enemy's  country,  they  divide  themselves  into 
different  parties,  one  of  thirty  warriors,  another  of 
forty,  etc.  They  say  to  the  first ;  '  to  you  is  given 
this  hamlet  to  devour,'  this  is  their  expression  '  to  you 
others,  is  given  this  village,  etc'  At  once,  the  signal 
is  given  to  strike  all  together,  and  at  the  same  time  in 
different  places.  Ou--  two  hundred  and  fifty  warriors, 
spread  themselves  over  more  than  twenty  leagues  of 
country,  where  there  are  villages,  hamlets,  and 
houses ;  on  the  day  mentioned  they  struck  all  to- 
gether early  in  the  morning;  in  a  single  day  they 
swept  away  all  that  the  English  had  there,  and  they 
killed  more  than  two  hundred  of  them,  and  they  made 
more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners,  and  had 
on  their  part  only  a  few  warriors  slightly  wounded. 
They  returned  from  this  expedition  having  each  one 
two  canoes  loaded  with  booty  which  they  had  taken. 

"  During  all  the  time  that  the  war  lasted,  they  car- 
ried desolation  throughout  all  the  land  which  be- 
longed to  the  English  ;  they  ravaged  their  villages. 


in  Nciu  En  pi  and. 


221 


their  forts,  their  farms,  carried  away  a  great  number 
of  cattle  and  made  more  than  six  hundred  prisoners. 
Therefore  these  gentlemen  persuaded  with  reason, 
that  in  keeping  my  savages  in  their  attachment  to 
the  Catholic  faith  I  strengthened  more  and  more 
the  bonds  which  united  them  to  the  French,  have 
put  in  operation  all  sorts  of  tricks  and  artifices  to 
detach  them  from  me.^  There  are  no  offers  nor 
promises  which  they  have  not  made  them,  if  they 
would  deliver  me  into  their  hands,  or  at  least  send 
me  back  to  Quebec,  and  take  in  my  place  one  of 
their  ministers.  They  have  made  several  attempts 
to  surprise  me  and  carry  me  off;  they  have  gone 
even  so  far  as  to  promise  a  thousand  pounds  sterling 
to  him  who  would  carry  my  head  to  them.  You 
may  well  believe,  my  dear  brother,  that  these  men- 
aces are  not  capable  of  intimidating  me,  nor  to  di- 
minish my  zeal  ;  too  happy  if  I  should  become  their 


*  After  such  cruel  destruction  as  Rale  describes 
so  lightly,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  those 
killed  and  taken  prisoners  were  largely  the  women 
and  children  of  the  poor  settlers,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  they  did  greatly  desire  the  removal  from  their 
midst  of  the  aggravating  cause  of  their  sufferings. 
Rale's  own  statement  here  sufficiently  justifies  their 
course.  The  thousand  pounds  sterling  for  his  head 
is  rhapsody. 


2  22  The  Pioneers  of  Neiu  France 

victim,  and  if  God  should  jiid;^(t  m(t  w(;rthy  of  bcin^ 
load<;d  witii  irons  and  to  pour  out  my  blood  for  tiic 
salvation  of  thtjse  savagcis 

"At  the  first  news  which  came  of  the  peace  made 
in  luirojic,  the  governor  of  Boston  caused  our  sav- 
ages to  he  told  that  if  they  would  projjerly  assemble 
in  ;i  place,  he  would  confer  with  them  on  the  present 
juncture  of  affairs.  All  the  savages  presented  them- 
selves at  the  plac(i  indicated,  and  the  governor  spoke 
t(j  them  thus. 

"'To  the  men  of  Naranhous,  I  inform  thee  that 
peace  is  made  between  the  King  of  I' ranee  and  (jur 
cjueen,  and  tliat  by  tin;  treaty  of  peace,  the  King  (jf 
I'Vance  ceded  to  our  cpu-en,  I'lalsance  and  Portrail 
with  all  the  lands  adjacent.  .So,  if  thou  wishest,  we 
will  live  in  peace  thou  and  I.  We  have  done  so 
formerly  ;  but  the  suggestions  of  the  French  have 
made  thee  break  it,  and  it  was  to  please  him  that 
thou  hast  come  to  kill  us.  l^et  us  forget  all  these 
wicked  doings  and  cast  them  into  the  sea,  to  the  end 
that  they  shall  appear  no  more  and  that  we  shall  be 
good  friends.'  'That  is  well,'  replied  the  orator,  in 
the  name  of  the  Savages,  that  the  Kings  should  be  at 
peace,  I  am  very  glad  of  it,  and  I  have  no  more  trouble 
in  making  it  with  thee.  It  is  not  I  who  struck 
thee  during  twelve  years,  it   is   the   Frenchman   who 


\ 


///    Nfh>    li II;' Id  nil. 


223 


has  used  my  arm  to  strike  th(;(;.  We  are  at  p(;ac(;, 
it  is  triu;,  I  hav<;  even  tlir(;wn  away  my  hatcliet,  I 
know  not  wlnrr**,  antl  while  I  was  in  rejiose  on  my 
mat,  thinking  (jf  nothing,  sfjme  yoiinj.^  mf;n  brought 
nn;  word,  whicii  the  governor  f>f  Cjanada  s«'nt  me  hy 
wliieh  he  said  to  nift ;  My  son  tlir;  I'^nj^lish  man  lias 
struck  mrt,  hcdp  me  to  aveuj^a;  myself  on  liim,  take 
thy  hatcluit,  and  strike  the  I'",n;dishman.  I  who 
have  always  listened  to  the  word  of  the  I'"r(!nch  j^ov- 
ernor,  I  sought  my  hatchet,  I  found  it  at  last  all 
rusted,  I  hurnished  it,  1  hung  it  at  my  belt  to  cf;m«t 
to  strike  thect,  now  the  i^renchman  t(dls  me  t(j  [jut  it 
down  ;  I  throw  it  far  away,  that  one  may  no  longer 
see  the  blood  with  which  it  is  red.  I  cons(!nt  to  it. 
'"  But  thou  sayest  that  the  Trench  man  hast  given 
thee  I'laisance  and  Portrail  whicii  is  in  my  neighbor- 
hood, and  all  the  lands  adjacent  ;  he  shall  giv(*  it  to 
thee  as  much  as  he  will,  for  me  I  have  my  land 
which  the  great  .S]jirit  has  giv<:n  me  to  livc^  on  as 
long  as  there  shall  be  a  child  of  my  nation,  he  will 
fight  to  preserv*!  it.'  All  end(Ml  thus  pleasantly, 
The  governor  made,  a  gntat  feast  to  the  savages, 
after  which  each  withdrew.  The  hajjjjy  exi)ectatif)ns 
of  peace,  and  the  tranciuillity  which  they  b(^gan  to 
enjoy,  gav(;  birth  to  the  thought  among  our  savages 
tf>  rebuild  what  has  been  ruined  in  a  sudden  eruption 


"»,. 


2  24  ^^^1''^  Pioneers  of  New  France 

which  the  English  made,  while  they  were  absent  from 
the  village.  As  we  are  very  distant  from  Quebec 
and  much  nearer  Boston,  they  deputed  some  of  the 
principal  men  of  their  nations  to  demand  workmen, 
with  the  promise  to  pay  liberally  for  their  work.  The 
governor  received  them  with  great  demonstration  of 
friendship,  and  bestowed  upon  them  all  sorts  of 
blandishments.  '  I  wish  myself  to  rebuild  your  church,' 
said  he  to  them,  '  and  I  will  use  you  better  in  it  than 
the  French  governor  has  done  whom  you  call  your 
father.  It  should  be  for  him  to  rebuild  it,  since  it 
was  he  who  in  some  sort  has  ruined  it,  in  leading  you 
to  strike  me ;  as  for  me,  I  defend  myself  as  I  can  ;  as 
for  him,  after  being  served  by  you  for  his  defence, 
he  abandons  you.  I  shall  act  much  better  with  you, 
for  not  only  do  I  grant  you  workmen,  I  wish  more- 
over to  pay  them  myself,  and  to  bear  all  the  expense 
of  the  building  which  you  wish  to  construct ;  but  as 
it  is  not  reasonable  that  I,  who  am  an  Englishman 
should  build  a  church  without  putting  into  it  an 
English  minister  to  keep  it,  and  to  teach  prayer  in  it, 
I  will  give  you  one  with  whom  you  will  be  contented 
and  you  shall  send  back  the  French  minister  to 
Quebec,  who  is  in  your  village.' 

'' '  Thy  word  astonishes  me  '  replied  the  deputy  of 
the  savages,  '  and  I  wonder  at  the  proposition  that  thou 


lli,....IL!i.lJ.l.JLI- 


in  Nezu  England, 


225 


hast  made  me.  When  thou  earnest  here,  thou  didst 
see  me  a  long  time  before  the  French  governor ; 
neither  those  who  preceeded  thee,  nor  thy  ministers 
have  ever  spoken  to  me  of  prayer,  nor  of  the  great 
Spirit.  They  have  seen  my  furs,  my  skins  of  the 
beaver,  and  the  moose,  and  it  is  on  them  alone  they 
have  thought ;  it  is  these  that  they  have  sought  with 
eagerness,  I  could  not  furnish  them  to  the  French 
governor,  my  father,  to  send  them  to  me.' 

"In  effect,  M.  the  governor  had  no  sooner  learned 
the  ruin  of  our  church,  than  he  sent  his  workmen  to 
rebuild  it.  It  is  of  a  beauty,  which  might  be  admired 
in  Europe,  and  I  spared  nothing  to  adorn  it.  You 
have  been  able  to  see  by  the  details  that  I  have  given 
in  my  letter  to  my  nephew,  that  in  the  depths  of 
these  forests,  and  among  these  Savage  nations,  the 
divine  Service  is  performed  with  much  propriety  and 
dignity.  It  is  to  this  I  am  very  attentive,  not  only  while 
the  Savages  reside  in  the  village,  but  yet  all  the  time 
that  they  are  obliged  to  inhabit  the  seashore,  where 
they  go  twice  each  year  to  find  there  something  to 
live  on.  Our  savages  have  so  fully  despoiled  their 
country  of  beasts,  that  for  ten  years  they  have  no 
longer  found  there  either  moose  or  deer.  Bears  and 
beavers  have  become  very  rare  there,  they  have 
scarcely  anything  to  live  on  except  corn,  beans,  and 
39 


rf 


II 


226 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


pumpkins.  They  crush  the  corn  l^etwecn  two  stones 
to  reduce  it  to  Hour,  then  they  make  a  broth  of  it 
which  they  sometimes  season  with  ^^(^ase  or  with 
dry  fish.  When  the  corn  fails  they  search  in  the 
tilled  fields  for  potatoes  or  acorns,  which  they  esteem 
as  much  as  corn.  After  havinj^  dri(;d  it,  they  cook 
it  in  a  kettle  with  ashes,  to  remove  the  bitterness 
from  it.  For  myself,  I  eat  it  dry,  and  it  holds  for 
me  the  place  of  bread. 

"At  a  certain  time,  they  repair  to  a  river  a  short 
distance  off,  where  during  a  month  the  fish  ascend 
the  river  in  so  great  quantity,  that  one  could  fill 
fifty  thousand  barrels  of  them  in  a  day,  if  one  could 
have  sufficient  strength  for  the  work.  They  are  a 
kind  of  great  herring  very  agreeable  to  the  taste 
when  they  are  fresh  ;  they  press  forward  one  upon 
another  a  foot  in  thickness,  and  they  dip  them  out 
like  water.  The  savages  dry  them  during  eight  or 
ten  days,  and  they  live  upon  them  during  '  'he 
time  they  sow  their  lands. 

"It  is  only  in  the  spring  that  they  sc  ax  corn, 

and  they  only  give  it  the  last  hoeing  towards  Corpus 
Christi  Day.  After  which  they  deliberate  as  to  what 
place  on  the  sea  they  shall  go  to  seek  something  to  live 
upon  till  the  harvest,  which  is  not  ordinarily  made  until 
a  little  after  the  Assumption.    After  having  deliberated 


in  Ncio   lini^lanii. 


227 


they  send  to  pray  nn;  to  repair  to  their  assembly. 
As  soon  as  I  have  arrived  there,  one  of  th(Mn  speaks  to 
me  thus  in  tlie  name  of  all  the  others.  '  Our  father, 
what  I  say  to  thee,  is  what  all  of  those  whom  thou 
seest  here  would  say  to  thee,  thou  knowest  us,  thou 
knowest  that  wc  want  food  ;  scarcely  have  we  been 
able  to  j^ive  the  last  hoeing  to  our  fields,  and  we 
have  no  other  resource  until  the  harvest,  but  to  go 
and  seek  food  on  the  shore  of  the  sea.  It  will  be 
hard  for  us  to  abandon  our  i)rayer  ;  that  is  why  we 
hope  that  thou  wilt  accomjjany  us,  so  that  in  seeking 
something  to  live  upon  we  shall  not  interrupt  our 
prayer.  Such  and  such  persons  will  embark  thee, 
and  that  which  thou  wilt  have  to  carry  will  be  dis- 
persed among  the  other  canoes.  That  is  what  I 
have  to  say  to  thee.'  I  have  no  sooner  replied  to 
them  Kckikherba  (this  is  a  savage  term  which  means, 
I  hear  )'ou,  my  children,  I  agree  to  what  you  de- 
mand), than  all  cry  together  ourioiiric,  which  is  an 
expression  of  thanks.  Immediately  after  they  leave 
the  village. 

"  As  soon  as  they  arrive  at  the  place  where  they 
should  pass  the  night,  they  plant  poles  at  intervals 
in  the  form  of  a  chapel,  they  surround  them  with  a 
large  tent  of  ticking,  and  it  is  open  only  in  front. 
All  is  finished  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour.     I  always  carry 


^'Tf 


!:i 


228  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

|j  !  with  me  a  fair  cedar  board  four  feet  in    length   with 

what  should  support  it  ;  it  is  this  which  serves  for  an 
altar,  above  which  is  placed  a  very  appropriate 
canopy.  I  adorn  the  interior  of  the  chapel  with  very 
fine  silk  stuff ;  a  mat  of  reeds  dyed  and  well  wrought, 
v;hile  a  great  bearskin  serves  for  a  carpet.  They  carry 
this  all  prepared,  and  they  have  only  to  place  it  when 
the  chapel  is  arranged.  At  night  I  take  my  rest  on 
a  carpet.  They  sleep  in  the  air  in  an  open  field  if  it 
does  not  rain  ;  if  it  rains  or  snows  they  cover  them- 
selves with  bark  which  they  carry  with  them,  and  which 
is  rolled  up  like  cloth.  If  the  excursion  is  made  in 
the  winter,  they  remove  the  snow  from  the  space  which 
the  chapel  should  occupy  and  they  arrange  it  as 
usual.  Then  they  make  each  day  the  evening  and 
the  morning  prayer,  and  I  offer  the  holy  sacrifice 
of  the  mass. 

"  When  the  savages  have  reached  their  destination, 
on  the  next  day  they  occupy  themselves  in  erecting 
a  church,  which  they  cover  with  their  bark.  I  carry 
with  .'ne  my  chapel,  and  all  that  is  necessary  to  adorn 
the  choir,  which  I  hang  with  silk  stuffs  and  fair  cali- 
coes. The  divine  service  is  performed  as  in  the  vil- 
lage and  indeed,  they  form  a  kind  of  village  of  all 
their  cabins  made  of  bark,  which  they  set  up  in  less 
than  an  hour.     After  the  Assumption,  they  quit  the 


in  New  Ennland. 


229 


sea  and  return  to  the  village  to  make  their  harvest. 
They  fare  then  very  poorly  until  after  All  Saints, 
when  they  return  a  second  time  to  the  sea.  It  is  in 
this  season  that  they  make  good  cheer.  Besides 
large  fish,  shell  fish,  and  fruits,  they  find  bustards, 
ducks,  and  all  sorts  of  game,  with  which  the  sea  is 
all  covered  In  the  place  where  they  encamp,  which  is 
divided  by  a  great  number  of  little  islands.  The 
hunters  who  go  out  in  the  morning  to  hunt  ducks, 
and  other  kinds  of  game  sometimes  kill  a  score  at  a 
single  shot.  Towards  the  Purification,  or  later 
toward  Ash  Wednesday  they  return  to  the  village,  it 
is  only  the  hunters  who  scatter  themselves  abroad  to 
go  in  pursuit  of  the  bears,  of  the  moose,  of  the  deer 
and  of  the  beavers. 

"These  good  savages  have  often  given  me  proofs 
of  the  most  sincere  attachment  for  me,  alove  all  on 
two  occasions,  when,  finding  myself  with  them  on 
the  shores  of  the  sea,  they  took  lively  alarm  on  my 
account.  One  day  when  they  were  occupied  with 
their  hunting,  a  rumor  was  suddenly  spread  that  an 
English  party  had  made  an  irruption  into  my  quar- 
ters, and  had  carried  me  away.  In  that  very  hour 
they  assembled,  and  the  result  of  their  deliberation 
was  that  they  should  pursue  the  party  until  they 
had  overtaken  it,  and  had  snatched  me  from  their 


(/■ 


230  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

hands,  sliould  it  cost  them  life.  They  set  off  at  the 
same  instant  toward  my  quarter,  rather  far  into  the 
night.  When  they  entered  into  my  cabin,  I  was  oc- 
cupied in  composing  the  Hfe  of  a  saint  in  the  savage 
language.  '  Ah,  our  father,'  they  cried,  '  how  glad 
we  are  to  see  thee.'  'I  am  eagerly  rejoiced  to  see 
you,  but  what  is  it  brings  you  here  at  so  frightful  a 
time?'  Mt  is  mainly  that  we  are  come,  they  had 
assured  us  that  the  English  had  carried  thee  off ; 
we  came  to  observe  their  tracks  and  our  warriors 
could  hardly  wait  to  come  and  pursue  them,  and  to 
attack  their  forts,  where,  if  the  news  had  been  true, 
the  English  would  have  without  doubt  have  impris- 
oned you.'  '  You  see,  my  children,'  I  replied  to 
them,  that  your  fears  are  unfounded  ;  but  the  friend- 
ship my  children  show  me  fills  my  heart  with  joy  ; 
because  it  is  a  proof  of  their  attachment  to  the 
prayer.  To-morrow,  you  shall  depart  immediately 
after  mass  at  the  earliest  hour  to  our  brave  warriors, 
and  deliver  them  from  all  uneasiness.' 

"Another  alarm  equally  false  threw  me  into  great 
embarrassment,  and  exposed  me  to  perish  with 
hunger  and  misery.  Two  savages  came  in  haste  to 
my  quarters  to  inform  me  that  they  had  seen  the 
English  within  a  half  day's  journey.  '  Our  father,' 
said  they  to  me,  '  there  is  no  time  to  lose,  it  is  neces- 


in  New  Eunland. 


2.U 


sary   that   thou   shouldest  retire,  thou   wilt  risk  too 
much  to  remain  here  ;  for  us  we  will  await  them,  and 
perhaps  v  e  will  ^o  in   advance  of  them.     The  run- 
ners depart  at  this  moment  to  observe  them  ;  but  for 
thee  it  is  necessary  that  thou   shouldest  go  to  the 
village  with  these  men  whom   we  bring  to  conduct 
thee  there.     When  we  shall  know  thee  in   a  place  of 
safety,  we  shall  be  easy.*     I  set  out  at  break  of  day 
with   ten   savages  who   served    me   for  guides ;  but 
after  some  days  march,  we  found  ourselves  at  the  end 
of  our  small  provisions.     My  conductors  killed  the 
dog   which    followed    them,  and    ate    it ;  they  soon 
came   to   their   wolf  bags   which   they   likewise  ate. 
This  is  what  it  was   not   possible  for  me   to   taste, 
nevertheless  I   lived  on   a  kind  of  wood  which  they 
boiled,  and  which,  being  cooked,  is  as  tender  as  rad- 
ishes  half   cooked,  except  the   heart  which    is   very 
hard  and  which  they  throw  away  ;  this  wood  had  not 
a  bad  taste,  but  I   had  extreme  difficulty  in  swallow- 
ing it.     Sometimes  they  found  attached  to  the  trees 
those  excrescences  of  wood  which  are  white  like  large 
mushrooms;  they  cook  them  and  reduce  them  to  a 
kind  of  pulp,  but    it   is  quite  necessary  to  acquire  a 
taste  for  them.     At  other  times  they  dried   in    the 
fire  the  bark  of  the  green  oak,  they  pounded  it  im- 
mediately, and  made  it  into  a  pulp  or  else  they  dried 


232  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

the  leaves  which  crrew  in  the  clefts  of  the  rocks  and 
which  they  called  tripes  de  roc  he ;  when  they  are 
cooked,  they  make  a  pulp  very  black  and  disagree- 
able. I  ate  of  all  this,  because  there  is  nothing  that 
hunger  does  not  devour. 

"  With  such  food,  we  could  make  only  very  short 
journeys.  We  arrived  in  the  meantime  at  a  lake 
which  began  to  thaw,  and  there  was  already  four 
inches  of  water  on  the  ice.  It  was  necessary  to 
cross  it  with  our  snow  shoes  ;  but  as  these  snow 
shoes  are  made  of  strips  of  skin,  as  soon  as  they  were 
wet,  they  became  very  heavy,  and  rendered  our 
march  much  more  difficult.  Although  one  of  our 
men  marched  at  our  head  to  sound  the  way,  I  sank 
suddenly  as  far  as  to  the  knees;  another  who  marched 
beside  me  sank  presently  up  to  the  waist,  crying  out ; 
'  My  father,  I  am  dead.'  As  I  approached  him  to 
offer  him  my  hand,  I  sank  myself  still  deeper.  At 
last,  it  was  not  without  much  hardship  that  we  ex- 
tricated ourselves  frpm  this  danger,  through  the  in- 
cumbrance which  our  snow  shoes  caused  us,  of  which 
we  could  not  rid  ourselves.  Nevertheless,  I  ran 
still  less  risk  from  drowning,  than  from  dying  from 
cold  in  the  midst  of  this  half  frozen  lake. 

"  But  new  dangers  awaited  us  the  next  day,  in  the 
passage  of  a  river  which  it  was   necessary  we  should 


ea 


in  New  Englafid. 


233 


cross  on  the  floating  ice.  We  extricated  ourselves 
from  it  happily,  and  at  last  arrived  at  the  village.  I 
at  first  dug  up  a  little  Indian  corn,  which  I  had  left 
in  my  house,  and  I  ate  of  it,  all  raw  as  it  was  to  ap- 
pease my  first  hunger,  while  these  poor  savages 
made  all  sorts  of  efforts  in  order  to  regale  me.  And 
in  effect  the  repast  that  they  brought  me,  although 
frugal  and  but  little  appetizing,  as  it  might  appear  to 
you,  was,  in  their  eyes,  a  veritable  feast.  They 
served  me  at  first  a  plate  of  mush  made  of  Indian 
corn.  Now  for  the  second  course,  they  gave  me  a 
small  morsel  of  bear,  with  acorns  and  a  little  cake  of 
Indian  corn  cooked  under  the  ashes.  When  I  asked 
them  why  they  had  prepared  for  me  such  good 
cheer;  'How  now,  our  father,'  they  replied  to  me, 
'  it  is  two  days  that  thou  hast  eaten  nothing  ;  could 
we  do  less  ;  would  to  God  that  we  could  very  often 
regale  thee  in  this  way.'  While  I  was  thinking  to 
recover  from  my  fatigue,  one  of  the  Indians  who 
were  encamped  on  the  sea  shore,  and  who  was 
ignorant  of  my  return  to  the  village  caused  a  new 
alarm.  Having  come  to  my  quarters,  and  not  find- 
ing me  there,  nor  yet  those  who  were  encamped 
with  me,  they  did  not  doubt  that  we  had  been  car- 
riew  away  by  a  party  of  English  ;  and  while  on  his 
way  to  give  warning  to  those  in  his  quarters,  he 
30 


!    ,• 


234  J^f''^  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

reached  the  bank  of  the  river.  There,  he  tore  the 
bark  from  a  tree  upon  which  he  drew  with  charcoal 
the  English  about  me,  and  one  of  them  cutting  off 
my  head.  This  is  all  the  writing  of  the  savages,  and 
they  understand  as  well  among  themselves,  by  these 
kinds  of  figures,  as  we  understand  each  other  by  our 
letters.  He  then  placed  this  sort  of  letter  around  a 
stick  which  he  planted  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  in 
order  to  instruct  the  passers  by  what  had  happened 
to  me  A  short  time  after,  some  savages  who  passed 
there  in  six  canoes  to  go  to  the  village,  discovered 
this  bark.  'There  is  a  writing,' said  they;  'let  us 
see  what  it  tells.  *  Alas,'  they  cried  on  reading  it,  '  the 
English  have  killed  those  of  the  quarter  of  our 
father  ;  as  for  him,  they  have  cut  off  his  head.'  They 
immediately  plucked  off  the  lock  of  hair  which  they 
leave  negligently  flowing  over  their  shoulders  and 
seated  themselves  around  the  stick  until  the  next 
day,  without  saying  a  single  word.  This  ceremony 
among  them  is  the  mark  of  the  greatest  affliction. 
The  next  day  they  continued  their  route  to  within  a 
half  league  of  the  village  where  they  stopped  ;  then 
they  sent  one  of  them  into  the  woods  quite  near  to 
the  village,  in  order  to  see  if  the  English  had  not 
come  to  burn  the  fort  and  the  cabins.  I  was  reciting 
my  breviary  while  walking  along  by  the  fort  on  the 


f^tmmtmmOiUSiSi 


m  New   England. 


235 


river,  when  this  savage  arrived  opposite  me  on  the 
other  side.  As  soon  as  he  perceived  me  'Ah,  my 
father,'  cried  he,  '  how  glad  I  am  to  see  thee.  My 
heart  was  dead,  and  it  revived  on  seeing  thee,  we 
have  seen  the  writing  which  said  the  English  had  cut 
off  thy  head.  How  glad  I  am  that  it  has  lied.' 
When  I  proposed  to  him  to  send  him  a  canoe  to 
cross  the  river.  '  No,'  replied  he,  '  it  is  enough  that 
I  have  seen  thee ;  I  return  upon  my  steps  to  carry 
this  pleasant  news  to  those  who  await  me,  and  we 
shall  come  very  soon  to  rejoin  thee.'  Indeed  they 
arrived  there  the  same  day. 

"  I  believe,  my  very  dear  brother,  to  have  fulfilled 
that  which  you  desired  of  me,  by  the  summary  which 
I  undertake  to  make  you  of  the  nature  of  this  country, 
of  the  character  of  our  savages,  of  my  occupations, 
of  my  labors,  and  of  the  danger  to  which  I  am  ex- 
posed. You  judge  without  doubt  that  it  is  on  the 
part  of  my  gentlemen,  the  English  of  our  neighbor- 
hood, that  I  have  the  most  to  fear.  It  is  true  that 
for  a  long  time  they  have  sworn  my  destruction  ;  but 
neither  their  ill-will  for  me,  nor  the  death  with  which 
they  threaten  me,  shall  ever  be  able  to  separate  me 
from  my  old  dock  ;  I  recommend  it  to  your  holy 
prayers,  and  am,  with  most  tender  attachment,  etc." 
The  winter  following  Harmon's  failure,  another  ex- 


236  T/ie  Pioneers  of  New  France 

pedition  was  attempted  against  Norridgevvock  by 
Capt,  Moulton.^  After  an  arduous  march  through 
thick  forests  and  frozen  swamps,  which  lay  between 
him  and  his  elusive  foe,  Moulton  reached  the  vicinity 
of  the  village,  as  he  supposed  undiscovered,  and  cau- 
tiously approaching,  thought  to  surprise  it.  To  his 
chagrin  it  was  deserted.  Rale  and  his  neophytes  had 
been   apprised   of   danger,   and   fled  to    the    woods. 

^This  Jeremiah  Moulton  was  a  native  of  York, 
and  brother-in-law  to  Johnson  Harmon,  to  whom  he 
held  a  subordinate  position  in  the  attack  on  Nor- 
ridgewock,  but  the  credit  of  success  on  that  occasion 
was  by  popular  acclaim  awarded  to  him,  although  he 
received  no  public  recognition  for  his  services.  In 
1735,  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Provincial 
Council,  and  represented  York  in  the  General  Court 
for  several  years.  He  was  also  county  treasurer  of 
Yorkshire,  and  judge  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 
He  was  lieutenant-colonel  of  militia,  and  in  1 761  was 
judge  of  Probate.  Williamson  says  of  him  that 
"though  he  was  unassuming  in  his  disposition  and  man- 
ners, and  nevera  restless  aspirant  for  office,  few  men  of 
this  age  and  this  Province,  had  a  greater  share  of 
public  confidence,  or  were  called  to  fill  so  many  places 
of  official  trust  and  responsibility,"  and  that  "  the 
prudence,  skill  and  bravery  which  marked  his  con- 
duct, gave  him  rank  among  the  military  characters 
of  distinction.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Council 
Board  seventeen  years  in  succession  —  a  man  of 
sound  judgment,  possessing  a  character  of  uncommon 
excellence." 


1 


in  Nczu  England. 


237 


Though  greatly  annoyed  at  this  lame  conclusion  of 
his  labors,  Moulton,  with  commendable  magnanimity, 
forbade  his  men  from  doing  any  injury  to  the  church 
or  dwellings  of  the  savages,  and  they  were  therefore 
left  unscathed.  Rale  told  his  converts  that  this  wise 
and  generous  act  was  the  result  of  cowardice,  and 
that  their  church  was  spared  because  he  had  threat- 
ened the  English,  that  if  they  destroyed  it,  he  would 
destroy  all  their  churches.  Such  is  the  spirit  of 
prejudice  that  it  blinds  men  to  what  is  praiseworthy 
in  their  adversaries. 

Rale  was  urged  by  his  friends  to  withdraw  into 
Canada,  but  underestimating  the  steady  perseverance 
of  the  English,  and  regarding  the  danger  of  capture 
to  be  light,  he  sternly  refused. 

If  we  had  stood  on  the  morning  of  August  19th,  or 
8th,  old  style,  1724,  upon  the  glacis  in  front  of  Fort 
Richmond,  we  should  have  witnessed  an  interesting 
scene  of  activity.  Along  the  leafy  banks  of  the 
Kennebec  lay  seventeen  large  boats,  such  as  were 
then  used  by  whalers,  which,  one  by  one,  were  soon 
filled  with  men,  arms  and  provisions,  and  having  been 
formed  into  a  long  line  were  rowed  rapidly  away. 
It  was  an  expedition  of  two  hundred  and  eleven  men, 
three  being  Mohawk  savages,  friendly  to  the  English, 
under  the  leadership  of  Harmon  and  Moulton,  going 


238  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

against  Norridgewock ;  this  time  in  summer,  the 
season  that  Rale*  had  told  his  savages  that  the  Eng- 
lish were  too  cowardly  to  approach  their  village, 
even  with  a  force  seven  or  eight  times  greater  than 
their  own. 

Reaching  the  present  site  of  Winslow,  on  the 
20th,  the  party  disembarked,  at  the  foot  of  Ticonic 
falls,  where  they  encamped  for  the  night,  and  the 
next  morning  leaving  their  boats  guarded  by  forty 
men,  Harmon  and  Moulton,  with  the  rest  of  their 
command,  proceeded  on  their  way  to  Norridgewock. 
As  the  shades  of  evening  fell  about  them,  they  were 
still  threading  their  devious  way  along  the  river 
bank,  when  suddenly  they  surprised  an  Indian  and 
two  Indian  women,  who  fled  at  their  approach.  The 
success  of  the  expedition  depended  upon  surprising 
j,  the  elusive  foe,  and   if   these    Indians   escaped  and 

1^  carried  the  alarm   to    Norridgewock,    the   campaign 

would  terminate  as  on  former  occasions,  in  failure, 
if  not  in  disaster.  There  was  but  one  thing  to  do 
under  the  circumstances  and  they  fired  upon  the 
fugitives  as  they  strove  to  escape  by  the  river.  The 
man  and  one  of  the  women  fell,  the  other  woman 
surrendered.  The  savages  whom  they  had  slain 
proved  to  be  Bomazeen,  one  of  their  most  treacher- 
ous enemies,  and  his  daughter  ;  the   prisoner  being 


BH 


in  New  England. 


239 


his  wife.  On  the  230!,  about  midday,  they  were 
near  the  doomed  village,  and  the  force  was  di- 
vided/ Harmon  filing  off  with  a  part  of  the  men 
toward  the  cornfields  of  the  savages,  to  surprise 
any  who  might  be  there,  while  Moulton  proceeded 
toward  the  village. 

It  was  about  three  o'clock  when  Moulton  saw 
from  the  leafy  covert  which  concealed  him  and  his 
little  band  of  eighty  men,  the  cabins  of  the  savages 
almost  within  reach  ;  but  not  a  human  being  was  in 
sight.  The  place  seemed  deserted  as  they  had 
found  it  on  other  occasions,  and  but  for  certain  un- 
mistakable signs  of  occupation,  the  anxious  leaguers 
would  have  believed  it  to  be  so.  Suddenly  from 
one  of  the  cabins  a  solitary  savage  emerged  to  per- 
form some  necessary  duty,  when  looking  around,  his 
quick  eye  discovered  the  presence  of  a  foe.  In- 
stantly his  shrill  war  cry  aroused   the  lazy  warriors. 


'Johnson  Harmon,  born  about  1680,  married 
Mary,  the  daughter  of  Jeremiah  Moulton,  Senior,  of 
York.  He  achieved  a  wide  fame  for  his  skill  in  In- 
dian warfare,  and  for  his  services  at  Norridgewock 
was  rewarded  by  promotion  to  the  rank  of  colonel. 
He  represented  York  in  the  General  Court  in  1727, 
and  shortly  after  removed  to  Merriconeag  Neck  with 
his  son-in-law,    Richard  Jaques.      He  died  April  17, 

1751- 


240  The  Pioneers  0/  Nciu  France 

and  they  sprunj,'  to  their  arms  n-ady  for  th('  fray. 
Moulton,  with  a  coolness  horn  of  constant  exposure 
to  clanger,  sharply  commanded  his  men  on  pain  of 
death  to  reserve  thc.'ir  fire,  and  the  savages  dis- 
charg(;(l  their  guns  in  the  faces  of  their  implacable 
foem<m,  overshooting  th(;m  in  thciir  wild  excitement. 
'I'he  luiglish  without  breaking  their  ranks  steadily 
return(;d  the  fin;,  nnd  the  savage  warriors  quickly 
reloaded,  vvhih;  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  fled  in 
dismay  to  the  river  ;  but  although  Rale  has  extolled 
the  bravery  and  hardihood  of  his  neophytes  now,  as 
upon  all  other  occasions  when  match(;d  with  civilized 
man,  they  failed  in  tru(.'  heroism,  and  discharging 
their  guns  a  second  time  without  execution,  tliey 
broke  and  lied,  although  tlunr  force  was  nearly  two- 
thirds  as  large  as  that  opposed  to  them,  and  they 
stood  on  familiar  ground,  a  matter  of  considerable 
importance  in  warfare.  A  wild  rush  of  men,  women, 
and  children  was  made  for  the  river,  which  was  but 
about  sixty  feet  wide,  and  at  its  lowest  stag(; ;  so 
that  the;  talh^r  men  could  ford  it.  Some  attemptcid 
escape  in  their  canoes,  but  had  no  paddles,  while  the 
greater  part  of  the  savages  were  obliged  to  trust  to 
their  natatory  skill.  Of  course,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren in  the  wild  confusion  which  surrounded  them 
suffered  most. 


^fjmmgmmggmgm 


mmm 


in  Ni'7k>   lini^liunL 


241 


The  Mn^^lish  liud  hut  oiv:  duty  to  perform.  Wvxn 
was  the  very  soiirc*;  of  that  ixTtiicioiis  j)ow(;r,  vvliich 
had  spread  riiiii,  (h-sohition,  and  ch;ath,  accompanied 
by  iiiiparalhded  liorror  and  snrf(;rinj;,  tlirou;^di  New 
I'lnLjiaiid.  Its  coniph;te  ch;striiction  was  not  only  a 
necessary  but  a  beneficent  act,  if  any  act  of  warfare 
vviiicii  cuts  off  human  Iif<;  to  pr<;v<;nt  its  j^reater  de- 
struction may  b(;  properly  so  calhrd. 

it  was  an  affair  of  hut  a  few  moments.  Some 
of  tile  I'ji^dish  seizin^^  paddleii,  wl'Jch  tluty  found, 
sprung  into  cano(;s,  while  otlnrrs  waded  into  the  river 
and  fired  uj)on  those  who  had  not  already  found 
shelter  on  tiie  oi)posit(i  hank,  killin^^  souk;  and  driv- 
injr  <;v(m  those  wlio  w(^rc;  att(unptinj^  to  (escape  in 
their  canoes  to  seek  safety  hy  plun^rin^^  into  the 
water.  Those  who  escaped  were  soon  l)eyond  the 
reach  of  pursuit,  and  the  I^nj^dish,  who  had  followed 
them  to  the  river,  (juickly  returned  to  the  village 
where  occasional  firing  could  still  he  heard.  This 
firing  was  from  two  cabins  ;  in  one  was  Mogg  with 
his  wife  and  two  children,  and  in  tli(.'  otlu^r  Rale  with 
an  English  boy,  about  fourteen  years  of  age,  cai)tured 
some  months  before,  and  now  in  the  keeping  of  the 
priest.'       A  shot   from    Mogg  struck   and  killed  one 


'  This  boy  was  the  son   of   William  Mitchell  of 
Scarborough,  and  with  his  brother  was  captured  on 

31 


242  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

of  the  Mohawks,  which  so  exasperated  his  brother 
that  he  rushed  upon  the  cabin,  broke  down  the  door 
and  shot  Mogg  dead,  and  in  the  mad  excitement  his 
wife  and  two  children  were  likewise  slain.  Moulton 
had  given  strict  orders  to  spare  Rale,  intending  to 
make  him  a  prisoner,  and  to  deliver  him  into  the 
hands  of  the  authorities  at  Boston,  but  his  design 
was  frustrated   by   Lieutenant   Richard  Jaques,'  his 


the  17th  of  the   preceding  April,  at  which  time  his 
father  was  killed, 

^  Richard  Jaques,  son  of  Daniel  and  Mary  Wil- 
liams Jaques,  was  born  at  Newbury,  Mass.,  where 
descendants  of  the  family  still  reside,  on  Feb.  2,  1696, 
and  married  Mary,  born  Mar.  23,  i  704-5,  the  daughter 
of  Johnson  Harmon,  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Norridgewock  expedition.  As  with  so  many  others, 
whose  campaigning  led  them  along  the  winding  shores 
of  the  Kennebec  and  Androscoggin,  Jaques  was 
enamored  with  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  region, 
and  in  1727,  in  company  with  his  father-in-law.  Col. 
Johnson  Harmon,  he  removed  to  Merriconeag  Neck 
in  the  town  of  Harpswell,  where  he  settled  upon  a 
tract  of  land  belonging  to  the  Pejepscot  proprietors, 
and  for  several  years  led  the  peaceful  life  of  a  farmer ; 
but,  when  the  call  came  in  i  745  for  troops  to  strike 
a  blow  at  Louisbourg,  the  stronghold  of  French 
powei,  which  the  English  frontiersman  so  hated,  his 
military  ardor  was  reawakened,  and  he  joined  the 
enthusiastic  volunteers  with  a  company  of  bis  towns- 
men, iiid  participated  in  the  glorious  success  which 
the  English  achieved  in  reducing  "  the  Gibraltar  of 


ill  New  Engla7id. 


243 


nephew,  and  the  son-in-law  of  Harmon,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  expedition,  who  breaking  in 
the  door  of  the  cabin  from  which  Rale  was  firing, 
saw  him  in  the  act  of  dropping  a  bullet  into  his  gun. 
Hastily  demanding  if  he  would  surrender,  or,  in  the 
parlance  of  the  time,  would  "  take  quarter,"  he  was 
answered  in  a  spirited  manner  by  the  priest,  that 
he  would  not,  whereupon,  without  further  parley,  he 
shot  him  dead.  In  the  cabin  was  found  Mitchell,  the 
captive   boy,   shot   through   the   thigh   and   stabbed 


America."  After  his  return  from  Louisbourg  we 
have  but  little  that  is  definite  concerning  him.  There 
is  a  tradition  in  the  family,  unsupported  by  any  record, 
however,  that  he  commanded  a  company  of  soldiers 
sent  to  Bagaduce  not  long  after  the  fall  of  Louis- 
bourg, to  hold  the  savages  in  check,  and  while  on 
this  service  was  ordered  by  the  officer  commanding 
the  expedition  to  lead  his  company  across  an  exposed 
point  to  reconnoitre  for  savages.  His  long  experi- 
ence in  savage  methods  of  warfare  rendered  him 
prudent,  and  he  expressed  to  his  commander  the 
opinion,  that  to  cross  the  point  in  question  might  ex- 
pose him  and  his  men  to  the  danger  of  an  ambush. 
Angry  at  having  his  order  questioned,  the  hasty 
officer  taunted  him  with  cowardice,  which  stung  him 
so  keenly  that  Jaques  replied  that  "he  would  not 
turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life,"  and  proceeded  to 
carry  the  imprudent  order  into  effect.  He  had  pro- 
ceeded but  a  short  distance  when  a  savage,  who  had 
been  concealed  behind  a  tree,  fired  upon  and  wounded 


244 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


in  the   body,  who   declared   that   this  was  done   by 
Rale.i 

Moulton  was  angry  with  Jaques  for  his  disobedi- 
ence of  orders,  and  reprimanded  him  for  it ;  refusing 
to  accept  his  excuse  that  Rale  was  reloading  his  gun, 
and   refused   to  give  or   take  quarter.     The  victors 


him  severely.  He  was  carried  home  to  Harpswell, 
where  he  died  a  few  months  after  from  his  wounds. 
Parkman  calls  the  slayer  of  Rale  Benjamin  Jaques, 
being  probably  misled  by  an  article  in  the  Brunswick 
Historical  Magazine  of  1864.  Benjamin  was  the  son 
of  Richard,  and  was  living  many  years  after  the 
death  of  his  father.  An  island  near  the  former  place 
of  residence  of  Richard  Jaques  still  preserves  his 
name,  sometimes  strangely  transformed  into  Jaquinth 
and  Jaqueth  Island.  The  children  of  Richard  and 
Mary  Jaques  were  Marianna,  b.  June,  1725;  Su- 
sanna, b.  June,  1728,  and  Benjamin,  b.  Oct.  17,  1731. 
^  This  statement,  though  its  veracity  has  been 
doubted,  notably  by  Dr.  Harris,  who  says,  "We 
search  in  vain  for  the  evidence  of  this  revengeful 
deed"  (Mass.  Hist.  Col.,  4th  series,  vol.  8,  p.  257), 
has  never  been  disproved,  which  is  strange,  as  there 
must  have  been  several  persons  conversant  with  the 
particulars  of  the  affair  who  lived  for  years  after  it 
happened.  Moulton  was  a  man  with  a  nice  sense  of 
honor,  and  was  present  when  the  body  was  found, 
yet  he  never  appears  to  have  questioned  the  story. 
In  spite,  however,  of  this,  it  is  too  revolting  for 
credence,  and  we  ought  not  to  accept  it  without 
further  evidence. 


BM 


in  New  Eiigland. 


245 


encamped  in  the  village  for  the  night,  being  joined 
after  the  fray  by  Harmon,  and  the  next  morning  took 
up  their  march  homeward,  carrying  with  them  what 
little  spoil  they  could  find.  Of  course,  a  little  corn, 
a  few  guns,  kettles,  blankets  and  a  small  store  of 
powder  would  constitute  the  worldly  wealth  of  such 
a  savage  community  ;  but  whatever  found  was  doubt- 
less taken  away  by  the  poor  soldiers. 

Moulton,  who  was  a  humane  and  prudent  man, 
left  the  village  unharmed,  as  on  a  former  occasion  ; 
but  after  reaching  Ticonic  Falls,  where  the  boats  had 
been  left,  Christian,  one  of  the  two  surviving  Mo- 
hawks, returned  to  Norridgewock  and  set  fire  to  the 
place,  destroying  everything.  According  to  the 
account  of  De  la  Chasse,  after  the  English  had  left 
the  ruined  village  some  of  the  savages  returned  and 
buried  the  body  of  Rale.  If  they  did  so,  they  were 
soon  hurrying  to  join  their  brethren  in  Canada,  where 
they  arrived  in  a  destitute  condition,  and  were  taken 
under  the  protection  of  Vaudreuil,  who  supplied 
their  needs,  and  hastened  to  apply  to  the  king  for  an 
increase  of  the  allowance  granted  for  the  support  of 
the  families  of  those  engaged  in  war  with  the  Eng- 
lish, which  was  promptly  granted.  Among  the 
things  found  by  Moulton  was  a  book  which  Rale 
probably  prized    above   all   his  worldly  belongings. 


I 


246  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

Busenbaum's  Medulla  Theologiae  Moralis,  which 
embodied  the  concentrated  wisdom  of  the  order  to 
which  he  belonged.  It  is  strange  that  no  writer  on 
Rale  hps  taken  the  trouble  to  critically  examine  this 
book,  which  was,  without  doubt,  as  it  ib  inscribed, 
his  vade  mecuni.  It  was  studied  by  him  day  by  day 
in  the  solitude  of  the  forest,  and  he  regarded  it  as 
embodying  the  holiest  truths,  the  foundation  stones, 
so  to  speak,  of  his  thoughts  and  acts.  The  logic  of 
this  book  was  his  logic,  and  gave  form  to  his  reason- 
ings, hence  should  it  not  reveal  to  us  some  of  the 
mental  lineaments  of  the  man  ?  Any  unprejudiced 
t  mind  will   be  satisfied  of  this  who  gives  it  a  careful 

I  examination.^      Besides  this  book,  was  found  an  un- 


Ut  has  been  taken  for  granted  that  this  book  was 
found  in  the  chest  captured  by  Westbrook  in  the 
winter  of  1721-22,  but  this  does  not  appear  to  me  to 
be  the  fact.  The  book,  known  as  the  Abnaki  dic- 
tionary, was  undoubtedly  found  in  the  box,  but  there 
is  nothing  whatever  to  indicate  that  this  book,  which, 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  was  carried  always  about 
his  person,  was  not  taken  from  him  when  he  was 
killed.  The  follow'ng  is  the  title  of  the  book, 
''MEDULLA  THiiOLOGI^ MORALIS  Facite 
ac  Perspicua.  Metkodo  resolvens.  Cas7is  Conscienliae, 
exvariis  prabistisqiic  Atitlioribus  cofmata.  AR.  P. 
HERM.  BUSENBAUM,  t  Sodetate  Jesu,  S.  S. 
TheologicB   Licentiato,      Poenitentibus   aequl  ac  Con- 


iMMi^MMili^iMiMHii&i 


in  New  Eiiglmid. 


247 


fessariis  perqiiniutilcs.  Editio  Novissima.  Recognita 
ab  ufioh  Societate  dr  //  multis  })icndis  7'cp2irgaUi^  que  in 
prcsce7idcntibus  irrepferant.  L  UGDUNI,  S2iinptibus. 
Francisci  Comha  in  vieo  Mercatorio  ad  insgjic  tviion 
Virtiitiim.    M.  DC.  LXXV,  Cum  Privilegio  Regis!' 

On  the  fly  leaf  is  inscribed  the  following  : 

"  This  booic  did  belong  to  jVIons'".  Ralle  the  Jesuit 
and  Missionary  from  France  among  the  Eastern  In- 
dians who  was  kill'd  at  Neridgawock  when  it  was 
surpris'd  and  destroy'd  by  Coll.  Harman,  Maj"". 
Moulton  &  Comp*.  in  ye  year  1724.  This  was  ye 
Jesuit's  vade  mccuui.  It  was  given  by  Major  Josua 
Moodey  of  Casco  Bay  to  Wm  Welsteed." 

In  Mr.  Willis'  handwriting  is  the  following  :  "  Mr. 
Welsted  was  a  clergyman,  he  graduated  at  H.  C. 
1716,  was  a  classmate  of  Joseph  Moody,  was  a  tutor 
at  Cambridge  from  1720  to  1728.  Mr  Welsted  vis- 
ited Falm°  in  July  or  Aug.  1726  &  preached  for  Mr. 
Smith.  Moody  then  lived  here  &  probably  pre- 
sented this  book  to  his  classmate,     W.  W." 

This  book  has  been  of  the  highest  authority 
among  the  Jesuits  for  centuries,  as  is  evinced  by  the 
fact  that  it  has  been  through  more  than  fifty  edi- 
tions, the  last  having  been  printed  at  Rome  not 
long  ago,  under  the  authority  of  the  Propaganda 
Fide.  Space  will  permit  but  the  following  brief 
quotations  : 


Whether  one  may  use  equivocation  in  an  oath. 

Ansiver.  It  is  no  sin  to  swear  with  equivocation 
when  there  is  just  reason  for  it  and  equivocation  is 
allowed ;  because  where  there  is  the  privilege  of 
concealing  the  truth  and  it  is  concealed  without  ly- 


<■, 


>■ 


\ 


2 48  T/ie  Pioneers  of  Neiv  France 

ing,  no  irreverence  is  done  to  the  oath.  But  if  it  be 
done  without  just  reason,  it  will  not  even  then  be 
perjury  since  he  swears  truly,  according  to  some 
sense  of  the  words  or  mental  reservation.  Yet  from 
its  very  nature  it  will  be  a  deadly  sin  against  religion, 
since  it  is  an  act  of  grave  irreverence  to  use  an  oath 
for  the  purpose  of  deceiving  another  in  a  matter  of 
great  weight. 

He  commits  a  grievous  sin  who  uses  equivocation 
when  he  takes  oath  not  being  asked,  but  of  his  own 
accord  ;  because  then  he  is  held  to  use  words  ac- 
cording to  their  common  signification,  inasmuch  as 
he  has  no  reason  for  using  equivocation. 

He  also  sins  grievously  who  uses  equivocation 
when  an  oath  is  justly  demanded,  as  by  a  judge  or 
a  superior  in  a  weighty  matter. 

It  is  lawful  to  take  equivocation  if  an  oath  is  un- 
justly demanded,  e.  g.,  if  any  one  exact  an  oath  who 
has  not  the  right,  as  an  incompetent  judge,  or  if  he 
does  not  preserve  the  order  or  form  of  law.  Also  if 
the  oath  is  exacted  through  force,  injury  or  fear,  e.  g., 
if  a  husband  exact  an  oath  from  his  wife  in  regard 
to  hidden  adultery,  or  if  robbers  demand  ransom 
under  oath.      Vide  p.  iii. 

What  is  alloived  a  Judge  in  regard  to  bribes?  (Q.  4, 

/.  360.) 

Ajzs.  I.  Although  he  who  receives  bribes  may 
sometimes  sin  either  by  reason  of  scandal  or  the 
danger  of  subverting  justice,  he  yet  acquires  the 
right  of  ownership  of  the  things  received,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  natural  law. 

Ans.  2.  Although  the  positive  law  forbids  the  ac- 
ceptance of  bribes,  still  the  receiver  is  not  held  to 


■I 


in  New  England. 


249 


restitution  before  the  sentence  of  the  judge,  unless 
the  law  expressly  says  so,  because  the  acceptance 
was  not  only  illegal  but  also  invalid. 


Confession.     (Pages  516  et  set/.) 

Besides  completeness  {inh'trrilas)  these  three  con- 
ditions are  necessary  to  confession. 

I  St.   That  it  be  by  zoord  of  uiontJi  {vocal is)  &c. 

2d.  That  it  be  secret,  that  is,  made  to  the  priest 
alone  —  not  necessary  indeed  but  according  to  the 
usage  of  the  church.  Moreover,  public  confession,  as 
in  time  of  shipwreck,  or  battle  or  in  a  hospital  where 
many  are  near,  or  confession  made  through  an  inter- 
preter, is  not  binding  (at  least  as  regards  hidden  sins) 
upon  one  who,  at  the  point  of  death,  is  in  doubt  con- 
cerning his  contrition.  Even  then  it  is  enough  to 
confess  those  things  which  occasion  less  disgrace 
{i?ifamiavi). 

3d.  That  it  be  true,  &c. 

It  is  not  a  mortal  sin  nor  does  it  render  the  Sacra- 
ment (Confession)  void: 

I  St.  If  in  the  confession  you  lie  mildly  {menfiaris 
levited)  about  things  not  pertinent  or  not  necessary 
to  the  Sacrament,  for  instance,  if  you  tell  a  false  story 
or  deny  a  venial  or  mortal  sin  which  you  are  not  held 
to  confess. 

2d.  If  you  falsely  accuse  yourself  of  a  venial  sin; 
yet  this  will  become  a  grave  mortal  sin  if  you  do  this 
without  giving  some  instance,  since  you  thus  render 
the  form  void  and  also  the  Sacrament ;  unless  you 
do  it  from  scrupulousness  or  confusion. 

May  one  sometimes  deny  the  true  faith  or  profess 
a  false  one  ?     (Chap.  3,  page  45.) 
32 


250 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


Ans.  In  no  case  is  it  allowed  whether  it  be  done 
with  voice  or  other  sign  since  Christ  says,  "  Whoso- 
ever shall  deny  me  before  men,  &c."  In  the  mean- 
time, however,  "  although  it  is  not  lawful  to  lie  or 
pretend  what  is  not ;  yet  it  is  lawful  to  conceal  what 
is  or  to  cover  up  the  truth  with  words  or  other  am- 
biguous signs,"  &c.     Shades  of  the  Martyrs  ! 

It  has  been  authoritatively  denied  that  the  Jesuits 
hold  or  have  held  that  the  end  justifies  the  means  ; 
yet  here  we  have  it  in  the  following  words  :  "  C«w 
finis  est  licitus,  etiam  media  stmt  licita :  When  the 
end  is  huvful  the  means  also  are  lawful.  This  single 
quotation  would  solve  every  difficulty  we  have  met 
with  in  trying  to  reconcile  with  contemporary  history 
many  erroneous  statements  of  Rale,  De  la  Chasse 
and  Charlevoix;  indeed,  if  we  could  know  that  Rale 
accepted  this  as  absolutely  true  in  letter  and  spirit, 
and  by  his  oath  he  was  bound  to  so  accept  it,  we 
could  not  be  blamed  for  believing  the  wildest  stories, 
which  were  circulated  about  him  by  our  Puritan  an- 
cestors, but  which  we  have  avoided  repeating  in  these 
pages,  because  they  are  not  accompanied  by  proofs. 
It  is  more  reasonable  and  certainly  more  agreeable 
to  believe,  that  Rale  was  an  earnest,  self-sacrificing 
man,  whose  whole  heart  was  moved  to  establish  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  in  the  world,  but  whose  mind  was 
so  involved  in  the  meshes  of  a  false  system  of  re- 
ligious philosophy,  as  to  be  incapable  of  just  judg- 
ment. In  conclusion  it  is  but  just  to  say,  that  Busen- 
baum's  Medulla  contains  very  many  acceptable 
truths,  as  well  as  many  unacceptable  ones. 


mmsmm 


in  New  England. 


251 


finished  letter,  which  Rale  was  writing  to  De  la 
Chasse,  as  follows : 

"  NORRIDGWALK,  2^^  Atlg\  N.   S.,    12  O.   S.' 

"My  Reverend  Father, 

"  My  people  are  returned  from  their  last  Expedi" 
tion,  wherein  one  of  their  Bravest  Champions  was 
killed.  Believing  there  were  above  two  hundred 
English  divided  in  three  Parties  or  Bands  to  drive 
them  out  of  their  Camp,  And  expecting  a  further 
number  to   Enforce  them   in   order    to  ruin   all   the 

Corn  in  the  Fields  without  doubt But  I   said  to 

them,  how  Could  that  be.  Seeing  we  are  daily  Sur- 
rounding &  making  Inroads  upon  them  everywhere 
in  the  midst  of  their  Land,  and  they  not  coming  out 
of  their  Fort,  which  they  have  upon  your  own  Land, 
Besides  in  all  the  War  you  have  had  with  them,  did 
you  ever  see  them  Come  to  Attack  you  in  the  Spring, 
Summer  or  in  the  fall ;  when  they  knew  you  were  in 
your  habitations.  You  know  it,  You  Say  Yourselves 
that  they  never  did,  but  when  they  knew  you  were 
not,    but    when    you  were    in    the    Woods.     For    if 

^  This  is  a  contemporary  translation.  The  letter 
may  be  found  in  the  Office  of  the  Public  Records, 
London,  where  it  was  copied  by  the  author,  verbatim 
et  literatim. 


252 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


they  knew  there  were  but  fifteen  or  twelve  Men 
men  in  your  dwellings  they  dare  not  Approach  you 
with  One  hundred.  We  told  you  after  the  fall  fight 
of  Ke-Ke-penagliesek  that  the  English  would  come 
with  the  Nation  of  Iroquois  to  Revenge  themselves. 
You  Opposed  it  and  said  they  should  not,  and  yet 
they  did,  you  see  now  whether  You  are  in  the 
right." 

"I  had  Reason  to  Believe  it  Founded  on  the 
Kings  word  ;  who  could  ever  think  thai  he  should 
forge  such  a  falsehood  &  how  should  I  then  Answer 
a  Right.  And  it  was  to  make  good  their  false  De- 
signs that  they  came  here  to  show  themselves  as 
Master  of  your  Land  (contrary  to  my  Expectation) 
where  they  would  not  have  a  Romish  Priest  to  dwell. 
And  if  they  did  not  burn  the  Church,  it  is  that  I  did 
send  them  Word  in  your  behalf,  that  if  they  should 
burn  it,  you  should  burn  all  their  Temples.  There- 
fore there  was  an  Order  to  the  officer  not  to  burn 
anything.  They  hearken  to  all  my  Reasons  afore- 
going, but  follow  their  own.  They  Design  to  quit 
the  Village  for  a  fortnight,  and  to  go  five  or  Six 
Leagues  up  the  River,  they  proposed  it  to  me,  and  I 
have  Given  my  Consent.  When  I  spoke  to  them 
on  such  an  Occasion  I  Declared  my  thought,  with- 
out   Obliging   them    to   follow  the   same ;   But   De- 


v.. .  \ 


in  New  England. 


253 


clared  to  them  that  I  was  ready  to  follow  their  own. 
It  is  but  a  few  days  since  we  came  to  the  Village 
and  the  last  are  arrived  this  morning. 

"  The  day  before  yesterday  arrived  a  party  of  the 
Becancourians  being  nine  in  number,  but  I  have  no 
dependence  on  them.  But  my  Dependence  is  upon 
Kounaouons,  the  former  being  favourers  of  the  Eng- 
lish. Yesterday  12  or  15  Pannaouanskeians  four 
Hurons  with  One  wounded  arrived  here  almost 
Starved  —  Therefore  they  must  be  Supplied  tho  the 
Corn  is  not  Ripe.  They  must  take  it  as  it  is,  for  we 
are  almost  reduced  to  a  Famine  Provisions  being  so 
Scarce.  As  for  my  self  thro  the  Grace  of  God  I 
have  gathered  in  the  most  part  of  my  Field  and 
Husked  the  same,  which  is  now  a  drying  ;  for  I  can 
expect  none  or  little  from  the  Savages. 

"Three  Hurones  are  this  morning  to  depart,  and 
go  into  the  War  with  Becancouriens  ;  The  Panna- 
ouanskeians Desired  the  Hurones  to  carry  away 
their  wounded.  Say  they,  '  You  seek  nothing  but 
Scalps,  there  is  five  which  we  give  you.'  They  have 
had  some  likewise  in  this  Village,  &  are  to  depart  to 
morrow  Mc*'ning.  My  own  People  are  also  to  de- 
part and  are  now  Deliberately  Consulting  whether 
they  shall  Joyn  with  the  Becancouriens  Ratio  Dubi- 
tando  Est.     That  the  Ouarinakiens  have  not  Acted 


i"^ 


254 


The  Pioneers  of  Neiv  Fr,tnce 


against  the  English  Save  one  of  them,  that  the  Eng- 
lish should  have  no  Occasion  to  Complain  of  them  ; 
for  Kounaouans  who  is  of  this  Village  has  all  along 
been  with  them.  The  Ouarinakiens  said  when  my 
People  came  to  War  that  they  Joyn  with  the  Nor- 
ridgwalks  who  follow  the  luiglish  very  close  by  fre- 
quent discharge  of  their  peeces  when  the  others 
keep  at  a  distance.  And  when  they  return  they 
would  take  all  the  honour  of  the  War  to  themselves, 
which  is  very  displeasing  to  my  people,  who  are  De- 
serving of  the  true  Honour  Therefore  they  Con- 
clude to  go  by  themselves  in  different  Parties  as  I 
had  advised  them. 

"  It  is  therefore  for  the  same  Reason  that  they 
did  let  the  Hurones  go  by  themselves.  At  their 
Arrival  here,  there  was  a  Party  ready  to  Embark  ; 
And  I  advised  my  People  that  two  of  them  should 
go  as  a  Guard  to  the  Hurones  Ousauniones  and 
Mathiru  are  to  Joyn  them.  But  my  People  Come 
and  tell  me  that  the  Hurones  being  in  Company 
with  them  before  used  to  say  in  Canada  That  the 
Norridgwalks  were  but  women  in  the  War  &c.  I 
am  sure  said  I  that  is  a  Calumny  that  the  Hurones 
Cast  upon  them,  they  have  no  reason  to  say  any 
such  thing.  They  have  seen  you  in  the  Action  and 
you  have  Given  them  several  scalps  &c.      But  they 


\\\ 


in  New  liuf^land. 


255 


know  the  way  &  tell  us  every  Sfjot,  however  let  them 
go  by  themselves. 

"  1  just  now  received  a  Letter  from  Father  Lover- 
jat  with  T'our  Coclcl  fish  out  of  I'jght  he  s(MU  me. 
The  Hears  '  have  Eat  four  by  the  way,  and  said  it 
was  a  Case  of  necessity  being  for  want  of  Provisions. 
Tho  their  Village  is  full  of  Codd  fish  out  of  15  or  16 
Vessels  they  have  taken.  '\\\v  I'^ither  sent  me 
Word  that  by  a  suitable  ( )[)|M)rtunity  he  shall  s(.'nd 
me  more  And  hath  sent  me  word  that  they  have 
newly  taken  three  Vessels  81  killed  ten  Men,  some 
on  the  Spot  and  others  by  reason  they  revolted  from 
those  who  had  spared  their  lives  &c.  They  have 
Attempted  to  burn  the  Fort  of  St.  (leorge  by  two 
fire  Shipps  or  Vessels,  but  for  want  of  Wind  they 
miscarried.  The  fire  began  to  take  the  Wood  part 
of  the  Fort,  whereupon  they  heard  the  I'Lnglish  make 
a  great  Cry  &  Lamentation  some  of  them  coming 
out  of  the  I'^ort  to  Attempt  to  I^.xtinguish  the  fire, 
which  the  Indians  Could  not  kill  by  reason  of  their 
b<Mng  posted  on  the  Contrary  side,  they  not  foresee- 
ing that  the  English  Could  Come  out  of  the  Fort  on 
that  side.  The  fire  of  one  of  the  Vessels  went  out 
soon  of  itself  and  the  F^nglish  had  it. 


Bearers. 


m 


256 


T/ie  Pioneers  of  New  France 


,'( 


'}% 


"  After  that  nine  of  the  Indians  went  ofif  in  a  Ves- 
sel, where  they  were  Attacked  by  two  English  Ves- 
sels, they  I^ngaged  for  some  time  ;  And  the  Indians 
having  no  more  powder  Attempted  to  Board  one  of 
them,  hut  they  Shunned  it.  Wherefore  the  Indians 
were  Obliged  to  retire  hJeven  other  Indians  went  in 
a  Vessel  and  espied  two  luiglish  Vessels  in  the 
Road,  &  went  to  plunder  them,  but  seeing  they 
were  full  of  People  and  themselves  not  able  to  stand 
thrm,  did  save  themselves  by  swimming  a  shoar  & 
leaving  their  vessel.  .Says  the  Father  I  attribute  the 
Bad  .Success  to  their  Ungratefulness  to  God  and 
their  Disobedience  to  me.  A  Vessel  said  he  which 
comes  from  Mines  for  to  bring  us  Provision  said 
that  an  English  Man  Assured  him  that  they  had  a 
very  great  Inclination  for  Peace  at  Boston  ;  And  he 
doubted  not  but  it  would  be  Concluded  next  fall, 
which  appears  very  Probable  because  a  Vessel  which 
went  from  here  to  Boston  to  bring  a  Ransom  for  the 
Prisoners  that  are  here  is  not  returned,  notwithstand- 
ing the  time  is  a  great  deal  P^xpired,  And  I  have 
Answered  them  that  did  not  agree  with  the  Council 
D'Orange  that  were  Resolute  to  keep  their  Land  I 
further  said  That  I  would  never  permit  my  People 
to  receive  a  Ransom  for  those  they  take,  for  there  is 
not  one  but  would  Ransom  himself,  and  if  we  should 


ii 
X 


[^ 


in  New  E^igland.  257 

harken  to  it,  the  English  would  never  think  to  re- 
turn the  Land  for  the  loss  of  their  People,  that  they 
would  easily  buy  &c. 

"The  Father  Loyard  wrote  to  him  that  his  People 
witli  the  Mickemacks  have  been  in  two  Parties  to 
make  an  Attempt  upon  the  Plnglish  at  Port  Royal  ; 
one  of  those  Parties  Attackt  the  Fort  it  self,  where 
they  did  kill  Six  Men  &  burnt  two  Houses  after  they 
had  plundered  them,  the  other  party  is  not  yet  re- 
turned back. 

"  My  People  are  Absolutely  willing  to  Return  to 
those  Forts  where  one  of  our  Brave  Champions  was 
killed  in  the  last  Party. 

"  I  am  very  glad  that  Mr.  Lieutenant  hath  Accepted 
my  present.  They  have  brought  me  my  Chocolate. 
The  two  Bills  that  James  was  to  have  brought  with 
him  are  Cast  away  by  over  setting  a  Canno.  I  am 
well  stock'd  with  Chocolate  for  a  long  time,  which  I 
came  easily  by,  &  it  shall  not  be  presently  Carried 
away  for  it  is  very  weighty.  As  for  the  Remaining 
part  you  keep  for  me  it  may  be  it  troubles  you  as 
much,  as  it  would  trouble  me  if  I  had  it.  The  Father 
Dupy  had  a  Warehouse  where  I  put  all  the  woolen 
linen  Shot  &  powder  as  well  as  the  Blanketting  & 
gun  you  got  for  me  since  the  Canno  of  the  Hurones 
was  here  I  added  those  things  to  his  Merchandize 
33 


25« 


The  Pioneers  of  New  France 


for  liim  to  make  tlie  lj(;st  profit.  As  for  m(^  I  am 
Contented  ik  1  think  well  j>ai(l.  The  Wine  sliall  he 
put  into  the  C«::llar  t(j  be  mixt  w"'  that  of  the  ilf)iis(^ 
If  the  lobacco  \v(*re  he*re  it  should  be  put  into  ye 
Magazine. 

"  I  am  very  m.iich  (Jblij^ed  to  you  my  Rev.  I^ither 
for  the  r'are  you  take  of  me,  Y<nj  are  willinj^  1 
hihould  live  as  a  Chanoine  till  the  Spring  by  the 
plentiful  supply  that  you  have  sent  me  by  Pauscawen. 
I  have  ye't  considf;rable  fr>r  my  self  for  the  Winter, 
since  they  sent  me  some  Wine  I  take  a  glass  after 
my  Mass  bet  I  dont  find  it  keeps  me  so  well  as  a 
Dram  of  lirandy  I  want  nothing  but  Sjjanish  Win<t 
for  the  Mass.  I  have  enough  for  myself  for  above 
12  months  Therefort;  I  jjray  the  3d.  time  to  s(;nd 
me  no  more  Wine.  I  shall  send  f<jr  nujrci  when  i 
want  it." ' 

The  French  account  f)f  the  affair  at  Norridgewock 
differs  materially  from  the  l*!nglish  account,  which 
was  carefully  compiled  by  Hutchinson  from  the  per- 
sonal testimony  of  the  chief  actors  in  the  drama. 
That  the  I^rench  account  is  a  tissue  of  errors  is  seen 
by  a  brief  examination  of  its  details  ;  indeed  it  could 


'  This  letter  is  marker!  ''  Not  finished,"  and  bears 
the  following  attestation  :  I'^xamined  from  the  Trans- 
lation in  the;  Secretary's  Office,  per  J.  Willard,  .Sec'y." 


«M 


in  New  JSugland. 


259 


not  be  otherwise,  when  we  consider  its  source.  Not 
a  sinjrJi;  lujropean  witnessed  tlie  alfair  except  the 
I'jij^iish  ;  iience  the  dramatic  recital  of  de  la  Chasse, 
adopted  l>y  Cliarlevcjix,  was  based  upon  the  stories 
of  savages  half  crazed  witii  excitement,  and  always 
notoriously  unreliable  in  their  statements,  as  Kah- 
himself  regarded  them.  It  may  be  well  to  notice 
some  of  these  accuracies.  Charlevoix  gives  the  num- 
ber of  Harmon  and  Moulton's  men  as  (deven  hun 
dred.  This  is  no  typographical  error,  as  his  editor 
has  suggested,'  for  it  is  lu^t  in  figures,  but  plainly, 
"  ou7:c  ecus  hommes!'  ^  As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  were 
in  both  Harmon  and  Moulton's  comman<is  but  one 
hundred  and  seventy-one  men,  forty  of  the  two  hun- 
dred and  eleven  who  marched  from  I'Ort  Richmond 
having  been  left  to  guard  the  boats,  and  in  the 
attacking  party  there  could  not  have  been  over  a 
hundred.  De  la  Chasse  speaks  of  the  English  force 
as  '' 7ine  petite  armie  d'Auj^iois  &  de  Sauvaj>es,"'^ 
while  Charlevoix  says  that  it  was  composed  of  "part 
Knglish    and    part    Indians,"*   and     that   more  than 


'  Vide  note  in  Shea's  Charlevoix. 
'^  Vide    Lettres   Hdifiantes  et   C'urieuses,    letter  of 
de  la  Chasse,  where  it  is  so  given. 
Mbid. 
'  Shea's  Charlevoix. 


26o 


The  Pioneers  of  Meio  France 


1! 


two  thousand  shots,  *'  De  plus  de  deux  mtlle  coups  de 
/?istl,"  were  fired  upon  the  savages.  We  know  that 
there  were  but  three  savages  in  tlie  expedition,  and 
as  the  fight  was  speedily  over,  thesta  tement  of  the 
number  of  Jihots  fired  must  have  been  grossly  ex- 
aggerated. 

We  are  also  told  that  Rale  went  fearlessly  to  meet 
the  assailants,  in  the  hope  of  drawing  all  their  attention 
upon  himself,  and  thus  saving  his  flock  at  the  [;eril 
of  his  own  life  ;  that  he  was  immediately  fired  upon 
by  the  English,  and  that  seven  Indians  who  accom- 
panied him  in  order  to  ';hield  him  with  their  bodies, 
were  slain  beside  him.  Shea,  the  Roman  Catholic 
historian,  a  careful  and  conscientious  writer,  realized 
the  incorrectness  of  this  statement,  and  in  a  note  to 
his  translation  of  Charlevoix,  alluding  to  the  English 
statement  that  Rale  was  killed  in  the  cabin  he  was 
defending,  and  to  several  doubtful  stories  concluding 
with  that  of  Jacques,  that  he  refused  quarter,  he  says, 
"  Moulton  doubted  the  last  statement,  and  we  may 
well  doubt  the  rest,  beyond  the  fact  thai  he  was  killed 
in  a  cabin  from  which  a  vis^orous  defense  was  made!' 

Shea  appreciated  the  importance  of  the  fact,  that 
Lieut.  Jaques  would  not  have  acknowledged  the 
slaying  of  Rale,  especially  against  his  superior's 
orders,  unless  he  had  really  slain  him.     The  excuse 


in  New  England. 


261 


which  the  lieutenant  offered  in  palliation  of  his  act, 
when  his  commander  arraigned  him  for  killing  Rale 
in  a  cabin,  when  he  ought  to  have  taken  him  prisoner, 
to  the  effect  that  the  priest  refused  to  give  or  take 
quarter,  Moulton,  angry  at  having  an  order  diso- 
beyed, would  not  accept ;  but  he  never  doubted  that 
Jaques  committed  the  act,  and  in  spite  of  the  blame 
attached  to  him  for  it,  Jaques  never  denied  it,  but 
went  to  his  grave  the  self-acknowledged  slayer  of 
Rale.  Hence  none  can  reasonably  doubt  that  Rale- 
was  slain  by  Jaques,  nor  that  he  was  slain  in  a  cabin 
which  was  being  defended.'  Had  de  la  Chasse's 
story,  told  him,  as  before  remarked,  by  some  excited 
savage,  been  true,  that  he  was  fired  upon  by  a  gen- 
eral  discharge  of  guns,  especially  directed   against 


'  A  piece  of  independent  evidence  is  furnished  by 
the  statement  of  Henjamin  Larrabee  of  Scarborough, 
who  was  in  Moulton's  command.  vSometime  before, 
a  band  of  the  Norridgewock  tribe,  on  one  of  their 
murderous  raids,  had  sought  his  home;  and  kilU-d  his 
father  and  brother.  While  the  savages  were  flying 
from  the  village,  young  Larrabee  rushed  into  a  cabin, 
where  he  saw  Ralc^,  but  as  he  was  eager  to  avenge 
himself  upon  the  savages  for  the  loss  of  his  relatives, 
he  left  the  priest  uumoh-stf-d  and  followcnl  the  rapidly 
disappearing  enemy.  Returning  somewhat  later,  he 
found  Ralr  lying  dead  in  the  cabin  where  he  had 
seen  him  a  short  time  before. 


262  The  Pmiecrs  of  New  France 

him  by  the  English,  there  would  not  have  been  men 
wanting  to  refute  Jaques's  story,  nor  would  there 
have  been  occasion  for  Moulton  to  doubt  that  Rale 
refused  to  give  or  take  quarter.  r3e  la  Chasse's 
statement  that  Rale's  body  was  mutilated  is  doubt- 
less true  ;  for  if  he  was  shot  through  the  head  and 
scalped,  this  would  have  been  mutilation  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  appearance  of  the  body,  and  we 
need  not  for  a  moment  entertain  the  shocking  sug- 
gestion that  it  was  maliciously  mutilated  after  death. 
The  French  report  of  the  number  of  savages  who 
lost  their  lives  at  Norridgewock,  namely,  seven  men, 
seven  women  and  fourteen  children,  is  doubtless 
correct.  Some  of  the  latter  were  probably  drowned 
in  the  confusion  of  crossing  the  river.  If  but  seven 
men  in  all  were  killed,  then  none  were  killed  by  all 
the  firing  but  de  la  Chasse's  seven  mythical  heroes, 
who  shielded  Rale  with  their  own  bodies.'  De  la 
Chasse's  statement,  that  the  English,  after  the  vic- 
tory,  fled  as   if  smitten   by  a  panic,  is  in   harmony 

'  These  seven  included  Bomazeen,  who  was  killed 
before  the  party  reached  Norridgewock.  Penhallow 
supposes  the  number  of  savages  who  were  killed  and 
drowned  at  Norridgewock  to  have  been  eighty,  and 
writers  generally  have  accepted  this  opinion.  The 
savages,  however,  from  whom  the  Frencli  accounts 
came,  would  not  have  been  likely  to  understate  their 


It 


in  New  Eyigland. 


263 


with  his  other  statements,  and  partakes  of  the  over- 
wrought credulity   of  an   age  in  which  men   of  all 

loss,   and  were  in   a  better  position  to  know  their 
number  than  the  English, 

The  following  is  from  the  Massachusetts  Archives: 

At  a  Council  held  at  the  Council  Chamber  in 
Boston,  on  Saturday,  August  22,  1724. 

Captain  Johnson  Harman  being  arrived  from  the 
Eastward  with  twenty-seven  Indian  scalps,  together 
with  the  scalp  of  Sebastian  Ralle  the  Jesuit  and 
Missionary  among  the  Norridgewock  Indians,  and 
the  Standard  of  y*  s"^  Tribe  of  Indians,  was  directed 
to  attend  in  Council.  And  there  gave  a  short  Nar- 
rative of  his  March  to  Norridgewock  (with  four 
companies  of  Soldiers  under  his  command)  &  of  his 
Action  at  the  s*"  Place  the  twelfth  instant,  where  he 
destroyed  a  great  number  of  the  enemey,  many  of 
whom  being  slain  or  drown'd  in  the  River,  he  could 
not  recover  their  bodies. 

His  Honour  the  Lieut'  Governour  in  consideration 
of  the  extraordinary  Service  of  the  s''  Captain  Har- 
man, presented  him  with  a  Commission  for  Lieut' 
Colonel  of  His  Majesty's  Porces  Eastward  under  the 
Command  of  Coll°  Thomas  Westbrook. 

Coll,  Johnson  Harman  made  solemn  oath  that  the 
Twenty  seven  scalps  above  ment'd  (which  were  pro- 
duced in  Council)  were  the  Scalps  of  Rebel  or 
Enemy  Indians  slain  by  him  and  the  Forces  under 
his  Command,  and  that  they  had  taken  Four  Indians 
Prisoners. 

Coll°  Johnson  Harman  likewise  made  oath  that 
the  other  Scalp  was  the  Scalp  of  Sebastian  Ralle  a 
Jesuit  who  appeared  at  the  Head  of  the  Indians  and 


264 


The  Pioneers  0/  Nnv  France 


creeds  saw  in  every  event  a  miraculous  interposition 
of   Providence  in  their  ov^rn  behalf. 

Shea  admits  that  it  is  not  easy  to  form  an  opinion 
in  Rale's  case,  and   that   he  "  apparently  advised  the 

obstinately  n^sisted  the  Forces,  woundini^  sev"='  of  the 
Kn^lish  &  resolutely  refusing  to  j^ive  or  take 
Quarter. 

Then  follows  a  recital  of  the  vote  of  the  General 
Assembly  to  encourage  the  brinj^dn^  Sebastian  Ralle, 
passed  July  13,  r  720. 

"  This  Court  Ijein^  credil)ly  informed  that  Mons' 
Ralle  the  Jesuit,  r(;sidin^^  amonij  the  J^astern  Indians 
has  not  only  on  several  occasions  of  late  affronted 
Mis  Majestys  (jovernm(*nt  of  this  Province  but  has 
also  been  the  Incendiary  that  has  instigated  and 
stirred  up  those  Indians  to  treat  His  Majestys  sub- 
jects settlinii^  there  in  the  abusive  insolent  hostile 
manner  that  they  have  done,  Resolved  that  a  Pre- 
mium of  One  Hundred  pounds  be  allowed  and  paid 
out  of  the  Public  Treasury  to  any  person  that  shall 
apprehend  the  s''  Jesuit  within  any  part  of  this  Prov- 
ince &  bring  him  to  Boston  &  render  him  to  Justice." 

A  Warrant  was  made  for  the  Treasurer  to  pay  the 
s''  sum  of  100  pounds  to  Johnson  Harman  for  his 
service  in  the  destruction  of  s''  Sebastian  Ralle.  Vol. 
8,  Council  Records,  pages  71  and  72. 

Col.  Westbrook  in  his  report  to  Governor  Dum- 
mer  gives  the  same  number  of  scalps  and  says : 
"  Cap^  Harman  and  the  officers  Judge  that  by  the 
modestest  Computation,  besides  the  Scalps  and  Cap- 
tives they  brought  in,  what  they  kill'd  and  drownded, 
there  would  not  be  less  than  thirty  or  forty."  Mass. 
Arch.  52:34. 


A 


in  New  lijuyland. 


265 


Indians  that  war  was  just."  Any  onti  who  carefully 
studies  the  sul)ject,  will  inevitably  reach  the  latter 
conclusion,  and  however  much  he  may  admire  Rale  s 
devotion  antl  faithfulness  to  his  callini^,  and  his  readi- 
ness to  sacrifice  his  life  in  the  performance  of  what 
he  believed  to  be  his  duty,  he  must  finally  regard 
him  as  an  agent  of  the  French  Government,  exciting 
the  savages  against  \\\i\  ['English  settlers,  and  an  agent 
rendered  doubly  active  by  his  abhorrence  of  the  Kng- 
lishman's  heresy.  This  is  amply  proved  by  his  letters, 
which  partake  of  the  character  of  much  contemporary 
writing.  Crimination  and  recrimination  were  com- 
mon between  partisans  then,  as  now.  The  French 
condemned  the  English  people  because  a  few  rascally 
traders  sold  fire  water  to  the  savages ;  yet,  the 
French  minister  at  Versailles  did  not  hesitate  to  tell 
Vaudreuil,  when  the  latter  advised  the  king  that  it 
was  necessary  to  fortify  Niagara,  because  the  English, 
backed  by  the  Iroquois,  were  too  powerful  for  him, 
that  he  could  at  least  craze  the  savages  by  dosing 
them  with  brandy;'  and  yet,  Vaudreuil,  according 
to  his  epitaph  in  the  Cathedral  of  Quebec,  was  "  le 
haut  et  puissant  Seigneur  &  Grand  Croix  del'  order 
militaire  de  St.  Louis,  Governeur  et  Lieutenant 
General  de  toute  la  Nouvelle  France."     The  English, 

^  Vide  Collection  de  Manuscrits,  etc. 
34 


.''  :l 


266  The  Pioneers  oj  New  1' ranee 

too,  were  arraigned  for  their  barbarity  in  placing  a 
bounty  on  savage  scalps,  when  so  brisk  at  one  time 
had  become  the  traffic  in  scalps,  English  and  Iro- 
quois alike,  in  New  France,  that  the  French  began 
to  doubt  if  all  the  European  scalps  presented  for 
bounty  were  really  English,  as  it  was  impossible  to 
distinguish  an  FInglish  from  a  French  scalp,  and 
it  was  shrewdly  suspected  at  Montreal,  that  their 
savage  friends,  finding  it  more  convenient,  were 
surreptitiously  despoiling  Frenchmen  of  their  cheve- 
lures.^ 

Such  is  weak  human  nature,  and  we  must  not 
wonder  to  find  zealous  partisans,  especially  of  a 
century  or  two  ago,  exaggerating  or  even  suppressing 
facts,  as  we  find  Charlevoix  among  others  doing, 
when  we  study  the  sources  from  which  he  drew  his 
material. 

In  conclusion,  Rale  cannot  be  properly  denomi- 
nated a  martyr,  nor  the  Enidish  murderers.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  killed  in  the  excitement 
of  battle,  while  in  a  building  from  which  a  defense 
was  being  made,  and  against  the  intentions  of  the 
English  commander.  Yet  there  has  been  a  great 
deal  of  sentimental  writing  on  the  subject,  based  on 

'  Vide  Relation  de  Jesuits. 


in  New  England. 


267 


the  account  of  de  la  Chasse,'  while  the  unwarrantable 
killing  of  Uummer,  Rolfe,  and  Willard,'**  three  Fing- 
lish  divines,  who  were  quietly  pursuing  their  peace- 
ful labors,  has  hardly  been  noticed  by  our  writers,  in 
spite  of  Gov.  Dummer's  manly  hotter  to  Vaudreuil  in 
response  to  his  accusation  of  murder  against  the 
Knglish  for  Rale's  death. 

'  Although  there  is  but  a  single  original  French 
account  of  the  attack  on  Norridgewock  and  slaying 
of  Ral(",  this  of  de  la  Chasse,  it  has  served  as  a  basis  for 
many  accounts  among  which  the  student  may  profit- 
ably consult,  Nouvelles  des  Missions;  Missions  de 
I'Amerique  ;  Die  Katholisches  Kuche  in  dem  Ve- 
reinigten  Staten  ;  Les  Jesuits  Martyrs  de  Canada 
Hibliogr.  Patrignani  Menologie,  23  agosto,  p.  190, 
Cassani  Varones,  ilustres.  t.  I.  pp.  677,  679.  Annales 
de  la  Propagation  de  la  foi.  t.  1.  p.  177.  Hrasseur  de 
Bourbourg,  llist  du  Canada.  l*enhalIow  and  Hutchin- 
.son  who  base  their  account  of  the  affair  upo  the 
statements  of  Moulton  and  Harmon,  furnish  the 
basis  for  the  English  accounts. 

"Rev.  Shubael  Dummer  was  a  graduate  of  Har- 
vard College  and  was  fifty-six  years  of  age  when  slain. 
His  wife,  a  delicate  and  refined  woman,  was  taken 
prisoner  with  their  son  ;  but  was  given  her  freedom 
by  the  savages.  Turning  back  she  begged  piteously 
for  the  release  of  her  son  which  was  refused  and  she 
was  sent  away.  Again  she  returned  urged  by  grief 
and  fears  to  pray  for  her  son's  release,  and  was  told 
that  since  she  desired  captivity  she  should  be  grati- 
fied.    The  hardships  of  savage  captivity  soon  put  an 


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268 


The  Pioneers  of  Nciu  France 


With  a  reticence  respecting  the  cruel  killing, 
some  years  before,  of  his  reverend  uncle,  which  shows 
more  than  words  could  show  his  weariness  of  such 
hypercriticism,  he  limited  himself  to  a  simple  statement 
of  fact,  and  told  the  Frenchmen,  "  that  had  Ralle 
Confined  himself  unto  the  professed  Duty  of  his 
function,  viz,  to  Instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Christian 
Religion,"  and  had  not  instigated  them  "  to  War  and 
Rapine,  there  might  have  been  some  ground  of  com- 
plaint ;  But  when  instead  of  preaching  Peace,  Love 
and  F"riendship  Agreeable  to  the  Doctrines  of  the 
Christian  Religion  he  had  been  a  constant  and  No- 
torious Fermentor  &  Incendiary  to  the  Indians  to 
kill,  burn  and  Destroy  "  as  appeared  by  "  many  Origi- 
nal Letters  and  Manuscripts,"  which  he  had  before 
him,  had  often  "  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  great 
number  of  Indians  in  a  hostile  manner,  threatening 
and  Insulting,  publicly  assaulting"  the  English,  and 
if,  after  all  this,  "  such  an  Incendiary  "  had  "  happened 

end  to  her  suffering.  Rev.  Benjamin  Rolfe  was  also 
a  graduate  of  Harvard  and  had  been  settled  at  Haver- 
hill fourteen  years  when  he  was  killed.  The  Rev. 
Joseph  Willard  was  a  graduate  of  Yale,  and  had  but 
a  shor:  time  before  been  ordained  at  Rutland.  He 
was  surprised  near  the  village  and  having  a  gun  de- 
fended himself,  but  was  overpowered  and  slain  and 
his  scalp  carried  to  Quebec. 


in  New  England.  269 

to  be   slain  In  the  heat  of  action"  among  the  "open 

and  Declared  Enemies"  of  the  Enj>lish,  no  one  could 

"be  blamed    therefor  but  himself."     Moreover,    he 

said  to  the  disingenuous  Frenchman,  "  I  think  I  have 

much   greater  cause  to  Complain,  that  Mr.  Willard 

the  minister  of  Rutland  (who  never  had  been  guilty  || 

of  the  facts  charged  upon  Mr.  Ralle  '  &  applied  him-  ! 

self  solely  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel),  was  by 

the  Indians  you  sent  to  Attack  that  Town,  Assaulted,  \ 


Ut  will  be  seen  that  Gov.  Dummer  places  an  ac- 
cent on  the  final  e  in  Rale's  name.  In  English  cor- 
respondence it  appears  as  Ralley,  and  in  the  Jesuit 
priest's  book  found  at  Norridgewock  the  name  is 
written  Ralle,  which  shows  that  it  was  so  pronounced 
by  the  English,  while  in  French  correspondence  of 
the  time  the  accent  appears.  The  writer  has  there- 
fore adopted  the  spelling  used  by  Rale  himself,  with 
the  accent,  although  the  accent  does  not  appear  in 
his  autograph  as  printed.  The  original  of  this  auto- 
graph is,  unfortunately,  lost ;  but  if  Rale  even,  and 
not  the  copyist,  omitted  the  accent,  it  would  not 
prove  the  incorrectness  of  its  use  to  one  familiar  with 
the  carelessness  of  the  best  writers  of  a  century  or 
more  ago.  To  show,  however,  how  common  it  is, 
even  in  our  own  time  to  omit  the  accent,  the  case  of 
Pierre  Soulc,  M.  C,  from  Louisiana,  may  be  cited. 
Although  he  always  pronounced  his  name  as  if  spelt 
Sjilay,  many  of  his  associates  in  Congress  persisted  in 
pronouncing  it  as  if  spelt  Sole,  and  the  newspapers 
almost  invariably  printed  it  as  if  so  spelt  ;  indeed,  he 
is  commonly  referred  to  now  as  Mr.  Soule. 


270  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

slain  &  scalpt  &  his  scalp  Carried  in  Triumph  to 
Quebec."  A  misdirected  spirit  of  charity,  springing 
perhaps  out  of  a  desire  to  show  the  world  that  we 
disavow  participation  in  the  prejudices  of  our  fore- 
fathers, has  caui;ed  a  too  copious  gush  of  sympathy 
for  the  subjects  of  their  animosity,  without,  perhaps, 
a  sufficiently  careful  consideration  of  the  causes  of 
that  sentiment. 

But  to  reverse  our  point  of  view ;  suppose  Dum- 
mer,  Rolfe  or  Willard,  or  perhaps,  better,  Mather, 
for  he  was  better  known,  and  better  represented  the 
extreme  type  of  the  New  England  divine;  suppose 
Cotton  Mather  had  accompanied  bands  of  savage 
Iroquois,  who  were  neighbors  and  inimical  to  the 
French,  to  attack  their  settlements  in  a  time  of  peace 
between  his  country  and  theirs  ;  had  not  only  en- 
couraged them  in  their  bloody  designs,  but  had, 
after  the  destruction  of  their  homes  and  the  slaying  of 
their  friends,  conducted  his  hated  services  before  the 
eyes  of  the  suffering  Catholic  prisoners  ;  nay  more, 
had  as  Rale  says  he  himself  did,  displayed  himself  to 
the  French,  who  with  their  wives  and  little  ones 
were  shut  up  in  their  block  houses,  while  their 
homes  were  blazing  around  them,  merely  "  to  pleas- 
ure them,"  and  increase  their  fury  against  him  ;  and, 
if  at  some  time,  he  had      ^en   slain   among  his  sav- 


fl 


in  New  England,  271 

ages,  no  matter  under  what  circumstances,  how 
would  the  case  have  then  stood  ?  Would  Mather 
have  been  considered  a  martyr?  Suppose,  too,  that 
the  French  commander,  a  man  who  had  proved  him- 
self to  be  prudent  and  humane  as  Moulton  had, 
after  all  this  provocation,  had  expressed  regret  that 
Mather  was  killed,  and  blamed  his  subordinate,  who 
averred,  that  the  act  was  done  in  self-defense,  should 
we  have  signalized  him  as  a  murderer? 

Some  doubt  has  been  thrown  upon  the  burial  of 
the  body  of  Rale  the  next  day  after  he  was  killed. 
That  the  savages  were  demoralized  and  fled  precipi- 
tately from  the  scene  of  ruin  is  shown  by  Vaudreuil's 
report  to  the  king  of  their  arrival  in  Canada.  This 
fact  coupled  with  an  expression  in  a  letter  from  the 
king  to  Vaudreuil,  that  he  loved  Rah'  too  much  to 
leave  him  longer  without  being  covered^  and,  in  a 
subsequent  letter  two  years  later,  that  he  was  glad 
to  learn  that  his  orders  to  cover  the  body  of  Rale 
had  been  executed,  naturally  raises  the  question 
whether  the  savages  returned  immediately  and 
buried  the  body  as  described  by  de  la  Chasse.  A 
careful  consideration  of  the  subject  leads  to  the 
opinion  that  some  of  the  savages  returned  to  their 
ruined  village  after  the  departure  of  the  English, 
and  secured  by  burial   the  body  of   their  priest,  and 


272  The  Pioneers  of  New  France 

that  subsequently,  de  la  Chasse  may  have  gone  to 
Norridgewock  with  a  company  of  his  converts  to 
conduct  there  such  ceremonial  services  as  he  deemed 
appropriate.  The  whole  question  rests  upon  the  exact 
meaning  of  the  word  couvrir  as  used  by  the  king.* 

^°*  These  expressions  are  as  follows  :  "  Sa  Majeste 
a  cte  flchee  de  la  mort  du  Pcre  Rasle,  missionairc 
des  Abenagnis  de  Narantsouak  qui  a  ete  tue  pas 
les  Anglois.  Elle  I'affectionoit  trop  pour  le  laisser 
plus  longtemps  sans  etre  couvert,  et  son  intention 
est  que  le  Sieur  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  prenne  les 
mesures  necessaires  pour  le  faire  couvrir,  et  pour  cet 
effet  qu'il  invoie  des  collieres  aux  villages  Abinakis  de 
St.  Fran(^ois,  de  Becaucourt,  Panaouamske  et  Medoc- 
tek  avec  1 5  couvertes  et  40  livres  de  tabac  pour  chacun 
de  ces  villages,  que  le  Sieur  de  Chazel  fera  dclivrer 
des  magazines.  Le  Sieur  de  Vaudreuil  chargera  de 
cette  expedition  quelques  officiers  voyageurs  et  fera 
le  tout  de  concert  avec  Le  Superieur  des  jesuites  a 
Quebec,"  and  "  Sa  Majeste  a  appris  avec  plaisir 
que  les  ordres  qu  'Elle  avoit  donnes  pour  couvrir  le 
corps  du  Pere  Rasle  aient  etc  executes  et  que  le 
Pere  de  la  Chasse  s'  en  soit  charge."  Memoire  du 
Roi  aux  Sieurs  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil  et  Chazel,  and 
aux  Sieurs  Marquis  de  Beauharnois  et  Dupuy.  A 
Versailles,  le  15  Mai,  1725,  and  le  29  Avril,  1727. 
These  extracts  have  been  submitted  by  me  to  scholars 
of  the  highest  attainments,  among  whom  were  noted 
men  of  Rale's  own  order,  and  their  opinions  of  the 
exact  meaning  of  the  words  solicited.  Two  quite 
opposite  opinions  were  given  and  firmly  adhered  to 
by  both  parties,  after  each  knew  that  an  opposite 
opinion   had   been   given.     One   opinion    was   that 


in  New  England. 


27;^ 


As  before  remarked,  we  cannot  regard  Rale  as  a 
martyr;  indeed  it  is  hard  to  understand  how  men 
even  of  his  own  order  can  to-day  so  rej^ard  him. 

Yet  he  is  so  rei^arded  in  liis  native  country, 
where  the  anniversary  of  his  death  is  still  religiously 
observed.  It  is,  however,  quite  as  difficult  for  us  to 
understand  how  our  forefathers  could  have  com. 
placently  regarded  the  exhibition  of  his  scalp  in  the 
streets  of  Boston.  We  can  only  wonder  at  so  low  a 
condition  of  public  sentiment  ;  but  it  was  a  sentiment 
not  peculiar  to  New  England  ;  it  belonged  as  well  to 
New  France;  aye,  to  Old  France  and  (31d  England  ; 
to  the  age  in  which  it  found  expression,  "  Tcmpora 
miitantur  ct  nos  nnitamur  in  il/is." 


reference  was  made  to  the  covering  of  the  savages'  j 

grief  by  presents,  according  to  a  custom  among  them 
of  making  gifts  to  the  friends  of  a  dead  person,  to 
make  them  forget  or  mentally  cover  the  image  of  the 
deceased.  The  other  ojunion  was  that  the  king  re- 
ferred to  the  burial  of  the  body  of  Rale,  and  would  !' 
not  be  likely  to  employ  a  figurative  term,  limited 
only  to  savage  comprehension,  when  addressing  his 

ministers.     Among  the  men  holding  this  opinion  was,  i| 

perhaps,  the  most  noted  writer  on  the  customs  and  ' 

languages    of   the    savages    of   America   at    present 
living.      I  am  satisfied,  however,  after  a  most  careful 

study  of  the  customs  referred  to  in  the  first  opinion,  I 

that  the  word  couvrir  is  used  figuratively  in  this  in- 
stance,  and   that  it   was  not  meant  to  indicate  the  ; 
interment  of  the  body. 

35  i 


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a: 


APPENDIX. 


COLLATERAL  DOCUMENTS. 

Lncluding,  with  otiikk  Papers  of  thh  Pkkiod, 
THE  Following,  ExcKi-r  Duplicatks  and  Such 
Letters  as  ark  Prin  ted  in  the  Body  of  the 
Work,  Namely  : 

"  Thirty-one  Paper's  produced  by  Mr.  Diimmer^  in  Proof 
of  the  Rii^ht  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  to 
the  Lands  between  New  England  and  Nova  Scotia, 
and  of  Several  Depredations  Committed  by  the 
P^rench   and  Indians,    between    iy20   and  Jitne, 

1725" 

I  St.  Extract    of    the    French     Kings    Patent    to 
Charles  de  Menour  K'  Lord  d'Aunay. 

2.  Massachusets    assistance    to    the    Goverm'   of 
New  York  in  1690. 

3.  Conference  of   the   Indians  with   Col:    Walton 
and  Major  Moody  &c  1720. 

4.  Letter  from   Several  Tribes  of  Indians  to   the 
Governor  of  N:  England  in  1721. 

5.  Translation  of  the  foregoing  letter  to  a  Jesuit 
in  I  721. 

6.  Copy  of  M"^  Begon  a  French  Intend"  letter  to 
a  Jesuit  in  i  721. 

7.  Mons"^  Vaudreuils  letter  to  Seb:  Ralle  a  French 
Jesuit  in  1721. 


2  76  Appendix, 

<S.  Papor  taken  from  the  Church  Door  at  Norridge- 
wock  in  Octo^  i  722. 

9.  Mons'.  Vaudrcuil  the  Frencli  Gov"  letter  to  the 
Gov'  of  New  Ent^dand,  1723. 

10.  Answer  from  the  L'  Gov*^  of  New  Entrland  to 
the  foregoini:^  i  723. 

11.  Lannerjats  Letter  to  Mons*"  Ralle  Jesuit  con- 
cerninij  the  Enghsh  killed  at  Winslow. 

12.  A  Copy  of  a  letter  from  Seb:  Ralle  a  P'rench 
Jesuit  to  another  Priest  givint^  a  detail  of  the  Depreda- 
tions committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  English  in 
North  America  Aug:  1724. 

13.  Letter  from  the  Lieu'  Gov""  of  Massachusets 
to  the  Gov'  of  Rhode  Lsland  in  i  724. 

14.  Translation  of  Mons'  Vaudreuil  Gov'  of 
Canada's  letter  to  the  L'  Gov'  of  y®  Massachusets 
about  the  P"rench  Jesuits  &c.  dated  Oct'  29"' 
1724. 

15.  Duplicate  of  the  Same. 

16.  Instructions   given  by  the   Governm'  of  New 
Encrland  to  their   Commiss'"  Sent  to  Canada   to   de 
mand  the  English  Captives  &c  in  Nov'  1724. 

17.  Journal  of  the  said  Commissioners. 

18.  Letter  from  the  L'  Gov'  of  the  Massachusets 
to  the  L'  Gov'  of  N.  Hampshire  Dec'  i^'.  1724. 

19.  D°  to  Gov'  Cranston  of  Rhode  Island  dated 
Dec'  i^'  1724  &  to  Gov'  Talcot  of  Connecticut. 

20.  D"  to  Gov'  Burnet  of  N:  York  Dec'  i''  1724. 

21.  Vote  of  the  Gov'  and  Council  of  N:  York  of 
16  Dec'  I  724. 

22.  NB,  this  is  Annexed  to  No.  19. 

23.  Gov'  Talcot  of  Connecticut's  letter  to  the  L' 
Gov'  of  the  Massachusets  Dated  Dec'  1724. 

24.  Narrative  of  the  Indians  Managem'  and  of 
several  Treaties  with  them  1724. 


Appendix.  277 

25.  Letter  from   the  L'  Gov'  of  the    Massachusets 
to  the  Gov"^  of  Canada  1724-5. 

26.  Cap:  Jordans  Declaration  in   May  1728  of  his 
usage  by  a  French  rVyer. 

27.  David  Golds  Testimony  of  Depredations  com- 
mitted by  the  Indians  in  1725. 

28.  The  like  of  Sam'  Harris  1725. 

29.  Declaration  of   the    New  England    Com"    to 
Canada  made  to  the  Govern'  of  New  York. 

30.  The  saia    Commiss"  demand  to  y''   Gov*^    of 
Canada. 

31.  French   Receipts  of   Mony  for  y*"   Ransom   of 
English  Prisoners  1725. 

B.     T.     New     England,      Bundle     Y,     Vol.      17 

i  Sept.  30,  1725. 


ReC' 
Read 


\ Paper  /.] 

Extract    from     the    Frenxii     Kin"<;'s    Patkni'    to 
Charles  de  Menou,  Kt.  Lord  d'Aulnav. 

"  Louis,  By  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of  France 
and  Navarre,  To  all  present  and  to  come  .  .  . 
do  appoint  and  establish  .  .  .  Charles  de  Menou, 
Chevalier  Sieur  d'Aulnay  Charnizay  .  .  .  Gov- 
ernor of  New  France  and  Our  Lieutenant  General 
of  the  Country  and  Coast  of  Acadia  .  .  .  from 
the  Great  River  St.  Lawrence  .  .  .  as  far  as  Vir- 
ginia .  .  .  We  will  that  the  said  Sr.  d'Aulnay  de 
Charnizay  may  cause  to  be  built  and  constructed. 
Towns,  Forts,  Ports,  Harbors  and  other  places  as  he 
shall  see  useful  .  .  .  and  to  establish  there  such 
officers  and  garrisons  as  shall  be  needed.      And  do 


L 


27H 


Appvuiiix. 


jrcMKtrally  for  iIk;  c()n(|ii(;st,  jjc^oplcinj^,  scUlcMiiont 
and  preservation  of  tin*  said  country,  lands  and 
coasts  of  Acadia  from  tliv  said  River  Si.  LcriOrcncc 
as  far  as  Viri:;i)iia,  their  a|)purt(:nanc(;s  and  dep(Mi(l- 
enci(;s,  und(tr  our  Name  and  Authority,  all  that  we 
rjii^ht  l)(!  al)l(i  to  do  if  We  wert;  there;  in  l'(;rson." 


I  Paper  J.  I 

Massa*  iiiisi:irs    Assistanck    to    riir;    (ioxiiUNoK   or 

N.  York. 

Ai  th(;  Adjournment  of  the  (jen(;ral  (lourt  in  Bos- 
ton.    May  14th,  1690. 

Pursuant  to  the  AjTrecment  of  William  Stoujrh- 
ton  &  Samu(;l  Sew(dl  Ksfj'"  Commissioners  from  the 
Colony  with  the  Commissioners  from  the  other  (lov- 
ernmcMits  met  at  New  York  the  first  of  May  instant 
()rd(M-ed  that  One  hundred  and  Sixty  Soldiers  he 
Detach''  out  of  the  Several  Rejriments  within  this 
Colony  in  [)roportion  followinjj^  That  is  to  Say,  Out 
of  Hampshire  Re_L,nment  I'orty,  Middhesex  lower 
K(;^nment  Twenty,  Uppcer  K(;^iment  Ten  ;  I'Lssex 
Upp(!r  Keij^i'iKint  Ten,  Middle  kei^iment  Twenty; 
South  Regiment  i'wenty  ;  South  Suffolk  Rcej^diiuMit 
two  ik.  Twenty,  lioston  Rei^iincMit  l'lij;ht(;c;n,  to  Ik; 
Improved  for  the  Strengthening.^  of  Albany  and 
prosecution  of  the  (x)mmon  I'^nemy,  I'Vench  &  In- 
dians. 

A  'iVue  Co[)y  as  of  Record. 

Attest:  J.  Willard  Secry. 


M%TiC. 


Appindix. 


279 


rh(^  I  )('|)Ositi()n  of  l.(;wis  Www  of  York  I'ls(|'. 
Tliis  I  )(;p()n'  Tcstifyc^lh  .uul  Sailh  Tluil  lu:  hitiii^^ 
Iin|)l()yctl  by  the  (iovcniincMit  As  Coiniii.incK^r  of  ;i 
Small  I  )t;tachint:iit  of  Mc;ii  the  hist  Sinner  was  at 
the  l^astward  jNew  Setlleiiieiits,  where  there  were 
souk;  thntalniniif  S|)cc(:hes  ami  unfriendly  Actions  of 
th<,'  Indians,  when  this  1  )epon'  was  Amonj^  them; 
i\:  he  asked  thi-m  why  they  Act(;d  After  such  a 
Manner  with  the  I'jiL;lish,  who  were  their  very  Ljood 
]''ri(;nds;  And  he  understood  by  tlu;m  that  ( )ne 
Chief  Cause  was,  'I'iiat  the  I'"r(,'nch  I'Vyar  Sebastian 
kayle(r  stirred  them  up  so  to  do,  t(;llin<;'  them  that  if 
they  sullered  the  I'.nidish  to  ^o  on  in  sellin;.;  those 
parts  in  two  yt^ars  they  would  be  so  stroma  that  tlu;y 
would  not  be;  able  to  i(:mov<;  them  And  also  that 
then  the  ICni^lish  would  take  away  Neridj^awalk  from 
them. 


*( 


Hostcui,  2'.    I  )ec(Mn 


Ixt 


L(;wis  liane 

Justice  of 

th<;   peace 

(  )uoram  unus. 


S  1 1  !■  !•  (  )  1 , 1;    .V,V  .■ 
1719. 

l-(;wis  IJane  i)iM*sonally  yAp|)(;ared  be- 
fore us  tlu;  subscrilxM's  two  of  his 
Majesti(.'s  Justiccts  of  the  peace  in  s'' 
County  and  made  oath  to  llu;  truth 
of  this  above  writen  iCstimony  taken 
l)(;r[)etuam  Rei  :    Memoriam 

Samuel  I.ynde 

I  labijah  Savaj^c 

W.  W  New  I'Jioland,  Vol.  15.  VV.  Si,  Office  of  the 
i'ublic  Records,   London. 

IIk;  I)e|)osition  of  )ohn  Minot  late  of  Ci(;orge 
Towne  in  Arowsick  but  now  of  iioston  Merch^ 

'Idiat  he  bein^*^  the;  last  Spring  scMit  by  the  Ciov- 
ernm'  to   Narantswalk  oii  a  messa^a:  to  the    Indians 


28o 


/ 


]ppcndix\ 


there,  (lid  then  lieare  Sehastian  Rah.*  the  I'opish 
Preist  or  Jessuit  whrj  resicl(;s  with  those  Indians 
say  — 

That  the  King  of  I'Vanci-  had  tdven  the  (iovern'  (jf 
Canachi  orcicrs  to  assist  tlie  Indians  against  the 
hjitdish,  irth(.'y  proceeded  to  setth;  the;  l'",astern  [jarts 
of  the  County  of  York,  and  that  tlie  (iovern'  of 
Cana<h'i  had  promist  to  assist  lh(,'  I  nihans  against  the 
luiglish. 

And  when  the  Ivc^gc^nts  heakh  was  (jfferd  to  him 
th(*  said  Jessuit  Ik,-  refused  to  pledge;  it.  saying  the 
Regent  was  a  I'rotestani,  sp(;aking  relleckting  words 
of  him. 

Aiid  th(;  Indians  of  Narantswalk  at  the  same;  tim<; 
told  him  the  said  Minot,  that  the  said  Jessuit  was 
continually  inciting  tlu;  Indians  against  the  I'lnglish, 
and  that  it  was  their  lj(;st  way,  to  In^at  and  fight 
the  J'Lnglish  y\nd  to  disturb  them  in  their  settle- 
ments. 

And  that  the  said  Jessuit  had  wrote  to  the  I'^nglish 
G(jv(;rn'  in  their  names,  ()therway(;s  th(;n  they  in- 
tended, and  things  they  did  not   Consent  to. 

y\nd  at  other  tim(;s,  the  said  Indians  being  In- 
structed by  th(;  said  J(;ssuit  had  said  to  him  the  said 
Minot,  that  King  (ieorgc;  was  not  the  right  King 
that  he  came  in  at  the  back  door,  and  that  there  was 
Anotlu;r  who  was  the  right  heir  to  the  Crown. 

1  he  above  menticjned  or  words  to  the  sann:   pur- 
pose have  bin  spoken  in  my  hearing 

John  Minot 

Si;ii()i,K  .sw  .• — Hoston  27th  November  I/FQ. 

John  Minot  personally  /Xppeared  before  us  tlu; 
Subscribers  two  of  his  Majesties  Justices  of  the  peace 


Afypcndix. 


281 


in  s''  County  .ind  iikkIc;  o.illi  Lo  ihc  truth  of  the  ahovc 
\vrit('n  testimony 

Saniiicl  Lynd  (Justice-  \)v:av.v. 
!  lahijah  Savai^c  (Ouoram  unnus 
tak<:n  in  [jcrpctuatn 
Rci  Mcinoriam 

I'^nd:)   Massaclinsctt:;   liay 

1  )c|)f)silions  of  L(;\vis  ham;,  l'"s(['  cS:  jolin  Minot, 
M(M"cli',  taken  at  lioston,  in  Nov'  <K:  Dec'  1719,  in  re- 
lation to  a  I'rench  l"ryar,  Seljastian  Uaylei's,  stirrin|L,^ 
u[)flut  l\(Minel)(,'ck  Indians  to  revolt  from  liis  Ma- 
jesty, <S:  disturb  the  Neighbouring  I'jij^dish  Settle- 
ments. 

Rcc''  with  M'  Dunier's  Memorial 


i  1 


\  Paper  J.  I 


C.'nNi  i:ki;.\(i;  \vi  II!   riii'.    Kk.\nki;i;«k  Ixihans. 

At  a  Conference  with  the  Chiefs  and  some  others 
of  the  Kennebeck  Imlians  at  (ieori,^e  Town  Novem- 
ber the  25"',  I  720. 

1 'resent 

Shadrach    Walton     Ms(|'  1  Commissir)n- 
Sam"  Moody  I'^s(i'  |  ers    on    behalf 

Ca[)t.    Johnson     Marman     of     the     Gov- 
Cajjt.   John    Wainwri^ht  J  ernment. 
36 


li 


•82 


Appendix. 


Were  also  present  of  the  Indians 

'  Warrawenset  alias  Moi^^o- 
Wowurna  alias  Capt  Joseph 
Obomaukawk 
j  John  IIeL,'-on 
I  'rucUhibawluinjerlt 
I  ]\ett(;rrenuig^ais  alias  Moses 
Interpreters 

Lieu'  losepli  Bean  )  ,    . 

Mr  c       1  I       1  -  beinL''  SI 

'  Sam'  Jordan 


sworn 


Commiss'"' —  'WW  tlu- Sachems  and  other  Indians 
here  present  Tliat  we  four  ( jentlemen  are  Authorized 
and  Im])OW('red  by  a  Commission  from  ourClreat 
Governor,  Pursuant  to  a  Vote  of  the  (jreat  Court 
and  Assembly  that  are  now  sittini,^  at  Boston  to- 
Manage  a  Treaty  with  you  at  this  time  and  accord- 
in*^  to  appointment  here  at  Arrowsick. 

Indians —  We  are  very  well  Satisfied  that  you  are 
so  Authorized  and  Impowered. 

Co)nniiss" — We  presume;  that  you  are  also  Au- 
thorized and  sent  by  your  Tribe  and  that  you  rejjre- 
sent  them  ;  and  we  Suppose  it  to  be  the  same  thing' 
as  if  your  whole  Tribe  were  here  present  to  act. 

Indians-— \^ it  Desire  that  the  People  may  be  re- 
moved from  Merry  Meetinir. 

Gv//w/'s\"'— -That's  no  answer  to  what  we  pro- 
posed, that  matter  may  be  Discoursed  in  the  proper 
place  tSi  Season  Tell  us  whether  you  represent  your 
Tribe,  and  how  we  shall  know  that  you  are  sent  to 
act  on  their  Behalf  We  Insist  upon  your  Answer  bo 
cause  we  would  leave  no  room  for  any  of  your  People 
to  make  Objections  Against  your  proceedings  after- 
wards. 


tl 


Appendix. 


2S3 


Indians —  Mol]^l;  (holdini;' a  licit  of  \\^'llnl)UIn  over 
his  Head)  Ro|)li(:{l  W'e  arc  all  upon  a  llill  in  \'ic\v 
of  all  the  Indians,  who  sec  and  know  that  wc  arc 
here  to  act  for  them,  and  this  licit  is  a  Token  of  it. 
This  is  our  Letter  and  Comission. 

Coinniiss'' — If  that  be  your  Lett(;r  and  Comis- 
sion, and  a  Token  of  your  l)einLi^  Impowcred  we  arc 
satisfied  :  \Vc  shall  then  proceed. 

Indians- — We  desire  that  we  may  t(o  on  with  our 
talk,  first  that  the  I'eople  that  arc  upon  Our  Land  at 
^L;rry  meeting  may  be  n;moved. 

Connniss" — -We'll  not  be  Litcrruptcd,  1)Ut  will  pro- 
ceed with  what  we  are  about  to  offer,  and  you  may 
have  the  Liberty  Afterward  to  say  what  you  please 
referring  to  that  matter  You  cant  but  Remem- 
ber that  Several  Gentlemen  were  sent  down  the 
last  Winter  to  Casco  Hay  where  they  had  a 
Conference  with  several  of  the  Chiefs  of  your  Tribe 
and  at  that  time  acrpiaintcd  you  with  the  111  ('arriagc 
of  your  People  towards  the  l^nglish  Inhabiting  those 
parts  of  the  (Country  in  killing  their  Creatures, 
Threatning  and  Insulting  their  Persons  and  unjustly 
disturbing  their  Settlements  and  Demanded  Satis- 
faction for  the  wrong  done  us,  which  you  then  firmly 
Promised  to  make  in  the  Spring,  as  soon  as  you 
Could  Assemble  your  whole  Tribe  to  Consult  the 
matter  But  Instead  of  Complying  with  those  Prom- 
ises and  Engagements,  you  have  on  the  Contrary 
rc[jeatcd  your  Insults  and  Barbarous  Carriages  of 
that  kind  which  we  are  now  to  acquaint  you  that  the 
Government  will  bear  no  longer  And  we  arc  Di- 
rected by  His  Majesties  Government  to  demand  the 
reason  of  your  Non  Complyance  with  your  Promises 
so  Solemnly  mad(;  to  those  Commissioners,  and  have 
made   no   restitution    for  the  wrongs  done  us  either 


r" 


2S4 


Appc7idix. 


the  last  year  or  the  summer  past,  We  Expect  your 
Answer  to  those;  tliin<;s  fortlnvith. 

Indians  —  We  did  not  sit  in  Council  about  that 
matter  till  lately. 

Conimiss''' — Tell  us  why  you  did  not  when  you  so 
solemnly  Promised,  and  what  is  the  Result  of  your 
late  Council. 

Indians  —  The  Reason  why  we  did  not  meet  sooner 
was  because  there  were  so  many  Reports  of  Mischief 
Done  and  so  much  noise  that  we  Could  not  Assem- 
ble to  Consult. 

Coviviiss"' —  Who  did  any  mischief  but  yourselves? 
What  Occasioned  all  that  Noise  but  your  Insolent 
Carria<:^e  towards  the  English  and  your  base  Treat- 
ment of  the  Inhabitants  in  these  parts,  as  we  have 
already  hinted  to  you. 

Indians  —  We  are  sensible  that  our  Young  Men 
were  the  Occasion  of  the  Disturbance  that  has  hap- 
pened and  we  have  Striven  to  hinder  them  as  much 
as  in  us  lyes. 

Coniiniss" — Then  you  ought  to  Govern  your 
Young  Men  and  Punish  them  for  their  Insolence, 
and  if  you  Cant  restrain  them  you  should  have  in- 
formed us  of  it,  and  have  Delivered  them  to  us  in 
Order  to  their  being  brought  to  better  manners; 
And  you  have  Obliged  your  selves  by  all  former 
Treaties  not  to  Disturb  us  in  our  Settlements  And 
yet  have  suffered  your  Young  men  to  persist  in  their 
Insolent  Behaviour  towards  our  Inhabitants  to  their 
great  Discouragement  and  Damage. 

Indians  —  We  desire  to  go  on  with  our  talk;  If 
all  those  People  were  removed  from  Alerry  Meeting 
Bay,  all  other  differences  between  us  would  be  easily 
Composed. 

Comiss" — Yee  will  still  break  in  upon  us  to  Evade 


Appendix. 


'85 


that  matter  which  vvc  arc  firmly  resolved  to  Insist  on. 
'{"(til  ns  what  you  I)et(;rinined  at  your  late  Council. 

Indians — ^We  are  Come  here  to  Desire  Peace  and 
long  L.ife,  and  as  a  Tok(;n  of  our  sincerity  We  offer 
these  two  Belts  of  Wam[)um.  Three  of  our  Towns 
have  held  a  Great  Council  :  We  are  Incapacitated 
to  make  restitution  for  the  damage  done  this  fall  ;  but 
we  will  Endeavor  to  do  it  by  next  June  or  July  ;  let 
us  know  what  we  are  to  pay? 

Coniiss"  —  You  Promised  befon;  that  youl'd  pay 
this  fall,  but  have  not  Complyed.  Abomazen  wlien 
at  Piscata([ua  Desired  that  the  Indians  might  be 
allowed  till  the  time  of  their  fall  hunting  to  pay  for 
the  damage  done  us  &  now  you  would  put  it  off  till 
next  June  or  July;  but  we  shall  give  you  no  further 
time. 

Indians —  Did  Abomazen  Give  any  Letter  or  lay 
down  any  Wampum  for  the  I>inding  of  his  Promise? 

Coniniiss" — You  threw  down  Wampum  at  the  Gr(;at 
Treaty  on  Arowsick  with  His  P^xcellency  Governour 
Shute  ;  yet  that  was  far  from  being  Binding  to  you  ; 
for  you  have  since  been  Guilty  several  times  of  a 
Manifest  Breach  of  the  Articles  you  then  Signed  & 
Sealed  in  the  presence  of  Cjod  and  man)'  Witnesses. 

Indians  —  But  this  hath  been  a  stronger  Council, 
and  we  are  now  Resolved  to  be  as  good  as  our 
words. 

Comiss"'' — Was  your  late  Council  stronger  than 
what  you  formerly  met  at  His  b^xcellency  Governor 
Dudley  at  Casco,  when  all  the  Tribes  were  assembled, 
and  there  Called  the  Great  Ciod  to  Witness  of  the 
sincerity  of  your  Hearts  &  made  the  most  Solemn 
Protestations  Imaginable  in  the  Light  of  the  Sun 
(which  you  then  Declared  was  a  Witness  to  that  Days 
Transaction)  that  you  would  live  quietly  &  peaceably 


286 


Appe?idix. 


and  no  more  Moh.'st  and  Disturl)  the  Rnjdish  in  their 
S(;tth;ni(;iUs.  Was  your  Council  stronj^^cr  than  vviiat 
you  met  his  ICxccUcMicy  Our  prcsc^nt  Ciovernor  at 
this  j)Iace  ;  whicli  wc  have  already  hinted  to  you  when 
you  laid  yourselves  under  as  Strong  l^onds  as  was 
possible  by  Belt  of  Wampum  you  then  offered?  All 
which  (besides  many  other  solemn  Promises  and 
Cov("nants  lately  mach;  with  us)  you  have  Perfidiously 
broken  as  you  Cannot  but  acknowledi^rc^.  What  reason 
have  you  to  think  we  can  tj^ive  any  Credit  to  what 
you  now  Say?  what  security  will  you  (iive  us  that 
you  will  mak(;  us  satisfaction  in  the  Sprint^  for  the 
Inj Uriels  done  us,  for  we  will  take  your  words  no 
louL^'er  -  her(i  tluiy  paused  for  some  time  cv  made;  no 
answer. 

Ijidians — It's  our  young  men  that  don't  Attend 
our  Prayers  that  have  done  you  g'  damage  ;  your 
uKMi  have  also  Injured  us  but  we  arc  loth  to  Com- 
[)lain. 

Coniiss'"  —  If  you  have  any  Complaints  to  offer  we 
are  willing  to  hear  them  ;  but  you  are  Coming  off 
from  the  Ikisiness  we  are  upon  We  demand  security 
of  you  for  the  payment  of  what  is  due  for  the  dam- 
age done. 

hidians —  How  many  Skins  are  we  to  pay,  give 
us  a  Letter  or  account  of  it? 

Coniiss''  —  Ca[)t.  Giles  had  an  Acco'  this  Summer, 
which  he  was  ordered  to  Communicate  to  you. 

Indians  —  Only  one  of  us  viz. ,  John  Hegon,  heard  it. 

Coniiss''' — He  ought  to  have  told  the  rest. 

[ndians  —  It  is  Customary  when  any  one  of  us  hear 
of  such  a  thing  to  Inform  the  rest,  but  he  did  not 
do  it. 

Commiss"  —  We  have  Reason  to  think  you  have 
been  fully  Informed  of  it,  for  several  of  your  Indians 


L 


Appendix. 


2.S7 


told  our  l'('Oj)I(;  tlint  tli(!y  wen;  ijoiiit^  to  luiiit  for 
Skins  to  make  [jayni'  for  tlu;  I'^n^^lisli  were  sick  for 
want  of  their  skins,  and  they  should  he  Sick  also  if 
Uu;  l'(;ople  were  not  removed  from  M(.'rry  ^!e(;tin_L,^ 
Hut  indeed  the  half  of  what  is  our  (\\w.  was  not  in- 
s(.'rted  in  the  acco'  and  we  can  Name  the;  Men  that 
have  done  us  the  wronL(,  and  accordini^dy  sc:veral 
Persons  were  mcmtioned. 

Indians  —  These  were  our  Young  Men  that  don't 
pray. 

Co  miss"  —  It  is  not  only  your  YounL,^  Men,  for 
lien;  is  Nath'  present  who  is  oiu;  of  your  Old  men, 
and  hath  heen  Notoriously  (iuilty  of  InsultiuL;  our 
l'e(3ple,  and  you  shall  Punish  him,  or  we  will  Cause 
him  to  he  well  Scoura<j|;ed.  There  is  Captain  Jose[)h 
also  that  was  present,  when  s(Miie  of  your  l*(.'0[)le 
ki!l(;d  a  hoL^u^  b(donL;inL,^  to  one  Stockhrid^e  ;  for 
which  he  hath  received  no  Satisfaction  so  that  the 
old  men  ar(^  (juilty.  You  are  the  Heads  of  your 
Tribes,  and  must  answer  for  what  they  do.  Hut  to 
make  Short  of  the  matter  we  demand  200  Skins  of 
you,  which  is  l)ut  a  Small  matter  in  Comparison  of 
the  injuries  you  have  done  us  ;  and  tho  you  were 
ordered  at  a  Confc;rence  some  of  us  had  with  you 
the  last  month,  to  warn  j'our  Younsj;'  Men  of  their  111 
CarriaL,re,  they  have  persisted  in  it,  and  some  of  your 
People  have  within  a  few  days  past,  broken  a  Lock 
and  robbed  a  Slooj)  at  Casco  Hay,  which  is  death  by 
our  Law. 

Indians  -  We  did  faithfully  warn  our  Youul;;-  Men, 
but  they  are  a  Vai^abond  sort  of  men,  that  will  not 
take  warning. 

Coniiss'''  —\{  you  Cant  restrain  those  Insolent 
Young  Men  you  will  force  us  to  take  our  own  Satis- 
faction.    The  Government  has  always  Treated   you 


288 


^\ 


\ppcniiix. 


fairly,  and  is  very  'I\;n(l(;r  of  Shcddin;^  any  blood. 
Bui  if  you  will  not  Reform,  but  will  constrain 
tlicni  to  use  any  Viol(Mit  proceedintjs  at,^'linst  you, 
you  must  thank  your  selves  for  any  mischi(;fs  that 
may  Knsu(' ;  and  here  we  must  further  Observe  to 
you  how  wickedly  the  Jesuit  has  Im[)osed  on  you, 
more  b^specially  by  Informinij^  you  of  a  War  between 
Great  Britain  tv  I'Vance  Whereas  the  two  Nations 
are  in  a  Strict  I.(.'ac,aie  of  briendship  and  have  a 
l'rosj)ect  to  Continue  so  for  a  lonij^  time  (so  that 
u[)on  your  own  knowU-dij^tj  Ik.  Observation  (jf  these 
matters)  you  may  l)e  satisfu'd  of  his  falsness  and 
Deceit,  and  may  make  it  very  I'^vident  to  you,  that 
the  false  Insinuations  of  your  bather  Ralle  (that  in 
Case  (if  a  Breach  between  the  iin^lish  and  you  llie 
bVench  will  afford  you  their  Aid  tK:  Assistance  Can 
have  no  other  Tendency  but  your  utter  Ruin  i^  De- 
struction. 

To  which  they  made  no  Reply. 

Cowis"  We  shall  leave  th(.'se  thini^s  to  your 
Consideration  and  adjourn  till  the  afternoon. 

Afternoon  at  4  o'Clock  met  a^ain. 

Comiss"  -  I  lave  you  C(Misidered  what  we  last  [)ro- 
posed  to  you?  W(:  must  have  .Satisfaction  &  good 
Security  for  your  Behaviour. 

Indians — We  have  Considered  of  it,  and  will 
leave  one  of  our  Old  Men  lerreamuuL'-us  that  is 
here  present  as  a  pledge  for  the  Compliance  with  our 
Promises  &  Engagements. 

Comiss''' —  lie  is  an  Old  Man  &  one  that  you  have 
Rejected  &  turned  out  of  your  Council,  ik.  we  don't 
think  him  a  sufficient  security. 

Indians — -He  was  of  our  Council,  and  we  don't 
know  that  he  has  been  Excluded. 


n 


Appendix. 


289 


Corniss'^'  -\^ii  Iiave  1)C(mi  Informrcl  that  lie  was 
shut  out  l)y  your  Jesuit,  l)ut  \vh(;thcr  that  he  tru(!  or 
false,  we  do  not  see  Cause  to  acc(;pt  of  him,  tho'  we 
suppose  him  to  be  as  honest  a  man  as  any  of  you  ; 
Yet  we  neither  think  it  to  be  reasonable  or  Honour- 
able  for  us  to  Comply  with  you  in  that  Rejrarcl. 
We  must  have  better  Security. 

/)/(/iafis —  lie  is  oik*  of  our  rrinci|)al  Men,  cS:  we 
still  Insist  upon  havini^  him  as  a  pledi^^e. 

Co/niss"  —  We  will  have  three  more  of  your  Prin- 
ci[)al  Youn^  Men  and  you  shall  pay  the  Charge  of 
their  subsistence,  for  we  will  not  brini^  any  Charge 
upon  the  (iov(;rnm('nt. 

Indians  We  Desirt,-  to  withdraw  for  some  time 
to  Consult  amoujL!^  Our  selves. 

Coniiss"  —  Make  all  the  l)isi)atch  you  Can  we  will 
give  you  half  an  hour. 

They  withdrew  accordingly  c^  returned  in  half  an 
hour. 

Comi.sY'  —  We  are  now  ready  to  hear  what  you 
have  determined. 

Indians — We  will  leave  three  of  our  Chiefs.  We 
are  sending  two  to  Penobscot,  two  to  Narridgewalk, 
&  two  to  Pi^wackit,  ^  we  have  no  more  here  that 
we  Can  spare 

Coiniss"  We  must  take  a  little  time  to  ConsidtM" 
this  matter  and  will  give  you  our  final  Determination 
to-morrow  morning.  We  shall  Order  you  a  little 
Provision  6(:  something  to  Drink  this  Evening  ;  and 
we  .Strictly  Charge  you  that  you  don't  abuser  your 
S(dves  by  drinking  too  much.  .Some  of  your  i'eople 
were  Drunk  last  night,  and  one  of  tlu^m  drew  a  knife 
upon  one  of  our  Inhabitants,  which  was  an  InsuffcTable 
Abuse.  You  may  Assure  yourselves  that  we  are  in 
Earnest  with  you  and  we  are  Resolved  not  to  take 

37 


290 


Appendix. 


'. 

! 

1 

\ 

such  base 'rr(.:;)tiii(.'nt  at  your  Hands;  therefore  we 
advise  you  to  be  v(!ry  Cautit)us, 

Indians — We  desire  one  word  mort; ;  we  bkt; 
what  you  have  offered.  Only  you  are  pleased  to  tell 
us  that  you  Cant  assure  us  of  the  Governments 
bearinjjf  the  Char^^e  of  Our  Mens  subsistence. 

Comiss'''  —  You  shall  bear  die  Charj^e  that  mry  arise 
for  the  subsistence  of  your  ilostat^es,  unless  the  Gov- 
ernment sliould  see  Cause  to  favour  you  in  that  matter. 

Saturday  November  the  28'^  met  about  9  o'clock 
in  y'  Morning 

Comiss"'  —  We  have  well  Considered  of  what  you 
proposed  yesterday  of  leavinsj^  only  three  of  your 
Chiefs  with  us,  and  can  by  no  means  Consent  to  it. 
You  shall  be  obliged  to  bring  the  200  skins  within 
25  Days,  &  at  the  same  time  shall  deliver  Four  of 
your  Chiefs  into  our  hands  there  to  remain  during 
the  pleasure  of  tiie  Governm'  &  any  greater  number 
that  the  Governm'  shall  Demand  as  security  (not 
only  for  payment  of  those  Skins  in  Case  you  fail  of 
performing  your  obligation)  but  for  your  good  Be- 
haviour towards  the  English  for  the  future. 

Indians —  We  approve  of  what  you  say,  &  we  hope 
within  six  days  to  Inform  our  whole  Tribe  of  what  we 
have  done. 

Comiss"  —  Do  you  really  Consent  to  what  we 
propose  ? 

Indians  —  We  do  Consent  to  it,  and  will  Comply 
with  your  demand. 

Comiss'''  —  Tell  us  what  you  will  leave  for  we  will 
not  be  Imposed  upon,  or  accept  of  any  but  your  prin- 
cipal Men  ;  and  we  Doubt  not  but  the  Government 
will  Allow  of  Your  Exchanging  them,  for  the  like 
number  of  as  good  Men  in  Convenient  time, 

Indians  —  VVe  have  Determined  to  Deliver  into 
your  hands  Jn"  Hegon,  Terremuggus,  Obomohauk, 


.Appendix 


291 


('urrehoosct.  &  in  Case  of  his  failin-^^  liukl(;ba\vluin- 
scwit  liis  Brother  shall  siipj)!)'  his  place.  These  are 
the  four. 

Comiss*^' — It  is  well  we  have  drawn  up  somethinj^ 
for  you  to  sign  as  an  O'li^ation  for  the  true  per- 
formance of  what  you  now  l^'oniise  &  F.ngagc  ; 
And  aft(;r  you  have  signed  this  Instrument  you  shall 
have  y*^  Liberty  to  ^o  on  with  what  you  were  about 
to  propose  to  us  Concernincr  your  Land,  &  the  Inha- 
bitants of  Merry  meetinsj^  I^ay,  or  any  other  matter, 
which  you  have  to  offer. 

The  Oblitration  is  as  follows  viz  — 

The  Obi  illation  — 

At  a  Conference  held  at  Georj:fe  Town  with  the 
Commissioners  Authorized  and  Impowered  by  the 
Governor  &  Great  Council  of  Boston  to  treat  with 
the  Indians  of  Kenebeck  River  November  1720. 

\\>i  the  Subscribers  I!)elegates  of  the  Tribe  of 
Norridgewack  in  Kenebeck,  being  Convicted  and 
made  deeply  sensible  of  the  repeated  Wrongs  &  In- 
juries done  by  our  Tribe  to  the  English  residing  in 
these  parts  for  several  years  past,  in  killing  their 
Creatures  and  Disturbing  their  Settlements  Contrary 
to  former  Treaty's  Covenants  and  Promises  Do  by 
these  presents  for  our  selves  &  in  behalf  of  the  Tribes 
whom  we  represent  firmly  promise  and  Engage  to 
Pay  to  the  said  Comissioners  viz  Col  Shadrach 
Walton  Esq'  Capt  Samuel  Moodey  Plsq"^  Capt  John- 
son Harmon  Capt  John  Wainwright  or  their  order  at 
the  Town  of  Falmouth  In  Casco  Bay,  Two  hundred 
good  large  Beaver  skins  or  other  Furs  or  ffeathers 
Equivalent  to  said  Skins  within  twenty  five  days 
after  the  date  of  these  presents;  And  at  the  day  pre- 
fixt  to  deliver  up  four  of  our  Chiefs  viz  Lackwadaw- 
meek  Alias  John  Hegon,  Obomawhawk  Kettera- 
muggus  Curreboosett  as  Hostages  not  only  for  the 


292 


Appenuix. 


security  of  said  Payment  of  200skiiis  (in  Case  of  our 
Default)  hut  said  1  IostaiL,a,'s  still  to  Remain  in  tli(i 
Hands  of  the  (iovernment,  to  h(*  subsisted  and 
Maintainctd  at  our  Cost  and  Charirti  And  we  do  fur- 
ther Covenant  and  Promise  that  the  aboves''  I  [est- 
ates or  any  greater  number  tliat  the  (if)V(Tnment 
shall  d(Mnand  after  S''  l'aym<,MU  is  well  and  truly 
made  shall  then  b(.'  Delivered  into  the  Mantis  of  tin; 
I'^nj^lish  to  remain  and  Abide  as  Ph-dt^es  and  Se- 
curity for  our  oootl  jiehaviour  for  the'  time  to  come. 
In  witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  set  Our 
hands  ik  Seals  the  tvventy  sixth  day  of  November 
In  the  Seventh  year  <jf  His  Majesties  Reign  Anno(jue 
I  )f)mini  1  720. 
Signed  Sealed  and  Delivered.      iMark  of 


in  presence  of 
Isaac  Taylor 
Rob'  Temple 
Joseph  liean 
Sam"  Jordan 
Alex'  P'orsyth 
John  Parker 
Thos.  Newman 
l':i)en'  Allen 


Mogg 


Mark  of 


Wowurnapa      y^ 


Mark  of 
Tuddeljaw  'f/  hunsewit 

Mark  of 
Kettera     \j      Mupirus 

a 

Mark  of 

T 

John        /     X. 
Marke     ^|\ 
Obomaw 


(Seal) 


(Seal) 


(Seal) 


(Seal) 


11  eg  on   (Seal) 

of 
hawk     (Seal) 


1 


Appendix. 


!93 


TIk;  af()r(^sai(l  Instriiiiu.'nl  was  sev(;ral  tiiiu.'s  I)is- 
tinclly  and  I''ailhfiilly  Intcrpuilcd  to  ihein,  whicli 
they  Declared  that  tlicy  rij^htly  Understood,  aiid 
accordin^dy  sit^ned  sealed  and  Delivered  the  same  in 
the  [)resence  of  tlu*  afors''  Witnesses, 

CoDiiss"  —  1  lavt:  you  now  any  tiling  to  offer  us. 

liidiiDis     -  We  hav(;  no  more;  to  say  at  present. 

CofH/ss" — ^You  olfercul  sonn.'thin^  yesterday  about 
your  I^ands  and  reniovin^^  the  Inhabitants  from 
Merry  meeting. 

Indians — We  have  said  all  that  we  were  ordered 
to  say. 

Coniis"  —  You  declared  that  )'ou  did  not  A])- 
j)rove  of  our  People  s(;ttlin^•  there,  aiul  you  have 
now  th(;  Liberty  to  |)roceed  lint  Inasmuch  as  you 
Decline  it,  we  have  somethin^^  to  olfer  to  you  upon 
that  I  lead.  We  are  directed  by  the  Governm'  to  tell 
you  that  the  lui^lish  hav(^  no  D(^si^n  to  take  your 
Country  or  any  of  your  Lands  from  you,  or  to  de- 
prive you  of  any  of  your  Just  rij^hts  or  i^riviled^^es. 
The  Claims  of  the  luij^lish  to  those  Lands  in  Kene- 
beck  River  have  been  Examined  and  we  are  fully 
Satisfied  that  the  Iinglish  hav(i  a  ^ood  Title  there- 
unto as  appears  by  their  Deeds  and  Conveyances 
from  Indians  above  70  y(;ars  since.  And  the  (Govern- 
ment is  Resolved  to  Defend  the  Proprietors  in  those 
their  just  rights.  It's  therefore  in  Vain  for  you  to 
Expect  that  even  those  Inhabitants  will  be  removed. 
The  Government  is  very  loth  to  draw  the  sword, 
which  you  have  Given  them  just  Provocation  to 
do,  But  you  may  depend  upon  it  that  the  Forces  which 
have  been  raised  at  a  vast  l!lx[jence  for  the  Curbing 
of  your  Insolencies  will  not  be  Disbanded  till  you 
have  Complied  with  the  Obligation  you  have  now 
laid  your  selves  under  ;  And  if  you  will  Constrain  us 


J 


I 


294  Appendix. 

hy  your  repeated  Insults  to  any  violent  proceedings, 
we  have  force  enough,  and  will  pursue  you  to  your 
Head  Quarters  (wdiich  we  are  well  acquainted  with, 
and  can  easily  take  possession  of)  and  will  not  leave 
you  till  we  have  Cut  you  off  Root  and  Branch  from 
the  P^ace  of  the  Earth.  It  will  be  your  Interest  to 
Consider  these  things,  and  you  may  Believe  that  we 
are  in  Earnest,  and  this  is  the  last  warning  we  shall 
give  you.  And  if  you  Imagine  you  can  make  your 
terms  more  easy  with  the  Government  you  may  have 
Liberty  to  go  to  Boston,  as  soon  as  you  please. 

hidians  —  We  are  well  satisfied,  and  will  Comply 
with  all  that  you  have  Offered. 

Thus  Ended  the  Conference  which  we  hope  will 
be  Acceptable  to  Your  Excellency  and  the  Govern- 
ment as  attested  by  us. 


Copy     Examined 

^  J.  Willard,  Secry. 


Sha''.  Walton. 
Sam".  Moodey. 


Paper  No.  4,  entitled  "  Letters  from  several  Tribes 
OK  Indians  to  the  Goviirnor  of  N:  England  in 
1 72 1,"  maybe  found  at  page  iii. 

{^Paper  5.] 

Contemporary   Translation. 

MoNs"  Begon  to  Father  Ralli^;. 

I  have  received  my  Reverend  Father  the  Letter 
that  you  did  me  the  Honour  to  write  me  the  18"' 
last  month   Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  being  at   Montreal 


Appendix. 


295 


at  the  arrival  of  the  Indians  you  sent  here.  I  en- 
gaged four  of  them  to  go  to  him  &  Carry  the  Letter 
you  wrote  him,  which  was  Accompanied  with  one  I 
wrote  to  him  to  Comunicate  to  him  the  Sentiments 
of  Father  de  la  Chase  cS:  my  own  upon  what  we 
think  Convenient  to  be  done  till  the  Counsel  of  Navy 
h^xplain  themselves,  if  it  be  the  Kings  Intention, 
that  the  French  joyns  the  Indians  to  support  them 
openly  against  the  English;  or  if  we  shall  content 
ourselves  to  furnish  them  with  Amunition  of  War 
as  the  Counsel  has  advised  Monsr  De  Vaudreuil 
might  do  in  case  the  English  makes  any  I^nterprize 
against  them  ;  I  send  you  the  Copy  of  my  Letter  to 
the  end  you  may  furnish  me  with  your  thoughts 
which  appears  to  you  to  be  best, 

Monsr  De  Vaudreuil  is  Come  down  here  with  the 
Indians  &  pass'd  St.  1* rancois  &  Pjesancour  to  Invite 
the  Indians  to  those  Missions  to  send  Deputies  from 
their  \'illages  to  advise  whats  to  lie  done. 

He  had  a  Design  to  Write  to  the  English  Gov"" 
but  since  his  return  has  Changed  his  Sentiment  & 
Contents  himself  to  follow  the  principal  Articles  of 
the  Memorial  you  sent  him,  which  are  to  keep  them- 
selves on  their  Lands,  &  in  the  Religion  they  have 
embraced  &  to  have  no  longer  different  sentiments 
amongst  them,  But  to  unite  to  speak  to  the  English 
with  Resolution.  He  thought  it  likewise  more  Con- 
venient that  the  Rev''  Father  de  )a  Chase  should  ac- 
company the  Indians  of  St.  Franc^ois  &  De  Besan- 
cour  than  Monsr  de  Croisil  Lieu'  whom  he  brought 
with  him  with  a  design  to  send  him  with  those  In- 
dians, because  that  the  journey  of  the  R.  F.  De  la 
Chase  is  of  no  Consequence  in  respect  of  the  Eng- 
lish, seeing  the  Treaty  of  Peace  does  not  forbid  one 
Missionary  to  Visit  another  in  His  Mission;  whereas 


J96 


Appendix. 


if  a  I''r(;ii(h  officer  were  sent,  they  ini^lil  (  (>in|)Iain 
w<r  send  Ifreiich  Men  into  a  C'ouiilrey  they  prttlend 
to  hehjii}^  to  th(Mn  to  I'^xcite  th(;  Imhans  to  make 
War  on  tlieni,  on  which  we  are  of  ()[jinion  it's  Con- 
venient to  await  tlu;  orders  of  th(;  Court  for  th(;m,  to 
tlie  «;nd  not  to  l^xceed  S(M;in^  you  C!arit  ai)an(h)n 
Your  Mission  to  come  Your  self  to  Comunicate 
your  tluMii^hts  on  this  sul)j<'(;t  and  tliat  it's  Diflicidt 
to  I""..\|)hiin  th(;m  amj)ly  enouL,di  hy  a  Letter  c\:  Conse- 
(liicntly  Instruct  us  in  what  you  may  know  of  the 
Kuies  we  must  Limit  our  selves  by,  VVe  thou^dit  th*; 
journey  of  the  k(;v'^  I'ath(;r  1 )(;  La  Chase  very  Con- 
venient at  this  prest.'nt  Conjuncture  that  he  may 
thor<jwIy  Ac(|uaint  you  with  Methods  that  we  think 
W(*  are  ()l;li^ed  to  use  towards  the  Lns^lish  that  we 
miij^ht  Kxceed  and  that  he  may  Comunicate  to  us 
at  his  return  all  the  reflection  you  make  on  th(*  dis- 
l>osition  of  your  hidians,  ik.  those  of  your  two  other 
M  issions. 

Monsr  1 )(;  VaudriMiil  has  read  to  your  Indians  i\. 
to  iIkmu  that  Accompanied  \\\vaw  th(!  Mcnnorial  h<; 
sends  you  Containin^^  his  speech,  that  tluty  may  no 
lon^rer  say  that  it  is  that  of  th(;ir  Missionary:  we  be- 
lieve you'l  find  it  in  the  sense  you  [)ropos(;d   it. 

I  Caus<;d  t(j  be  ^iven  n  Hlankctt,  a  shirt,  a  [>air 
Mittons,  r(jl)acco,  ])owd(M",  and  shot  to  Lach  of  tlu; 
(iv(;  Indians  you  sent  and  I  believe  they  return  Con- 
t(;nted  cv  with  ^ood  Intentions;  as  you  are  always  loo 
reserved  in  what  regards  Yourself  I  have  d(;sired  the 
Rev''  I'ather  de  la  Chase  to  know  of  you  in  Amity 
what  I  can  send  you,  that  will  be  most  A^re(!abl(;.  I 
pray  y«)ud  make  use  of  it  without  ComplinK-nt;  nothinj^ 
is  better  aj^proved  of,  than  what  you  said  to  the 
Indians  upon  the  news  of  the  lui^lish  (Governor  your 
great  luiemy  being  turned  out;   I  wish   that   he  that 


Appctidix. 


297 


(ills  ii[)  Iiis  place  provcts  mon;  Reasonable,  ik  ihat  he 
lelts  yon  Mi  your  Indians  liv<'  In  (piiet :  I'his  is  to 
he  wished  for  till  we  are  well  Instructed.  If  it  he 
tlu;  Kinj^s  Int(Miti()n  that  o])enly  we  joyn  with  tlie 
Indians  a^^ainst  iIkmu,  if  they  attack  them  wron;.^fnlly. 
I)(,'caus(!  in  the  Interim  \\v.  Cant  assist  hut  hy  ainu- 
nition  which  w(i  shall  jdve  them  ik  they  may  (hqnMid 
that  W(!  wont  let  them  want. 

In  respect  to  Taxus,  I  find  you  had  jn-cat  Reason 
to  use  him  as  you  did,  ik  you  Cr)tdd  not  he  Ic'ss  Steady 
than  you  were,  it  hein^  necttssary  to  have  no  R<!^^ird 
for  thosf;  that  apj)ear  more  attached  to  the  English 
than  to  us. 

I  am  with  all  my  I  leart  *Sc  with  all  pcjssihle  attchm' 
My  Rev''  rather 

Your  humhle  ^  ()l)(!dient  S(irvant 

SijrruMl  He^on. 

Quebec  the  14"'  June  1721. 

Siiu:(Mny  Letters  hein;.;vvrote  the  Indians  of  St. 
hrancois  ik  of  Hesancour  havitij.i;' desired  of  M'  I  )<; 
Vaudnniil  that  Monsr  I)e(!roisil  ^o  with  th(;m  to  he 
Witness  of  their  t^ood  dispositions,  he  (_!onsenti:d,  ik 
is  Joyned  with  the:  Rev''  hather  de  la  (^hase 

Copy  I'^xamined 

't>-  J.  Willard  Secry. 

Rec''  w"'  Col"  Shutes  Ln;  of  1  V''  March.  \']2\. 
Rec"    )  May  15'"]   ,  .,  ,  ' 

Read  f   Do  25"'    I     ''- 

38 


>98 


Sir 


Appendix. 

1  Am.  &  W.  I..  Vol.  5. 1 
(Copy.) 

( jov''  Sluitc  to  the  Canadian  Governor. 

Letter    to    the    (iovernour    of    Canada 
from  I  lis  I'^xcellency  Gouvernour  Shute. 


lieinij;'  Informed  That  Yonr  I'Lxcellency  has 
Orders  sent  you  Immediately  to  release  the  En;^lish 
Captives  that  are  in  your  hands,  I  do  my  Self  the 
Honour  to  write  to  you  on  this  Affair;  1  need  not 
Observe  to  you,  how  Agreeable  it  is  to  the  Law  of 
Nations  and  the  vStrict  Allyance  between  the  two 
Crowns  (which  God  \o\^'g  Continue)  That  the 
Remnant  of  the  Captivity  of  this  Governm'  should 
at  length  be  returned  ;  and  1  perswade  myself  you 
will  be  glad  of  this  Occasion  of  shewing  Your  jus- 
tice and  Humanity  in  this  matter;  I  would  acquaint 
you  That  this  Government  has  lately  been  Insulted 
by  our  Eastern  Indians  without  any  Provocation  and 
Contrary  to  their  own  repeated  and  Solemn  stipula- 
tions &  Treaties,  a  number  of  two  hundred  of 
them  Entrino  in  a  IListile  manner  into  an  English 
Town  under  bTench  Colours,  &  Treating  the  English 
Inhabitants  after  a  very  Insolent  manner.  This  is 
such  a  Breach  upon  His  Majesties  Government  to 
which  these  Indians  have  subjected  themselves,  as 
w^c  shall  by  no  means  Endure,  cv  are  Determined  to 
have  satisfaction  for.  I  the  rather  Acquaint  Your 
.Excellency  with  this  Affair  because  the  Indians  were 
Headed  by  two  Erench  officers,  one  of  them  said  to 
be  from  Canada  (his  name  I  have  lost)  and  two 
Jesuits.  This  last  Circumstance,  I  look  upon  as  an 
Infraction  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  and  i'"riendshi[) 
between  the  two  Crowns  Concluded  at  Utrecht,  unto 


Ippcndi.w 


-99 


which  I  assure  my  self,  you  will  most  Strictly  Con- 
form ;  And  therefore  I  doe  very  I'larnestly  Desire 
you  would  iMKjuire  after  this  Officer  a  ul  proceed 
with  him  according  to  his  Deserts  ;  And  also  that 
you  will  do  your  part  to  recall  Mons""  Ralle  &  the 
other  Jesuit  from  residing-  in  any  part  of  the  Terri- 
tory belonofiuLT  to  the  Crown  of  Cireat  Britain  so 
Contrary  to  the  Treaty  aforesaid,  His  Majesties 
Laws  at  Home,  and  the  Laws  of  this  Province. 

And  in  Case  any  of  our  Eastern  hidians  should 
make  their  Application  to  Your  Kxcellency  you  will 
use  your  Lifluence  and  Advise  them  to  behave  Loy- 
ally and  peaceably  toward  His  Majesties  Govern- 
ment wherein  they  be.  That  so  the  En^^lish  People 
on  the  PVontiers  may  live  in  Peace  and  not  be 
troubled  and  abused  by  the  Savaj^es ;  Anil  in  Case 
the  present  rupture  with  the  Eastern  Indians  should 
Come  to  a  \Varr,  I  shall  then  Notify  Your  Excel- 
lency of  it,  &  Expect  Your  Friendship  and  Assist- 
ance therein.  x 

1  am 

„     ^       T   1  Your  Excellencies 

Lioston     uly  21  1 1       i  1 

•'     ^  Humble  servant 


I72I 


Sam"  Shute. 


Examined  '^  J.  Willard  Secry. 

Paper  No.  6  is  the  orin^inal  French  of  the  forei^o- 


mof. 


[^Papcr  7.] 

CoNTEMrORARV    TRANSLATION.* 
GOVERNOUR    VaUDREUII.     TO    F^VIFIKK    RaI.I.K. 

Quebec  Le  25'^  September  1721. 
I  received  my  Reverend  Father  your  Letters  of  the 
4^''  August  10"'  and   14"*  this  month,  1    have  a  great 

*For  the  Froncli  of  this  papor,  see  New  England  B.  T.  Tkuidle  X,  vol. 
if),  ollicu  of  tiio  Public  Recoriis,  London.  A  verbatim  copy  is  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  author. 


!1^ 


;oo 


Appendix. 


I  : 


deal  of  Satisfaction  in  your  having-  found  means  in 
Concert  with  tlie  Rev.  Father  Superior  to  reunite  all 
tlu!  Indians  in  the  same  Sentiments,  &  to  Inspire 
them  with  that  Resolution,  with  which  they  Treated 
the  Kui^lish  in  their  Interview  with  them  ;  I'm  also 
very  well  Satisfied  with  the  Message  they  sent  the 
(lovernour  of  Boston  I'm  perswaded  it  will  Embar- 
rass him,  and  that  he  will  Elude  as  much  as  he  can 
an  Answer;  Hut  it's  for  your  Indians  to  see  what 
they  have  to  do,  if  after  the  Remonstrance  they 
Gave  him  he  do  not  Satisfy  their  Demands. 

I'm  of  the" sentiment,  if  they  have  taken  for  me,  a 
sincere  Resolution  not  to  suffer  the  I^nglish  on  their 
Land,  that  they  ought  not  to  suspend  Chasing  them 
out,  as  soon  as  possible,  and  by  all  sorts  of  means, 
seeing  they  dont  prepare  to  retire  on  their  own 
accord.  Your  people  ought  not  to  fear  the  want  of 
Ammunition,  since  I  send  them  a  sufificiency,  as  you 
may  see  in  the  Memorandum  Inclosed,  And  that  I'll 
continue  with  other  succours  they  jhall  want,  having 
Orders  not  to  lett  them  want,  and  even  to  sustain 
them  if  the  English  attack  them  wrongfully.  I  am 
charmed  that  Owrene  has  thus  distinguished  himself 
in  this  Treaty,  and  that  he  has  laboured  as  he  has 
done,  that  the  speech  of  the  Nation  was  such  to  the 
English,  he'll  receive  for  his  son  Marks  of  the  Satis- 
facon  I  have  for  him,  or  his  services,  for  I  have  sent 
all  you  Desired  for  Him. 

It  is  not  the  Malaowins  that  are  a  setling  the  Isle 
of  St.  Johns,  that  Island,  and  that  of  Magerlaineand 
others  that  are  in  the  Gulph  St.  Lawrence  having 
been  given  by  the  King  to  M^  Le  Compte  de  St. 
Pierre  who  causes  it  to  be  Inhabited  for  the  Cod 
fishery,  Seales  &  Sea  Cows  so  that  your  Abenakis 
cant  Expect  any  thing  from  that  place. 


Appendix.  30 1 

I  will  consult  with  the  Reverend   I'.'ither  SujxM'ior 

after  what  mann(M'  I  shall  receive  those  of  your  Village 

that  were  attached  to  the   I*Lii<;lish,  They  are  on  the 

way,  and   may  be  here  about    All  Saints  ;   But  you 

may  depend  1  will  make  the  I)(;graded  sensible  how 

much    I    am    Discontent  with  their  Conduct.      I  am 

perfectly  my   Reverend    I'ather  your  Most  Humble 

and  Obedient  servant        e-         1 

Sii^ned  ^r      ,       ., 

•^  Vaudreuil 

You  may  promise  a  i^reat  Medal  of  the  Kin^;  reii^n- 

in<^  to  him  that  shall  bechos(Mi  for  Chief  in  the  place 

of  him  Degraded  rj^  ,    wr-u      1  ^ 

It*^  J.  VV  illard  Secry. 


't. 


C(MX)NEL    SlIUTK    TO     rilE  LoRDS    COMMISSIONERS   FOR 

Trade  and  Plantations. 

[The  notes  in  the  margin  arc  the  remarks  of  the  Lords  Commissioners.] 

My  Lords 

The  last  Letter  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  from 
Your  Lordships  bears  date  the  23''  of  Auj^ust  last ; 
And  I  could  not  Slip   the  first  (^i)por-     iic  us  leceivca  tuo 

ii^tii  M      il  1     Hoards     Letter    of    ajd 

tunity  to  return   the  R    llon'"^  Hoard  AuKust,  .72.. 
my  gratefull  Acknowledgements  for  the  kind  Repre- 
sentation   your    Lords''''    promise    to    make    to    His 
Majesty  in  relation  to  my  Adndnistration. 

I  hope  my  last  Letter  to  Your  Lords'"*  which  bore 
date  Septemb'  8th  last  is  arrived. 

The  affairs  of  this  Province  remain  in  the  same 
[)osture  as  when  I  last  wrote  to  your  Lords^%  for 
which  Letter  I  acquainted  You  of  the  A^^irs  of  the  prov. 
Rebellious  behaviour  of  the  Indians:  ivnVTst."' Rebellion 
and  find   it  was  chiefly  occasioned  by  "iUa%.y'u.l%r"on^^^ 

Mons'     Vaudreuil,      who      is     the      Gov-    R^vemor  ami  Jesuits. 

ernour  of  Canada,  Permitting   (or   I   rather  fear  en- 
couraging) Father  Le  Chasse  who  is  a  Jesuit  resid- 


102 


Appcyidix. 


\x\<y  with  him,  and  also  Mons'  Croizeen  a  ffrench 
Officer,  to  come  down  into  Mis  Majestys  Govern- 
ment, and  there  joyn  with  another  l*>ench  Jesuit, 
whose  name  is  Raillee,  who  constantly  resides  amono; 
the  Indians,  that  are  in  His  Majestys  Territories,  who 
all  combined  toij^ether  as  Incendiarys  to  pc^rswade 
the  Indians  to  Commit  this  Insult.  These  Proceed- 
inijs  keep  our  Eastern  Settlements  constantly 
Alarmed  and  obliges  me  to  keep  Troops  upon  the 
ffronti(;rs  to  the  great  Expence  of  this  Province 
which  puts  them  under  many  Difficulties.  I  earn- 
He  desiu-s  the  same  f'stly  be'g  of  your  Lords'^'  to  take  this 
sXatkm Smg  con-  Matter  iuto  Yourwise  Consideration 
trnry  to Trcnties.  ^^^^  niorc  Especially  since  these  Pro- 

ceedings of  the  I'rench  are  directly  Contrary  to  the 
Treaties  that  have  been  made  between  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  &  France. 

I  am  with  great  regard 
My  Lords 

Your  Lordships 
most  humble  Servant 

Samuel  Shute. 

Boston  December  13th  1721 

To  the  R'  Hon^"^  the  Lords  of  Trade '&c. 

Reed.  Janry  31st  /         . 

Read  6th  Eeb^^     f  '^-'^ 
X.  43.     B.  T.  New  England,  Vol.  16. 


Col"    Shute    to    the  Lords    Commissioners     for 
Trade  and  Plantations. 

Boston  New  England  March  13th  1721. 
My  Lords 

In  my  Letter  of  the  13^''  of  December  last  to  the 
R'  Hon'"'''  Board  I  took  the  liberty  to   hint  to  your 


Appoidix. 


303 


Lordships  tluit  I  had  i^ood  reason    to     ncsuspctsMr  vnu- 
suspect    that     Mons^  '\;audrcuil     the  Sl;n,'LM^ilvs 
Govcrnoiir  of  Canada  diil  UndcrlKind  '*"''!'=' ^^ 
stir  up  my   Nei^^hbourin^j^  Indians  to   Malctreat   His 
Majestys  lie^^c  Subjects. 

The  Inclosed  Letters  will  ,ijive  plain  Demonstration 
that  my  Suspicions  were  well  Grounded.  I  have 
only  sent  your  Lordships  well  attested  n.s  suspicions  wcii 
Copys,  not  daring-  to  send  the  Oritj;;i-  «'"""'•'-■''• 
nals  and  run  the  ris([ue  of  the  Sea  sciuis  copies  of  Letters, 
without  direct  ()rders  from  home  so  to  do. 

I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  remarke  to  Your  Lord- 
ships, that  these  Letters  were  found  in  Mons"^  Rales 
House  a  ffrench  Jesuite  who  con-  xhcsc  Letters  fou.ui 
stantly  resides  amonj^r  niy  Neighbour-  i]{i,^s'\i,em'up  L'^alnst 
ing  Indians  ^S:  is  Useino-  his  I'tmost  "'>-• '"'"«i'-'' 
Indeavours  to  Engage  them  in  a  War  against  the 
English. 

Your  Lordsp^  will  observe  that  the  ffrench  Govern- 
ment (in  the  Inclosed  Letters)  Advise  the  Indians 
to  drive   the    luiglish  off   from   their 

1  ■,  e  I'll  1  l''rciuli  advise  Indiuiis 

Lands ;  from  wliich   1    must   remarke  to  ,irive  Knsiisii  on 

,  ;■  ,  1    1    •  1  1  I  1        ''"-'if  Lands. 

to  \  our  Lordships  that  tlujse  Lands 
which  the  ffrench  Government  call  the  Indians  Land, 
are  Lands  which  the  English  have  long  Since  pur- 
chased of  the  Indians,  and  have  good  Deeds  to  pro- 
duce for  the  Same,  &  have  also  Erected  some  fforts 
thereupon  ;  and  that  the  said  Lands  have  been  at 
Several  Gen"  Meetings  of  the  Indians  and  English 
Confirmed  to  them,  and  once  Since  my  being  Govern- 
our  of  these  Provinces,  as  will  Appear  by  the  In- 
closed Treat)  of  the  19"'  August  171  7. 

I  also  take  the  Liberty  to  Acquaint  Your  Lordshp'' 
that  full  Credence  ought  to  be  uiven  to  Mons'  Vau- 


rii 


dreuils     Letters,     1     being   well     Ac- 
quainted with    his    hand,    having   re- 


Mr.  Vaudreuil's  Lres 
Authentick. 


304 


Appendix. 


ceivcd  Several  letters  from  him  since  my  reslclln^^  in 
these  i'arts,  and  have  compared  the  Originals  I  have 
by  me,  with  those,  I  had  formerly  received  from  him; 
and  find  them  to  i\^xvx\  i'^xactiy. 

As  for  Mons'  Htii^^on  tiie  Intentlants  Letter  1  can- 
not S[>eak  so  j>lumi>ly  to  it  because;  I  n(!V(;r  had  any 
Htiives  Mr.  McRons  Corres|)ond(;nce  wlth  him,  biit  am  wcl  1 
""■■'"'""•  Informed   the  Orit,nnal    Is  of  his  writ- 

ing. 

I    fiirth(,'r  JikIl^c    it    necessary   to    Acfjuaint  your 

Lordshi[)s  tliat  in  a  piece;  of  a  letter  where  the  name 

and    date    were;    cutt    out    there    is 

Chiirlfvoix  made   In-     »  *  •  i  r  r-i  i  •  i 

spedor  of  Acca.iv  &  Mention  made  or  one  Lnarievoix  who 

Missis  jpi.  -  1  /■->  r      ct 

comes  trom  tlie  Court  ot  llrance  ni 
the  quality  of  an  Insj)ector  to  make  Memoirs  on 
Acady  c^  Missisipi  t\:  the  other  Countrys  ther(;abouts. 
The  Indians  have  lately  killed  some  of  our  Cattle 
&  threaten  our  b2asti;rn  Settlements,  So  that  I  am 
Under  some  Apprehension  that  a  War 
will  break  out  this  Summer  (which  I 
will  Indeavour  if  i)Ossible  to  prevent)  Mxcept  Some 
Measures  be  taken  to  Oblis^^e  the  ffrench  Govern- 
ment at  Canada  to  Act  Strictly  up  to  the  Sti[)ula- 
tions  Ai^reed  to,  betwixt  the  Crowns  of  Great  Dril- 
tain  &  I'Vance. 

I  am 
My  Lords 

Your  Lordships 

most  hum'''*'  Servant 
Samll  Shute. 

To  the  \<}  Hon'"'--  the  Lords  of  Trade  &c. 
B.  T.  New  England  vol.  i6  Bundle  6. 


iKcars  an 
Iniliiin  War. 


Af^pcndix. 


.•305 


A    Ij;iii.u   ii<(im    His   I^.\<i;i.i.i:n(  \    1 111;  (  ".on  i.knhm:!; 

TO     1  IIK     MaKmUKSS     I)K    VaUDRKUIL  G>)VKUN()UU  «)!•• 

Canada. 

(Copy) 

Sir 

Since  the  riiiishinLj  of  my  L<!tt«.'r  of  the  14"'  of 
March  last  past  1  hav»;  th(;  lionour  to  receive  one  of 
yours  dated  at  Oiieb'*c  the  22'  day  of  Deceml^er  last, 
Consisting  of  several  Articles  to  which  I  shall  Va\- 
ileavoiir  to  give  a  particular  answer  And  first,  As 
to  tlu.'  Order  of  th<,'  Rej^ent  of  I'Vance  for  the  Re- 
turn (jf  the  l'l!i;_,dish  Caj)tives  I  have  Inclosed  j'ou 
a  l''aithful  Translation  of  the  Original,  by  which  you 
will  Juilge  whether  I  have  been  under  any  Mistake 
in  that  matter,  and  notwithstanding  what  you  are 
pleased  to  say  of  th(i  Liberty  that  was  given  to  the 
Prisoners  to  return,  yet  I  am  well  Infornvd  there 
was  such  pains  tak(Mi  <.\:  Arts  used  to  dissuade  them 
that  they  could  not  be  said  to  act  at  full  lib(;rty. 

In  my  other  Letter,  I  have  given  you  a  large  Ac- 
count of  the  Insult  of  the  Indians  at  Arowsick  and, 
yet  from  some  passages  in  your  Letter  I  am  Obliged 
to  act  something  further  in  this;  You  are  pleased  to 
call  Arowsick  (where  the  Indians  made  their  Hostile 
appearance)  a  place  of  the  Indians  own  Land;  I 
persuade  myself,  if  you  knew  the  Circumstances  of 
that  part  of  this  Province,  you  would  not  be  of  that 
opinion:  Arowsick  is  a  small  Island  at  the  Mouth  of 
one  of  our  Chief  Rivers,  purchased  by  good  Deeds 
from  the  Natives  near  Seventy  years  agone,  and  set- 
tled with  a  good  English  Village  above  fifty  years 
since  ;  Besides  a  Patent  of  Confirmation  from  the 
Crown  of  Great  Britain  to  the  Purchasers  ;  since  my 
arrival  in  this  Government  the  Inhabitants  of  that 
place  have  sent  a  Burgess  to  represent  them  in  the 

39 


io6 


Appe7idix. 


General  Assembly  of  this  P/ovince,  and  yet  you  are 
pleased  to  call  this  Town  a  place  of  the  Indians  own 
Lands. 

Hiat  the  Indians  will  deny  their  own  Deeds  tho 
never  so  Solemnly  Ratified  and  justly  Obtained,  I 
am  very  apt  to  I>elieve,  but  in  the  meantime  that 
does  not  destroy  the  Title  to  such  Lands ;  neither 
can  I  be  of  your  opinion,  as  to  their  Treaties,  That 
they  are  Null,  because  the  Body  of  their  Nation 
shall  please  afterwards  to  Disavow  it ;  I  am  sure  it 
is  otherwise  by  the  Law  of  Nations  and  usage  of  all 
Civillized  Governments  in  the  World;  all  Treaties, 
Stipulations,  and  Transactions  that  are  Managed 
and  Concluded  by  Plenipotentiaries  or  Delegates 
being  Obligatory  to  the  Nation  or  Government  that 
Imploy  them  ;  Now  it  is  Notorious,  That  at  all 
times  when  this  Government  Accepted  the  submis- 
sion of,  or  Treated  with  those  Eastern  Indians,  their 
Delegates,  or  some  of  their  Chiefs  were  present,  and 
produced  their  Powers  or  Credentials  from  the  Tribe; 
And  it  is  very  wrong  and  unjust  in  them  to  Insinu- 
ate, That  th'  y  were  ever  menaced  or  forced  into  any 
of  their  Deeds,   Treaties  or  Submissions. 

They  have  also  misinformed  you  in  Saying,  That 
I  had  appointed  to  meet  them  the  last  year ;  for  on 
the  Contrary  I  sent  them  word  by  an  Express,  That 
some  of  the  Principal  Gentlemen  of  this  Government 
would  see  and  treat  with  them  at  Arowsick,  who  ac- 
cordingly went  thither,  but  finding  no  Indians  re- 
turned. 

As  to  their  Insolent  Letter,  I  shall  say  no  more  of 
It  In  this,  having  taken  particular  notice  of  it  in  my 
other. 

I  am  obliged  to  you  for  your  Grave  Advice  against 
a  War  with   those  Salvages,  and  am  very  sensible  of 


Appendix.  307 

the  hazzards,  mischiefs  and  Ex[)ence  of  it,  And  1  as- 
sure you,  I  have  no  design  at  present  to  Tenter  into 
a  War  with  them,  unless  they  force  the  Government 
upon  it. 

All  that  I  design  at  present,  and  which  1  am  firmly 
Resolved  in  is,  to  Defend  and  Protect  the  English 
Inhabitants  of  this  Governm'  in  their  just  rights,  and 
Possessions  from  the  Injuries  and  Insults  of  the  In- 
dians, and  I  hope  for  the  Divine  Assistance  and 
Blessing  in  so  doing.  Having  my  Great  Masters 
positive  Orders  to  Maintain  all  the  English  Garrisons 
and  settlements  in  those  parts  of  the  province. 

You  are  pleased  to  say  that  the  Abanakis  Nation 
are  under  the  Protection  of  the  Crown  of  France,  If 
you  Intend  the  Indians  at  Norridgewack,  It  is  the 
first  time  I  have  heard  the  French  pretend  to  any 
such  thing,  much  less  can  I  conceive  upon  what 
Foundation  it  subsists.  If  they  chuse  the  Allyance 
and  Protection  of  the  P^rench,  In  Gods  Name,  let 
them  move  into  the  Confines  of  the  Government  of 
Canada  ;  I  am  very  sure  the  place  of  their  residence 
at  present  Viz*  Norridgewack  is  within  the  Territory 
of  Great  Britain,  and  accordingly  they  have  Actually 
by  many  Solemn  Treaties  upon  Record  in  this  Gov- 
eri-'.nent.  Put  themselves  under  His  Majesty's  IVo- 
tection,  and  received  Marks  of  his  Royal  Favour; 
A.  you  may  depend  upon  it,  I  shall  never  Concern 
myself  with  any  of  the  Indian  Tribes  that  live  within 
the  bounds  of  Canada,  or  any  Prench  Government ; 
so  I  Expect  to  be  Treated  on  your  part. 

You  are  very  particular  in  Your  account  of  Mons' 
Bellisle,  who  it  seems  was  not  with  the  Indians  ;  But 
then  you  are  very  silent  as  to  Mons""  Croissel,  who 
was  a  French  Office  and  under  your  Command,  and 
yet  at  the  Head  of  the  Indians  at  Arowsick.     This 


3oR 


Appe7idix. 


even  by  your  own  Letter,  was  not  Agreeable  to  the 
Treaty  of  Peace  &  Friendship  between  the  Two 
Crowns. 

As  to  Mons"^  Casteen,  before  the  receiving  of  your 
Letter,  I  had  by  the  Consent  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  this  Province,  Given  Orders  for  his  Discharge 
and  return  ;  But  then  it  was  upon  his  humble  sub- 
mission &  Parole  of  good  Behaviour  for  the  future 
towards  this  Government,  as  to  himself  personally, 
so  also  very  much  with  respect  to  the  Indian  Tribe  at 
Penobscot ;  And  tho  you  seem  to  be  of  Opinion, 
That  the  sending  for  him  was  so  very  wrong  and  un- 
justifyable,  yet  he  himself  was  sensible  of  the  Con- 
trary, and  has  acknowledged  by  a  Memorial  under 
his  hand,  That  by  his  appearance  with  the  Indians 
at  Arowsick  he  had  given  just  occasion  to  this  Gov- 
ernment to  call  him  to  an  account. 

As  to  Mons'  Ralle's  Mission  among  the  Indians,  I 
shall  be  Glad,  if  by  his  preaching  he  has  brought 
those  poor  Salvages  any  thing  nearer  to  the  King- 
dom of  Heaven,  than  they  were  before  he  went 
thither;  But  that  which  I  have  to  say  to  him,  and  to 
you  upon  his  Account  is,  That  Norridgewack  the 
seat  of  his  Mission,  is  within  the  Territory  of  His 
Majesty  King  George,  and  that  it  is  Contrary  to  an 
Act  of  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  Law  of 
this  Province  for  a  Jesuit  or  Romish  Priest  to  Preach 
or  even  reside  in  any  part  of  the  British  Dominions. 

I  have  now,  I  think,  Given  you  a  particular  answer 
to  everything  you  were  pleased  to  Observe  to  me ;  I 
should  have  been  much  better  pleased  our  Corre- 
spondence might  have  turned  on  a  Subject  more 
Agreeable  and  Pleasant ;  I  shall  be  very  Glad,  while 
I  have  the  Honour  to  be  in  this  Government,  to  live 
in    perfect     Peace    with    our    Eastern    Indians    and 


Appendix. 


309 


nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part ;  At  the  same 
time,  I  must  Intreat  yon  to  use  all  your  Interest  and 
Influence  (which  I  believe  to  be  very  Considerable) 
for  the  Same  good  purpose  :  This  is  what  you  have 
once  and  again,  in  your  former  Letters  Given  me  an 
assurance  of. 

I  am,  Sir, 
Your  very  Humble  &  Obedient 
Servant 

Sam"  Shute. 
Boston  April  23'' 
1722 
Examined  ^  J  Willard  Secry. 


Journal  of  the  House   of  Rfi-resentatives. 

At  a  Great  and  General  Coiirt  or  Assembly  of  His 
Majesty  s  Province  of  the  Massac /inset  ts  Bay  in  A'eio 
England.  Begun  and  Held  at  Boston  on  the  2,0th 
day  of  May,  1722,  &c. 

June  29  I  722. 

p.  51.  Ordered,  That  an  Officer  with  Two  or 
Three  Soldiers  in  the  Service  be  sent  forthwith  to 
Norridtrewock  in  the  Name  of  this  Government  to 
demand  the  Liberty  and  Restitution  of  His  Majesty's 
good  Subjects  lately  surprized  and  carried  away  by 
the  Indians. 

That  His  Excellency  the  Governour  be  desired  to 
send  a  proper  Remonstrance  to  that  Tribe  of  Indians 
upon  their  late  Insults  and  Hostilities  in  Kennebeck- 
River,  and  at  Damaras-Cove,  demanding  as  well  their 
Reasons,  as  a  Satlsfacticn  for  the  Injuries  and  Dam- 


t 


3IO 


Appendix, 


aj:jes  done  by  them.  To  observe  to  them  that  their 
Indians  now  with  us  were  delivered  as  lIostaLjc^s  witli 
their  free  consent,  not  only  for  the  Paym(Mit  of  'l\vo 
Hundred  lieaver  Skins,  but  also  for  the  ^^ood  Be- 
haviour of  the  Norridj^^ewock  Tribe  towards  the 
I^ni^lish,  That  they  have  not  paid  the  said  Bever 
Skins,  much  less  have  they  behaved  themselves  well 
towards  this  (government.  That  thouidi  this  (Gov- 
ernment ordered  a  March  up  to  their  Head  Ouarters 
last  VVintcT  yet  no  Violence  or  Damaj^e  was  done  to 
the  Persons  or  (Goods  of  the  Indians,  Whereas  on 
the  other  side  the  Indians  Aj^ainst  all  Justice,  and  in 
a  barbarous  manner  have  lately  burnt  and  destroj^ed 
I  louses.  Mills,  and  a  Number  of  Cattle,  with  little  or 
no  Advantage  to  themselves,  leavini,'^  the  Carcasses  of 
the  Creatures  to  rot  on  the  f/round  ;  besides  takintra 
great  deal  of  Plunder.  In  case  they  do  not  return 
the  Persons  so  taken  by  the  Messengers,  Then  to 
propose  their  A[)pearing  before  (Jommissioners  at 
Time  and  Place  to  be  appointed  by  this  Government, 
bringing  with  them  the  English  People  taken  as 
aforesaid  :  Then  and  there  to  make  or  propose  some 
suitable  Satisfaction  for  the  Damages  done  by  them  ; 
which  if  refused,  to  assure  them  that  this  (Government 
will  take  effectual  Methods  to  compel  them  thereto; 
That  a  suitable  Messenger  be  sent  to  the  Penobscot 
Tribe  to  en([uire  v/hether  they  were  any  ways  con- 
cern'd  in  or  did  assist  the  Kennebeck  Tribe  in  their 
late  Insults  and  Hostilities  aforesaid? 
Sent  down  for  Concurrence. 

J.  Willard,  Seer. 


* 


* 


* 


* 


Apl>endix,  3 1  i 

July  6.      1722. 

P  60  *  ^'  '"'  *  *  *  *  "'^'  *  *  *  * 
Votod,  that  two  meet  l*crsons  with  a  skilful 
Iiiterpn^tcr  he  imnicdiatt^ly  dispatched  to  Nor- 
id_u;awack  or  els(;wh(;r(;,  where  tlu;  Heads  of  tlu; 
'i'rihes  of  the  ILastern  Indians  may  be  found,  under 
a  Ma<j^i(  of  Truce,  with  a  written  Messaij^e  from  this 
(ioverjHTKMit  to  them  demanding;  the  Reasons  for 
their  late  insults  and  Acts  of  Hostilities  in  surpriz- 
ing;- so  many  of  His  Majesty's  i(ood  Subjects  and  de- 
stroyino'  their  Substance  directly  contrary  to  the 
Articles  of  Peace  formerly  stijiulated  with  this  (iov- 
ernuKMit,  That  the  Messenj:]^ers  propose;  to  the  In- 
dians, that  they  or  their  delej:;ates  M(;et  with  the 
(Commissioners  appoint(;d  by  this  (Government  at 
Arrowsick  some  tim(;  in  this  Month,  whert;  they  may 
be  assur(;d  to  see  our  Commissioners,  and  upon  their 
Surrender  and  l)eliv(;r)'  of  all  Mir,  Majesty's  i^ood 
Subjects  there,  which  they  have  lately  sei/.'d  and 
surpriz'd  as  aforesaid,  the  Commissioners  will  de- 
liver up  the  Hostat^es,  and  will  also  be  fully  im- 
powered  by  this  Crovernment  to  'I'reat  and  Conferr 
with  them  on  any  just  Article  of  (Grievance  b(;twe(;n 
this  (iovernment  and  them,  and  that  Col.  Turner 
l^sq  ;  Major  John  (Juinc(;y  and  M"^  John  Dyer  be 
a  Committee  for  the  I'lnds  aforesaid,  and  that  His 
lv\c(dlency  be  desired  to  i^ive  Orders  that  the  said 
Commissioners  (with  the  Hostages)  immediately  pro- 
ceed to  Arowsick  aforesaid,  (with  agreeable  Instruc- 
tions). Sent  up  for  Concurrence. 

■X-      *      -x-      -x-       x-       x-      -X-       x-     *      -X-      -x-      *      -x-      *      -X- 

H   T.,  New  l':n^dand,  Vol.   16. 


MMH 


312 


'IppiHclix. 


Gov"    SniriK    ro    tiik    Lords    Commissionkks    i-ok 

'\\<\\iV.  AND  Plantations 
My  Lords 

Since  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  Yf)ur  Lord- 
ships vvliich  was  in  March  last,  I  Received  a  Letter 
from  Mons'  Vaudreuil  tiie  (jovernour  of  Canada, 
which  was  in  Answer  to  two  Lfttters  I  Sent  him,  in 
which  lu:  openly  Declares,  that  he  has  and  will  assist 
the  Indians,  and  that  he  has  (Jrders  from  the  Court 
of  I'rance  so  to  do. 

All  the  Indians  that  Border  ui>on  the  Sea  Coast, 
by  the  Instillations  of  the  I'Vench  have  lately  Robbed 
Si.  Plundered  our  Sloops  &  fallen  upon  our  ffishin^ 
Vess(tils,  and  killed  two  of  Mis  Majestys  Subjftcts  ; 
at  the  Same  time  om-  liastern  Indians  Notwithstand- 
ing their  R('p(;ated  Submissions  to  His  Maj<fstys 
Crown  and  Government  have  fallen  up(;n  tnir  Kast- 
ern  ^  -ttlements  &  killed  and  wound(;d  sonif.  of  the 
Inhabitants,  burnt  their  houses  &  I  )(?stroyed  their 
Cattle,  which  has  Obli^<'d  me  with  the  Advice  <;f 
I  lis  Majestys  Council  to  Issue  forth  the  Inclosed 
I  Jeclaration. 

I  hope  your  Lordshijjs  will  sjjeedily  lay  that  Af- 
fair before  His  Majesty  in  ord(tr  to  obtain  s(jme  Re- 
dress for  this  Province  will  not  be  lon^  able  to  sup- 
port the  war  which  is  now  be^^nin      I    am    with   ^reat 

respect  «^     ,        , 

'  My  Lords 

Y(njr  Lordshi[js  most  hum'''*'  Servant 
Boston  New  Samll   Shute. 

England  July  27"'  1722 

To  the  R'  Ilon'''-^^  The  Lords  of  Trade  &  Planta- 
tions. 


Reed  Scptem'  10'''  \ 
Read      do        12"'  f'''^^" 


B.  T.      New   Lngland.     Vol.  16,  Bundle  X,  89. 


']p/uniiix. 


3'3 


nr.CI.AkATlOX    OF    Ciov'     SlIlMf, 

I  inclosed  ill  Letter  of  27"'  July  1722 

I>y  I  lis  I"!xc(.*!l(;ncy, 

Samuel    Sliiite,    l"!s()  ; 
Captain  Oent^ral  and  ( jov(  rnoni'  in  (ihiel,  in  and  over 
His  Majesty's  l'r()vin(;e  (jf  tin;  M'tsstuliiisills-liay, 
In  Nc7o  li)i<^laiul,  tkc. 

A  1  -)i;<  i.AXA  rinx 
against  the  lidslcrnhiiliajis. 

WiiKKKAs,  the  Indians  Inhabiting  the  I'iastern  Parts 
of  this  I'rm'ince,  nfjtwithstandin;^  tln.'ir  Repeated 
Siihmissions  to  flis  .Majesty's  (Jrown  and(iovern- 
nient,  their  I'nhlick  and  Sohnnn  'rr<jati(;s  an<l  V.w- 
j^^aj^KMiicnts  Entered  into  with  th<;  (iovernnient  here; 
I'^stahllshed  to  I)(;ni<ran  tiiemselvcs  Peaceably  and 
amicaljly  towards  I  lis  Majesty's  ^ood  Snljjects  of 
this  Province;  ;  and  notwithstanding^  the  Kind  and 
j^^ood  Treatment  tlu;y  have  Received  from  this  (jov- 
ernment  ;  I  lave  for  s(jme  yc.'ars  last  ])ast  apjx-ared  in 
(Jonsid(;rahl<,'  Nnml)(;rs,  and  in  an  I  lostile  Manner, 
and  ^dven  Disturbance  to  I  lis  Majesty's  Subjects  in 
the  I'^'istern  Parts  of  this  Province,  Killinj^  their  Cat- 
tle, and  ThrcNitnin'/  I  )estrnction  to  th(;ir  P<M'Sf)ns  and 
l'!stat(;s  ;  and  in  abuse  of  the  Lenity  and  I*"orbearance 
(jf  the  Ciovc^rnment,  have  lat<dy  with  the  utmost  In- 
justice; and  Treachery,  jiroceeded  to  Plunder,  I  )(> 
spoil,  and  take  Captive  many  of  his  Majesty's  j^ood 
Subjects,  to  Assault,  Take,  Purn  and  Destroy  Vesstds 
upon  the  Sea  Coast,  and  Mouses  and  Mills  upon  the 
Land,  to  Wound  some,  and  in  tlu;  most  I'arbarous 
and  Cruel  Manner  to  Murd(;r  others  of  the  lidiabi- 
tants  of  this  Province,  and  in  a  Way  of  Open  Rebel- 
40 


314 


Appendix. 


lion  iind  I  losulity  to  m.ikc  an  Aii'lacious  and  I'urioiis 
Assault  ii])on  ( )n(:  of  llis  Majesty's  I'orts,  where  tli(i 
Kind's  C'oloiirs  were  l*"lyin|j^ : 

I  i)o  '1  h(;refor(i,  Ijy  and  with  th(^  Advice  of  llis 
Majesty's  Council,  hereby  Declare  and  [)roclaini  the 
said  luistern  Indians,  with  their  Confederates,  to 
be  I\ebt:ls,  Traitors  and  Mnemies  to  llis  Majesty 
Kin^  (ieorL;e,  1  lis  Crrnvn  and  Dignity,  and  that  they 
be  henceforth  proceeded  ai^ainst  as  such;  Willing; 
and  K((juirinj4  all  llis  Majestys  i^ood  subjects,  as 
tlu;y  shall  have  opportunity,  to  do  and  Kxecutc;  all 
Acts  of  hostility  upon  tluMU  ;  hereby  also  forbiddiuL; 
all  his  Majesty's  Subjects  to  hold  any  Corresjiondence 
with  the  said  Indians,  or  to  ^ive  Aid,  Comfort,  Suc- 
cour, or  Relief  unto  th(;m  ;  on  Penalty  oi  the  Laws 
in  their  Case  made  i\.\\(\  provided. 

And  whereas  there  may  be  some  of  the  said  /nd/ans 
who  have  not  been  Concerned  in  the  i'erfidious  and 
Barbarous  I'acts  before  mentioned,  and  may  l^e  De- 
sirous to  put  themselves  under  the  I'rotection  of  this 
G(jvernment. 

To  the  Intent  that  the  utmost  Clemency  may  be 
shown  to  such 

I  do  hereby  Grant  and  Allow  them  to  come  in, 
and  render  themselves  to  the  Commanding  officc^r 
of  the  Forces,  or  to  the  respective  officer  of  any 
Party  or  Parties  in  the  Service  ;  provided  it  be  within 
P'orty  Days  from  this  time. 

And  to  the  Intent  that  none  of  Our  P'riend- 
I)idia)is  may  be  P>xposed,  or  any  I^nemy  or 
Rebel  Indians  iiscape  on  pretence  of  b(Mn<^ 
Priends ; 

I  do  hereby  also  strictly  forbid  any  of  the  said 
Friend-Indians  to  move  out  of  their  respective  Plan- 


u 


Appendix. 


3'5 


tatioiis,  or  such  otlH;r  Plncos  whereto  \\\v.y  shall  he 
assiijnod  ;  or  to  come  into  any  Knt^lish  Town,  or 
District  within  the  late  Coh)ny  of  \\\v.  Massachus(;tts- 
Bay,  or  the  County  of  York,  witliout  special  O^Km' 
in  Writinjj^  from  My  Self  (or  heiniL^r  Atten(l(;(l  with  such 
I'^nLjlish  Man  as  I  shall  appoint  to  Oversee  tlu;m)  at 
their  Peril,  and  as  they  tender  their  own  Saf(;ty. 

And  further,  I  forbid  all  the  PViend-Indians  to 
hold  Communication  with,  llarhour,  or  Conceal  any 
of  the  said  Rebel  or  P^nc-my  Indians  ;  ref|uirinL,'  them 
to  seize,  and  s(;cure  all  such  that  may  Com(^  amon^ 
tluim,  and  to  Deliver  them  up  to    [ustice.. 

And  all  Military  Commission  Officers  are  hereby 
Authorized  and  Commanded  to  put  this  Declaration 
and  Order  in  I'^xecution. 

(iiven  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  /ioston,  the 
Twenty-fifth  Day  of  Jul)\  in  the  l-'iij^hth  Year 
of  the  R(M^n  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  Cii;ok(;K, 
by  tlu^  (irace  of  God  of  (ivcat  Uritain,  France 
and  /relafid,  KiNc,  Defender  of  the  Paith,  &c 
Anno(jue  Domini,  1722. 


S.  Shute. 


By  Order  of  His  Excellency 
the  Governour,  by  and 
with  the  Advice  of  the 
Council, 

Josiah  Willard,  Seer. 

God  Savi',    iiii",   Kinc 


th 


In    i'hh   IIousk  of    Ricprkshn  tativks  —  AiKiUsr   8 

1722. 

May  it  please  your  Excelhiucy, 

Your    l^xcclhmcy   havinij^  at  the  0|)enini^  of  this 
Session  Accpiainted  the  Court  that  by  and  with  th(; 


316 


Appendix. 


Aflvicc;  f)f  His  iVI.'ijesty's  Council,  You  have  Issued 
out  a  Declriration  at^ainst  the  Indians  as  Reljels  and 
Traitors  to  Ilis  Majesty's  (iovernuKMit,  for  hreakinj^- 
throu^di  tlieir  Repeated  Solemn  Treaties  and  Iin- 
^^'il^^euKMits  and  frecjuent  Suhniissions  to  I  lis  Majesty, 
hy  their  many  ways  d(;stroyInL(  the  i'".ast(;rn  S(;ttl(!- 
ments,  and  Cruelly  Murdcu'inj^  some  of  His  Majes- 
ty's Lie^e  Subjects  Inhabitin^r  there  This  Mouse 
havin^f^  had  due  Consideration  thereof  do  hereby 
Declare;  and  Manif(;st  that  Your  b^xcellency  and 
Council  had  Just  and  Sufficient  Reasons  to  Resent 
th(;  many  Rctpeated  Insults  and  Outrages  done  and 
perpetrat(;d  by  those  Indian  Salvaj^^es  on  the  Reo[)l(; 
Inhabitin^^  those;  I'arts,  by  declarinj^  them  to  be; 
Rebels  and  Traitors  as  afor(;said  :  And  we  deem  it 
our  indispensable  Duty  and  Interest  at  this  Juncture; 
to  [)ursue  tliose  Indians  in  a  most  Vi^^orous  War 
(agreeable  to  Your  Iixcellency's  Sentiments  thereon) 
that  so  by  the  Hlessin^  of  Ciotl  on  our  Just  ICndeav- 
ours  they  may  be  never  able  more  to  rise  u[)  against 
this  People,  and  Your  I'2xc(;ll(;ncy  may  d(;pend  upon 
all  Ch(;arful  and  necessary  Assistance  from  this 
lIous(;  to  pursue  that  Matter. 

*      -X-      *      *      *      ^f•     *******      *     * 

Voted,  That  a  Messaj^'e  be  sent  to  Mis  Excellency 
the  (iovernour  desirinjj^  there  may  b(;  laid  before  this 
i  louse  an  Account  lA  the  Number  of  borces  in  th(; 
vService  on  the  I'Vontiers,  how  th(;y  are  i\.)st(;d,  and 
what  Instructions  are  given  to  the  Commanding 
Officer,  for  their  Piosecuting  the  War  against  the 
b'astern  Rebels. 

i'(;nn  Townsend  i'^scp  brought  down  the;  Number 
and  Disposition  of  the  Soldiers  in  the  I'ublick  Ser- 
vice, viz. 


'\ppev(Hx. 


317 


412  Men  ill  the  I'last  l*arl  of  the  I'rovincc  of 
Maine. 

60  Men  jj^one  on  the  Coast  of  Ca|)(.'  Sahh-s  to 
recov(;rth(;  Fisliin^  Vessels  taken  by  the 
Indians,  Upon  tlieir  Return  to  be  added 
to  the  l'"orc(;s  in   the  Province  of  Maine. 

20  Men  Ljon(!  witii  Capt.  VVestbrook  to  S'. 
Ci(;or^a:'s  River. 

15   Men,  a  Scout  from  Dracut  to  Lancaster, 

20  A  .Scout,  at  Rutland. 

20  At  IkookfK'ld. 

10  At  Sun<l('rland. 

20  At  1  )eerrield. 

14  Added  to  th(!  (iarrisf)n  at  Northfield. 
30  A  .Scout  for  York,  i'x^rvvick  and  Wcdls. 

15  y\  .Scout  at  Ilaverhill. 


636 


And  further.  That  their  Orders  were  only  to  cov(n* 
the  i'Vonti(^rs,  and  secure  their  llarv(.'sts.  And  that 
there  had  been  no  Order  sent  to  the  Officers  since 
the  Declaration  of  War. 

*      x-      *      -x-      -x-      *      x-      -x-     ■;<•      x-      *      7(-      -x-      *      -x- 


Ai.i'iXANDKk   Hamilton's  Joijrnai,. 

llalf  way  Ilousitjune  14"'  172 
on  Keniiebec  River. 


'»') 


ThLs  ni^ht  at  ten  a  clock  y\lexander  I  lainilton  was 
besett  at  his  Dwt.'llinj^  house  by  a  Ljreat  Number  of 
Indians,  with  divi;rs  Canno's,  who  took  said  Hamil- 
ton out  of  his  H(!d,  and  tyed  him  and  fell  a  plunder- 
in^x  his  Sho[)  &  Warehouse  until  they  left  nothin^j^  ; 


i  I 


3'« 


Appendix. 


I  I 


And  when  they  had  finished  their  Phmderinij  One 
Captain  John  an  Indian  Conducting  said  Hamihon 
to  his  Canno,  was  Stopt  by  two  Indians,  one  called 
Captain  Nathaniel,  and  the  othi.T  Sabia  son  to  saitl 
Nathaniel,  who  Challenged  the  said  Hamilton  as 
their  Prisoner,  in  Re^^ard  that  Sabia  had  first  laid 
Hands  on  said  Hamilton.  This  Dispute  held  a 
Quarter  of  an  hour;  at  last  the  said  Captain  John 
Protested,  if  Hamilton  were  not  allowed  to  be  his 
Prisoner  he  would  Immediately  kill  him  ;  so  drawini^ 
a  Stroak  with  an  ax  on  said  Hamilton's  head  ;  said 
Nathaniel  and  son  held  his  Arm  &  told  the  said  Cap- 
tain John,  rather  than  Hamilton  should  bekilU^d  they 
would  allow  it.  After  the  Dispute  Hamilton  was 
ledd  to  Capt"  Johns  Canno,  and  so  proceeded  to 
Norridgewack  &  Stopt  at  the  Chapps  of  Merry 
meeting  Bay,  where  were  a  great  number  of  Captives 
in  the  House  of  Capt"  Robert  Temple,  They  having 
Robb'd  sundry  Houses  that  night,  and  brought  the 
Owners  and  Families  Captives.  Next  morning  being 
the  fifteenth,  the  Indians  Chose  five  Persons  of  the 
said  Captives  Viz'  Zachariah  Trescott  Alexander 
Hamilton  Henry  Edgar  Robert  Love  &  William 
Handsord,  and  having  Stript  the  rest  let  them  go. 
And  suddenly  the  whole  Body  of  Indians  being  forty 
two   in   number  all    Arm'd  &■  ted  for  Warr  At- 

tended   with    Nineteen    C'  vV^ere    ordered    by 

Wewarena,  an  Indian  wl  their  Commander  to 

Embarque  for  Norridgew.  .v,  and  setting  fire  to  Capt 
Robert  Temples  House  went  off,  and  landed  pres- 
ently after  at  Abagadasset  point,  where  there  was 
dispatcht  a  number  of  Indians  to  rob  a  House  be- 
longing to  NP  John  Jeffries.  After  the  performance 
of  which  said  Indians  returned  greatly  Loaden,  and 
threw  that  Plunder  along  with  the  rest,  which  they 


Appendix, 


3'9 


had  Landed  in  one  heap,  and  so  Divided  the  spoil, 
and  tht.Mi  hnbarqueU  again,  and  proceeded  up  to 
Swan  Island  House,  where  appeared  a  number  of. 
Soldiers.  The  Indians  ordered  Hamilton  to  hale 
the  ICn^dish  and  Desire  them  to  come  to  the  Shore, 
two  of  which  Immediately  came,  and  talked  awhile 
and  so  went  off:  As  also  the  Indians  without  doinir 
any  damajjje.  Save  Uillinj;'  one  Doj;^;  and  Cutting  a 
hole  or  two  in  a  Whale  r)oat,  and  the  same  in  a 
(>ann()  that  lay  there,  so  proceeded  further  and  got 
to  Richmond  I'ort,  whom  the  said  Hamilton  hailed 
and  begged  they  would  not  fire  upon  us,  and  presently 
after  landed:  And  some  of  the  Soldiers  came  out  to 
us  on  the  Parole  of  the  Indians,  and  talked  a  while. 
'The  Indians  told  them  they  need  not  be  afraid,  for 
they  would  kill  none  ;  but  the  Governour  of  Canada 
had  given  them  Orders  to  take  Captives  in  lieu  of 
theirs  whom  the  linglish  wrongfully  detained  in  Bos- 
ton. Our  Conference  being  ended  we  went  off,  and 
so  arrived  at  a  place  called  Browns  barm  where  we 
slept  that  night,  and  two  days  after  being  the  Seven- 
teenth got  to  Norridewack  where  we  were  received 
with  great  Joy  by  a  number  of  Scpiaws  Papooses  and 
the  Jesuit. 

Norridgewack  June  the  21'''  1722. 

Two  Indians  were  dispatcht  away  to  Canada  with 
an  Account  of  the  Indians  taking  of  five  Captives  as 
also  burning  one  House  and  robbing  of  Several 
Families,  &  killing  of  many  Creatures. 

July  22''  1722 

The  two  Indians  Returned  and  reported  They 
were  kindly  received  by  Governour  Vaudreuile  &, 
shewing  the  presenLs  he  had  Given  them,  for  carry- 
ing the  Agreeable  News  of  this  Action  being  a  blue 


;20 


Appendix. 


\ 


laced  coqt  and  a  silver  Meddal  which  was  sent  to 
another  Indian  Named  Cara'iousset,  as  also  Com- 
missioning him  Captain  for  his  Distinguishing  Ac- 
tivity in  that  Expedition. 

The  twenty  ninth  day  arrived  here  Capt"  Moses 
Moxus  or  King  at  Norrincowook  fro,-.  Canada,  and 
brought  great  quantities  of  Tobacco,  and  told  us,  he 
was  sent  from  Ouebec  with  ercat  honour,  and  hatl 
the  respect  of  havmg  the  Guns  firing  &  Trumpets 
sounding  upon  his  Departure, 

September  the  3'' 

This  day  arrived  several  Cannos  from  Canada 
bringing  French  Mowhawks  who  live  within  three 
miles  of  Quebec  at  a  place  called  Lorret  They 
Joyned  more  of  their  Nation  who  had  been  here  be- 
fore, who  made  in  all  thirty  five  &  brought  three 
Casks  of  Powder  &  a  great  quantity  of  'I'obacco. 
On  their  arrival,  at  one  of  their  Dances  Alexander 
Hamilton  one  of  the  Captives  was  made  a  present 
of  to  them  as  a  Slave  forever,  as  a  Reward  of  their 
Fatigue  in  Coming  to  Assist  in  the  War. 

The  Seventeenth  day. 
The  above  Indians  took  their  Departure  with  their 
above  Slave  Hamilton  bounci  for  Canada,  &  at  sev- 
eral carrying  places  the  s''  Hamilton  observed  them 
raise  out  of  the  ground  sundry  Quantities  of  meal, 
pork  and  Tobacco,  which  they  had  been  supplyed 
with  from  the  Governour  of  Canada  for  that  Expe- 
dition. 

The  28'''  day. 

Ihe  Indians  &  Hamilton  arrived  at  Canada,  and 
went  by  the  Town  of  Quebec  without  calling,  but 
great  hooping  and  hallowing  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
Captain  of  them  had  a  Scalp  in  the  Nature  of  a  J  ark 


4ppc)idii\ 


321 


in  the  head  of  his  Canno,  which  was  got  at  the  On 
sett  at  Arowsick. 

The  29'''  day 

The  Indians  and  Hamilton  Marched  into  the 
Town  of  Quebec,  having  assembled  the  whole  In- 
dians belonging  to  that  Tribe  living  at  Lorett  ns 
afores''  and  moving  i)rocession  like  with  that  Scalp 
on  one  End  of  a  long  Stick,  Hamilton  the  Caj^tive 
marched  after  all  the  Indians  who  went  one  after 
another  makini:  irreat  hoopinsj-  &  hallowintj,  which 
gathered  all  the  Mobb  &  People  in  the  Town  and 
with  an  Infinite  number  of  Spectators  were  Con- 
ducted to  the  Governor  who  received  the  Indians 
very  cheerfully,  &  Congratulated  them,  and  Immedi- 
ately sent  for  an  Interpreter,  who  related  their  Suc- 
cess and  for  their  reward  in  Assisting  their  F>rethren 
the  Eastern  In  I'ans,  they  the  said  I'^astern  Indians 
had  made  a  present  of  that  Captive  as  a  slave  shew- 
ing the  said  Hamilton  to  Governour  Vaudreuil,  which 
they  further  added  not  only  Contented  them  but  also 
made  an  Atonement  to  s''  Eastern  Indians  for  a 
Hostage  called  Brasaway  who  dyed  'n  Boston,  .\nd 
also  Declared  their  further  Intention  that  they  would 
dispose  of  said  Hamilton  to  an  Indian  Squaw  seventy 
five  Leagues  distant  from  Ouebcic  in  Order  to  be 
her  Slave  she  having  lost  her  Husband  in  the  former 
War  with  the  English.  All  which  was  relatetl  before 
Governour  Vaudreuil  who  gave  his  Concurrence  and 
wrote  a  Note  by  the  Indians  to  the  Kings  Bakehouse. 
Ordering  every  Indian  there  prcisent  a  loaf  of  Bread 
and  a  Consideral)le  Quantity  of  Tobacco,  &  so  dis- 
mist  them.  After  tiic  receipt  of  which,  the  Indians, 
and  said  Hamilton  marched  after  tlie  Usual  Order  to 
their  Town  and  were   received  there  with  much  In- 

41 


32: 


Appcjidix. 


dian  Ceremony.  The  said  Hamilton  continuini^  there 
in  a  very  Melancholly  Condition  for  about  fourteen 
days  and  then  got  liberty  to  go  to  Quebec,  in  order 
to  beg  for  as  much  money  as  would  buy  them  shoes 
And  happened  to  meet  with  a  Lady  who  took  Com- 
passion on  him,  and  sent  for  an  Interpreter  whom 
she  desired  to  ask  if  s'"  Hamilton  would  live  with  her 
if  she  should  get  him  released  from  the  Indians.  It 
being  so  Agreeable  an  Offer  was  soon  Embraced  by 
s''  Hamilton.  And  in  some  short  time  after  the  Lady 
made  Interest  among  the  Jesuits  &  the  Governour 
who  suddenly  got  him  released  from  the  Indians, 
and  Entertained  him  the  whole  Winter. 

October. 

All  the  Numerous  Families  of  Eastern  Indians 
withdrew  from  Norridgewack  and  Wintered  at  the 
Town  of  Wewenack  and  St.  Francis,  the  former 
being  thirty  leagues  distant  from  Quebec  up  the 
River,  and  the  latter  forty  two,  At  their  arrival  were 
presented  with  five  hundred  bushels  of  Indian  Corn 
and  four  Oxen. 

Quebec,  February  the  4"^  day. 

Arrived  here  Abomazeen  Wewarana  Westami- 
nut  Capt.  John  and  several  other  Indians  from  We- 
wanuck  who  were  Conducted  to  the  Governour  by 
one  of  the  Jesuits  that  headed  the  Numerous  Army 
of  Indians  at  Arowsick  in  the  year  1721.  They  were 
received  very  kindly  and  Entertained  while  in  Town 
plentifully,  and  sent  off  with  a  quantity  of  Blankets, 
new  Guns,  their  Old  repaired  and  a  Considerable  deal 
of  Amunition,  together  with  presents  of  a  laced  Capp 
to  Weewarena,  and  sundry  presents  to  the  rest.  Some 
of  them  as  they  said  were  bound  to  the  great  pond 
distant  from  Quebec  SSE   about  One  hundred  and 


1. 


Appendix. 


■^  O  '* 


fifty  miles  where  they  and  several  others   and   the 
Jesuit  Winter'd. 

March  the  5"'  day. 

Arrived  here  from  Norridy^ewack  Wesememis  also 
Cap  Job  Abagahansetts  son  and  sundry  other  Indi- 
ans who  were  Conducted  by  the  Jesuit,  and  received 
with  all  marks  of  Favour  by  the  Governour  &  while 
they  stayed  in  Town  Entertained  plentifully  and  had 
sundry  Presents,  and  were  fitted  out  with  quantities 
of  Ammunition  all  their  Guns  repaired,  and  some 
new  ones  given  them,  and  so  departed. 

March  the  15"'  day. 

Departed  hence  twelve  of  the  aforementioned  Mo- 
hawks known  here  by  the  Names  of  Lorett  Indians, 
directlv  bound  for  Norridijewack  who  were  fitted  out 
with  all  necessaries  for  War. 

The  20""  day. 

The  said  Hamilton  beinsf  Desirous  to  eo  to  Mount 
Royall  in  Order  to  get  home  as  soon  as  the  Lake 
was  clear  of  the  Ice,  acquainted  the  Governour  who 
said  he  should  not  go  until  he  heard  from  New  Eng- 
land which  hindred  his  Intended  Journey. 

April  19"*  1723  N.  S. 

A  Son  of  Coll"  John  Schuyler  of  Albany  arrived 
here,  who  made  Inquiry  for  the  English  Captives, 
who  was  Informed  there  was  two  of  them  in  Town, 
namely  Hamilton  &  Handsord,  upon  his  finding  them 
out  he  told  them  he  would  take  them  home  if  the 
Governour  would  admit  them  They  desired  him  to 
take  the  trouble  to  Speak  to  the  Governour  in  their 
Favour,  who  readily  undertook  it,  and  prevailed  for 
Hamilton  to  go  directly  home,  but  for  Handsord,  the 


324 


Appendix. 


Governour  said,  he  Could  not  Answer  that  to  tho 
Indians  for  Icttinir  tlutir  IVisoncr  </o,  for  the  s'' 
Handsord  was  only  left  in  Trust  with  a  I'Vcnch 
Gent"  in  'I'own,  s''  (ient"  was  lyable  to  produce  him  ; 
But  the  Governour  added  to  sh(!w  his  willini^ness  to 
oblii^c  M*"  Schuyler,  That  he  in  his  way  to  Mount 
Royal  where  he  was  suddenly  hound  was  to  meet 
with  a  i^reat  number  of  Indians  at  a  Town  called 
Troi  River,  and  there  he  would  speak  in  favour  of 
said  Handsord  to  the  Indians,  &  Kndeavour  to  z^X. 
him  returned  ;  and  desired  s''  Schuyler  to  take  s'' 
Handsord,  in  his  Canno  alont;  with  s''  Hamilton 
that  length  ;  and  if  he  the  s''  Governor  Could  not 
prevail  with  the  Indians  he  the  s''  Handsord  must  ex- 
pect to  return  to  Quebec  attain.  Some  few  days  after 
M"^  Schuyler  Handsord  and  Hamilton  left  Ouebec  in 
Company  with  the  Governour  bound  for  Mount 
Royal,  and  i^ot  up  some  days  after  to  Troi  River, 
where  was  a  (^reat  Quantity  of  Indians  Assembled  & 
several  Jesuits,  All  whom  held  a  i^reat  Council,  the 
Governor  making  his  recpiest  in  favor  of  Handsord 
had  it  readily  granted  by  th(.'  Indians,  and  some  of  the 
Head  Indians  Attended  the  Governour  to  M'  Schuy- 
lers  Lodging,  the  Governour  told  him  that  he  had  pre- 
vailed for  said  Handsord,  the  Indians  taking  the  said 
Handsord  by  the  hand,  Delivered  him  to  the  Gov- 
ernour as  a  Present.  The  Governour  presently  after 
l^mbar([ued  and  next  day  s''  Handsord  &  Hamilton 
proceeded  after  him  to  Mount  Royal,  and  when  ar- 
rived there  the  s''  M"^  Schuyler  placed  s''  Hamilton  & 
Handsord  in  a  lodging,  &  told  them  he  should  not 
go  in  fourteen  days,  but  Contrary  to  Expectation  the 
s''  Schuyler  was  order''  out  of  the  Country  the  n(ixt 
morning,  and  was  told  by  s"'  Governour  he  should 
not  take  the  Captives  along  with  him.     The  s''  Ham- 


Appendix. 


325 


ilton  and  I  hind  sort!  meeting  with  a  Cientleman 
named  Deautell  vvlio  could  speak  English,  made 
known  their  Condition  to  him  who  answered  he  had 
formerly  received  great  I'Viendship  in  New  England  ; 
And  in  return  he  would  let  them  want  nothing;  and 
accordingly  took  lodgings  for  the  said  i  landsord  & 
Hamilton  &  got  them  Cloaths. 

St.  rVancis  May  22''  1721 

A  Great  Council  was  held  there  by  the  I'^astern 
Indians  who  Concluded  to  bury  their  Ax,  &  accord- 
ingly did  so  ;  and  at  said  Council  to  shew  their  will- 
ingn(;ss  to  come  into  a  i^:ace  with  the  luiglish,  Con- 
cluded to  ?,vA\i\  three  of  their  I'^nglish  Ca[jtives  home, 
Namely  liamilton  1  landsord  &  'i'rescot,  in  order  to 
which  they  brought  s''  Trescott  on  the  29^''  of  May  to 
Mount  Royal,  distant  from  St.  I'rancis  up  the  River 
South  Eighteen  Leagues.  The  next  day  being  the 
thirtyeth  they  held  a  great  Council  in  the  Governours 
hall  where  wf;re  present  the  three  Governours  V^iz'  l)e 
Vaudreuil,  Deramsey  and  Languile  several  Jesuits 
and  Cjrent"  before  whom  th(,'y  discovered  their  intention 
with  respect  to  sending  home  the  English  Captives, 
which  was  presently  Discountenanced  by  the  s''  Ciov- 
ernours  I'lspeciall)'  Governoiir  Vaudreuil,  who  told 
them  they  had  senty  forty  or  fifty  CajUives  home  to 
the  b^nglish  when  first  the  War  began,  ik  desired 
them  to  declare  how  many  of  their  Captives  they  had 
rece''  in  return  of  the  above  nuniber  (the  Indians  an- 
swered none)  Therefore  says  Governour  Vaudreuil 
I  think  it  a  piece  of  Inadvertency  of  you  to  Trust 
the  English  (ienerosity  by  sending  tlu^se  Captives  to 
them  unless  you  first  have  yours  Delivered  here 
which  Speach  took  with  the  Indians  &  stopt  the  De- 
livery of  s''   Captives  &   Trescott  was  ordered  down 


1 1 


326 


Appc7idix. 


to  S'  ffiancis  to  his  wigwam;  Ilandsord  &  Hamilton 
acciuainting  the  s''  Trcscott  with  their  good  I'Viend  & 
Benefactor  vvliom  th(;y  liad  met  with  Viz'  Oeautell, 
and  iiow  he  not  only  sLi[)[)lye(l  them  with  ev(;ry  thing, 
but  promised  if  any  of  the  Captives  Could  [uirchasc; 
themselves  from  the  Indians  he  would  Disburse  the 
Money  agreed  on  said  Trescott  went  to  Mons""  Dotell 
&  related  his  Melancholly  Circumstances  unto  him. 
The  said  Dotell  made  the  like  offer  to  M'  Trescott 
as  he  had  done  to  Hamilton  and  Ilandsord  and  told 
him  he  would  write  him  a  paper  in  ffrench,  which  he 
Desired  him  to  D(div(;r  the  Governour  and  Conceal 
the  Author.  The  said  Deautell  wrote  the  paper  being 
a  Petition  from  Trescott  wherein  it  set  forth  That  he 
was  a  Subject  of  King  George  and  Inasmuch  as  there 
was  so  go(xl  an  understanding  between  the  two 
Crowns,  he  ho[jed  his  Excellency  would  get  him  clear 
of  that  Indian  Bondage  that  he  then  Laboured  under ; 
The  Governour  gave  but  little  Kncouragem'.  The 
s''  M''  Dotell  meeting  with  a  Gentleman  who  was  very 
Intimate  with  the  Governour  told  him.  That  he  ad- 
mired That  the  Governour  suffered  King  Georges 
Subjects  to  be  tossed  about  Canada  by  the  Indians 
after  so  Barbarous  a  manner;  And  also  said,  It  was 
not  Consistent  with  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  and  that 
it  would  be  111  lookt  on  at  home  were  it  known. 
The  Gentleman  after  the  Conference  Ended  went 
directly  to  the  (jovernours,  and  Discovered  what  had 
passed  between  him  and  NP  Dotell.  The  Gover- 
nour Immediately  sends  for  M'  Dotell  &  orders  him 
to  Depart  the  Town  &  go  to  Quebec.  .Some  few 
days  after  the  s''  Dotell  was  obliged  to  go,  as  Com- 
manded. The  thirtyeth  day  of  May  the  Indians  & 
'i  rescott  went  from  Mount  Royall  bound  for  S' 
Francis,  and  before  his  Departure,  Declared  to  the 


Appendix. 


327 


Enj^lish  Captives,  That  they  would  do  any  thing  to 
send  them  home  but  could  not  for  the  Governour  of 
Canada. 

June  the  2''  Day. 

Two  Indians  Named  Abraham  &  Abagahamak 
were  dispatched  to  Albany. 

June  the  10"'  Day. 
J'Jeven  of  the  Lor(;tt  Indians  r(;turn('(l  to  Mount 
Royall  and  declared  th(;y  hjst  one  of  their  Numb(n-, 
but  brought  in  setven  I'lngdish  Scalps,  being  Indians 
which  were  fitted  out  from  Quebec  the  15^''  of  I'eb- 
ruary. 

The  fifteenth  Day. 

Twenty  Indians  arrived  here  from  Lorett,  and 
were  fitted  out  with  all  nec(.'ssaries  for  War.  and  in 
two  days  tcjok  their  I)cparture  for  the  b-astward  of 
New  England,  in  Ordc.'r  to  revenge  the  Blood  of  the 
Man  they  had  lost  at  North  Yarmouth  the  last 
S[)ring.  b'our  Canno's  with  bjght  Indians  arrived 
here  Irom  New  luigland,  and  brcnight  three  .Scalps 
&  pr(;sently  departed,  having  first  received  some 
presents. 

Mount  Royall  July  the  8"'  1723. 

Abagahamak  one  of  the  two  Indians,  which  was 
l)isj)atched  to  Albany  returned  here  &  was  imme- 
tliately  hastened  away  by  the  (iovernour  to  (Jahna- 
wagaw  or  Tov/n  of  Mohawk  Indians  distant  from 
Mount  Royall  four  Leagues  up  the  River.  And  at 
his  return  Informed  the  Captives,  That  he  had  a 
Message  from  the  Oovernour  desiring  the  afores''  In- 
dians to  Aid  the  I'^astern  Indians;  for  the  b'.nglish 
had  engaged  the  five  Nations  of  Mohawks  against 
them  ;  And  likewise  said  the  Indians  Intirely  De- 
clined it,  and  was  Resolved  to  stand  Neuter. 


;28 


Appendix. 


The  ninth  day  of  July. 
Hamilton  having  a  former  promise  of  the  Gover- 
nor of  Canada,  That  upon  the  first  News  he  had 
from  New  England  he  would  let  him  go  home.  That 
upon  the  return  of  a  Message  from  Albany  said 
Hamilton  took  an  Opportunity  of  waiting  on  him; 
Being  asked  his  Business,  Answered  his  Excellency, 
he  understood  he  had  heard  from  New  England, 
And  that  pursuant  to  his  promise  he  Expected  he 
would  let  him  go  home.  The  Governour  Answered 
it  was  unreasonable  of  him  to  Expect  he  should  let 
him  go,  Considering  the  English  had  Engaged  the 
five  Nations  of  Mohawks  to  Come  and  kill  his  Ab- 
nakecs  als  Eastern  Indians.  And  in  a  great  Passion 
very  much  blamed  the  English  for  their  Extrava- 
gancy in  Giving  One  hundred  Pounds  Beaver  for 
One  Scalp,  and  Sixty  pounds  for  a  Prisoner.  Then 
the  said  Hamilton  told  his  Excellency  he  hoped  his 
Excellency  would  not  resent  the  steps  the  English 
took  to  Justify  themselves  on  him,  in  regard  he  had 
been  the  Main  Instrument  of  getting  him  clear  from 
the  Indians,  And  that  he  would  not  detain  him  any 
longer  in  the  Countrey,  to  make  him  miserable.  To 
which  he  got  no  Answer  which  made  him  urge  fur- 
ther, That  he  hoped  his  Excellency  would  let  him 
take  a  passage  from  Quebec  to  Europe,  he  Answered 
he  should  not.  Upon  which  said  Hamilton  told  his 
Excellency  he  had  spent  a  great  deal  of  Money  in 
the  Countrey,  «&  that  he  had  run  so  much  upon 
Credit  already  that  he  could  have  no  more  help 
from  his  Benefactor,  he  Answered  his  Maintenance 
was  none  of  his  Business  &  so  went  away. 

July  the  lo"'  day  1723 
M*^  Dotell  arrived    here  from   Quebec  havino-  no 
time  limited  for  his  stay  there,  and  went  to  pay  his 


Appendix. 


329 


respects  to  his  Excellency,  who  upon  his  appearance 
Ordered  him  directly  to  Goal,  and  gave  a  Strict 
charge  to  the  Goaler  to  let  none  of  his  English  Cap- 
tives have  any  Communications  with  him. 

July  the  30'**  day  1723 

Governour  Vaudreuil  sent  for  Hamilton  the  Cap- 
tive, and  ordered  him  to  get  ready  to  go  down  to 
Quebec  with  him  by  two  a  Clock  which  he  Observed 
&  Embarqued  with  the  Governour,  Attended  by 
his  Secretary,   his   Life   Guard  and  an  Interpreter. 

On  the  15"'  arrived  at  S'  Francis  where  was  a  great 
number  of  Indians  together  with  a  Jesuit  drawn  up 
on  the  shore  Expressing  their  joy  by  a  Dance  for 
his  Excellencies  safe  arrival ;  presently  after  they 
held  a  Council,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  finished,  said 
Hamilton  was  ordered  to  Come  before  them,  and 
Desired  by  his  Excellency  to  Give  Attention  to  what 
the  Indians  said,  and  relate  it  to  his  Governour  and 
Council  when  he  should  go  hence.  The  said  Hamil- 
ton made  Answer  he  Chose  to  take  in  Writing  by  rea- 
son it  would  be  too  Burthensome  to  his  Memory  The 
Governour  Desired  him  to  go  next  day  and  take 
the  Interpreter  along  with  him  to  the  Indian  Town 
where  the  Jesuit  lived,  and  he  would  repeat  the 
whole  sentiments  of  the  Indians  which  they  told  to 
him,  as  also  his  willingness  to  assist  in  making  a 
Peace  for  the  English.  Said  Hamilton  Enquired 
of  His  Excellency,  if  there  should  be  a  Cessation  of 
Arms  until  he  cfot  home  to  Inform  his  Government 
of  what  was  proposed  by  the  Indians,  and  his  Ex- 
cellency turned  to  the  Jesuit  whose  opinion  he 
wanted,  who  Immediately  shew  his  Dislike,  and  In- 
stantly answered  to  Fiamilton  the  War  must  go  on. 
42 


330 


Appendix. 


WanaLanious  the  i6"'  clay. 

This  morninL(  the  Interpreter  and  said  Ilainllton 
_f,^ot  here,  and  with  much  difficnlty  obtained  the  In- 
dians Speech  to  be  Translated  into  English,  but  the 
Jesuit  would  have  it  after  his  manner  of  broken  Kng- 
iish,  least  he  shoukl  add  more  than  the  Intent  of 
the  matter  mentioned,  and  was  so  Exact,  that  he 
took  the  copy  of  what  was  drawn  up  by  s''  Hamilton. 
The  same  Evening  Captain  Nathaniel  an  Eastern 
Indian  and  Hamilton  happened  to  discourse  on 
several  Passages,  Nathaniel  told  s''  Hamilton  That 
he  in  some  few  sleeps  would  X'isit  the  Western  parts 
of  New  England  with  the  Army  that  he  saw  the  day 
before  at  the  Council,  which  consisted  of  betw^een 
fifty  and  sixty  men.  The  said  Hamilton  Declares 
That  the  Ammunition  and  I>isket  (as  he  has  Reason 
to  believe)  were  brought  into  the  Cannofrom  Mount 
Royall  for  to  fit  out  the  said  Indians  for  that  Expe- 
dition, as  also  a  fat  Cow  Ordered  them  at  S'  Erancis 
for  the  same  purpose. 

This  18'*^  July. 

Sett  out  for  Albany  in  Company  with  three  In- 
dians and  arrived  the  17"'  July  at  Eort  Chambly,  and 
the  said  Hamilton  shew^ed  his  passport  to  the  Com- 
ander  there,  and  so  proceeded  towards  the  Lake. 
The  19"'  July  we  were  met  wdth  four  Indians  with 
four  Indian  Cannos  Laden  with  Beaver  bound  for 
Albany,  and  about  tew  a  Clock  at  night  were  Oues- 
tloned  by  a  large  Canno  Manned  with  eight  Sol- 
diers,  who  Imagined  w^e  had  been  laden  with  Beaver 
bound  to  Albana,  which  Trade  by  the  Law  of 
Canada  is  prohibited,  and  Demanded  a  Passport 
which  was  produced  and  perused  by  them  and  the 
s''  Hamilton  &  Comp^  was  dismist. 


Appcjidix. 


i:-^^ 


The  twenty  first  day  of  July  the  s''  Hamilton  ol)- 
served  one  of  the  Indians  perusinij^  a  paper  which 
was  Wrote  In  Indian,  and  Hamilton  demanded  of 
the  s''  Indian,  what  it  was  he  was  readini;.  The  In- 
dian made  answer  it  was  a  speech  from  the  Gover- 
nour  of  Canada  and  the  Indian  Council  which  was 
lately  held  at  S'  l'>ancis,  which  speech  he  was  to  De- 
liver to  the  Mohawks,  and  that  his  order  from  the 
Governour  &  Jesuits  was  first  to  go  to  the  Mohawks 
Countrey  and  then  to  proceed  to  Albany  with  the 
said  Hamilton. 

On  the  22''  July  1723. 

We  met  on  the  Lake  two  Cannos  with  several 
Indians  on  board  having  a  great  quantity  of  Barque 
for  Canno's,  one  of  which  Indians  told  the  said  Ham- 
ilton in  English,  That  all  the  old  Indians  were  for 
Peace,  but  the  Young  Men  were  for  War,  as  also  the 
Governour  of  Canada  as  the  Depon'  understood. 

On  the  23''  we  arrived  at  the  Head  of  the  Lake 
Superlour  where  were  several  Eastern  Indians  with 
whom  we  had  a  long  Conference,  who  persuaded  our 
Indians  to  go  first  to  Albany  and  after  to  proceed  to 
the  Mohawks  assuring  them  and  the  s''  Hamilton 
That  the  Road  they  were  taking  would  be  more  Fa- 
tiguing of  the  two.  Upon  which  they  agreed  to  the 
Advice,  and  so  proceeded  to  Albany  where  we  ar- 
rived the  17""  O  S.  and  were  received  kindly  by 
Coll"  Schuyler,  who  Informed  Hamilton  that  several 
Commissioners  from  Boston  had  lately  been  there, 
and  that  they  had  a  promise  from  a  great  number  of 
Sachems  belonging  to  the  five  Nations  That  they 
would  meet  in  Boston  in  Sixty  days  together  with 
the  Eastern  Indians  in  Order  to  make  a  Peace.  The 
said  Hamilton  Assured  Coll.  Schuyler  That  he  was 


332 


A/ipendix. 


C(;rtai>i   none;   of  the  l"!ast(MMi   Indians  would  Alt(;nd 
then;,  (jivinj^^  them  his  Reasons  and  Informing  Iiini, 

That  th(!  Indians  speech  with  tlu;  (iovernf)r  of  Can- 
ada to  Our  Government  was  fjiiite  tlie  Reverse. 
That  hy  Coll"  Schiiyl(;r  and  M^  Jacob  Wendcdl  of 

lioston    Merch'  their   advice,    tlu;    Comissioners  for 
mana^dn^   the    ICastern   affair  at  Albany  were   made; 
acquainted  with  the  premises;   y\nd  the  s''  liamiiton 
Informed   the   (Jomissioners,  That  one  of  those    In- 
dians which   Conducted    th<;m    from    Canada   had    a 
speech  from  th(;  (iovernour  of  Canada,  J<;suits  and 
Mast(;rn  Indians,  and   that  he  was  of  the   opinion,  if 
Care  were  not  takcm,  would  ov(;rs<;tt  what  tin;  Comis- 
sion(;rs  of  lioston  had  transact(!d  with  the  Mohawks. 
Whereuj)on  the   s''    Indian    was   Ouestioned   cios(;ly 
Concerning  the  same  ;  who  at   first  denyed    it,   hut 
soon  after  Confessed  the  I'act  Upon  which  the  Com- 
missioners   Resolved    to    sc.-nd    an    Int(;rj)reter    with 
th(t  said  Indian  to  hear  the  spe(;(:h  and  to  hinder  the 
Mohawks   from   breaking  their   Word  to  th'-  J>(jston 
Commissioners,  which  after  three  days  they  dispatcht 
with  the  said  Indian,  and  Hamelton  was  advised,  by 
Coll"   Schuyler  ik  W   Wendell    to  wait    until    news 
of   the   reception  ik  r(;turn  of    the  s''    Indian,  which 
xXw.y  judj^(Ml  was  highly  Convenient  to  \w.  brought  to 
the     Governour    at     Boston,    and    accordinj^ly    the 
s''   Hamilton  waited   iM^hteen   days  for  the  answer, 
which  was  that  the   Indians  had  brouj^ht  two  peices 
of  Wampom,  which  he  presented  to  the   Mohawks, 
an<l  be^ain  a  sp(!ech  which  was  put  to  an  luid  by  tin; 
Int(,'rpreter  of  one  Ibtndricka  ll(;ad  Sachem  of  the 
Mohawks,  who  bid  the  s''  Indian  to  return,  and  if  he 
had  any  thinj^  to  say  to  come   to    Boston   and   there 
they  would   hear  him,  and   upon   failure  they  would 
take  him  by  the  hair. 


tjtk 


Appendix. 


7>'s:s 


Au^jiist  tin;  fifth. 

'Ihr  said  llainilton  tf)ok  his  (Icpartiirc  from  Al- 
Ijany  for  Boston,  att(:n(l<;il  i>y  an  IiuHaii  s(Mit  pr  (. OUo 
Jolni  Scluiylcr,  as  also  a  horse  as  far  as  Wcstfutld, 
and  arrived  there-,  and  ajjplyed  hiinscdf  to  Capt  Ash- 
ley of  th(;  s''  jjlac<:  who  procured  a  Man  ik  two  horses 
to  Cr)n(hi(:t  the  s'  Hamilton  to  Boston,  wh(;re  he  ar- 
rived the  twelfth  day  of  August,  And  the  n<xt  morn- 
ing waited  on  his  Honour  the  Commaiuhtr  in  Chi(if 
ik.  l)(.'liver(Ml  the  Indians  si^eech  ik  \.\\v.  Ciov(;rnour  of 
Canadas,  &  also  Informed  the;  Honourable  IIous(iof 
R(*pres(;ntatives  then  sitting  of  the  Conf(;r(;nce  that 
had  been  l>etw(Mm  the  s''  1  lamilton  ik.  Capt  Nathaniel, 
an  Mastern  Indian  at  partin;^s  w'''  was  on  the  i6"'  of 
Aujrust  N.  S. 

Boston  Sept'  i  723. 

'\\\i\  said  Alexander  Hamilt(;n  lik(;wise  Testifys 
That  Mons'  La  Lon^ue  Informed  him  that  M'  de 
Kams(iy  told  M'  Bhilip  Schuyhtr  at  his  Departun?, 
That  had  not  M(jns'  I)e  Vaudreuil  becm  then  pr(ts<Mit 
in  M(Mint  Koyall,  That  he  tlu,'  s''  De  Rams(;y  would 
have  sent  him  to  (ioal  As  also  the  s''  Le  Lan^ue 
Attended  the  s''  M"^  Schuyler,  as  the  Dej)on'  Im- 
a^nned  after  he  had  ^ot  his  discharge  to  leave  the 
Countrey  in  the  Nature  of  a  (iuard  until  he  took 
his  departun;  from  Mount  Royall  ;  Immediat(;ly  af- 
ter which  he  the  said  la  I.on^ue  posted  to  the  1  louse 
of  Mons'  De  Vaudreuil  &  Informed  his  Excellency 
that  Schuyler  was  gone. 

And  h(;  the  said  Alexander  Hamilton  further  De- 
clares That  th(;  afor(;going  is  a  true  journal  as  far  as 
he  could  learn  and  find  out  by  Inter[)reters  I'ellow 
Captives  ik   Indians,  &   being   himself  also   an    ICyc 


i  t 


i  \ 


334 


Appendix. 


witness  to  most  of  the  Transactions  &  he  has  many 
strong  Circumstances  to  Convince  him  of  the  truth 
of  what  he  has  related  of  those  things  which  he  did 
not  see. 

Alexander  Hamilton. 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
Sworn  before  the  Hon*''"  the  Lieutenant 
Governor  &  Council  this  Seventh  day 
of  December  i  723. 

Attest.     J  Willard  Secry. 
A  true  Copy 

Examd  1^ 

J.  Willard  Secry. 
R''  in  March  1 72}. 


Paper  No.  8,  entitled  "  Faper  Taken  From  the 
Church  Door  at  Norridgewock  in  Oct",  1722, 
may  be  found  at  page  122. 


\Paper  p.] 
Governor  Vaudreuil  to  the  Governor  of  Boston. 

Copy 

S^ 

I  know  not  what  you  now  think  of  the  War  with 
the  Abanakeys  which  you  have  drawn  upon  your 
selves,  in  Taking  and  possessing  (against  all  right) 
their  Land ;  you  may  see  that  it  is  not  so  Easy  a 
thing  as  you  thought  at  first  to  reduce  those  Indians, 
I  can  likewise  assure  you.  That  you  will  find  more 
difficulty  in  the  pursuit  than  Ever  for  that  besides 
their   Resolution   of  Defending  their    Countrey   as 


Appendix. 


335 


long  as  any  of  them  remain  and  not  to  hearken  to 
any  Accomodation  until  you  entirely  abandon  all 
their  Rivers,  and  that  thing's  be  set  on  the  same  foot, 
as  they  were  before  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  All  the 
Indians  of  other  Nations  to  whom  they  have  re- 
ported the  Evil  Treatment  which  they  have  received 
from  you,  have  taken  up  the  hatchet  for  their  help 
or  succour,  and  are  ready  to  strike  the  blow  on  all 
sides,  to  revenge  the  Abanakeys  their  Countreys 
&  Friends,  and  to  Deliver  them  from  the  Yoke  and 
Oppression  which  you  would  reduce  them  unto  ; 
have  they  not  in  Effect  reason,  what  new  right  have 
you  acquired  upon  the  Abanakeys  &  their  Lands  ;  I 
know  not  of  any;  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  do's  Con- 
ceed  to  you  L'Accadie,  Conformable  to  it's  Ancient 
limits  ;  the  Lands  of  the  Abanakeys  are  they  Com- 
prehended ?  if  so  wherefore  do's  the  same  Treaty 
add  in  the  15th  article  that  there  shall  be  named  on 
each  part  Commissioners  for  the  Regulation  of  the 
limits  between  the  two  Crowns,  and  to  determine  the 
Indians  that  are  subjects  or  Friends  to  either  one  or 
the  other. 

Is  it  not  Evident  that  your  pretensions  renders 
utterly  useless  this  wise  Regulation  which  must 
fall  upon  the  Abanakes  and  their  Lands,  altho  there 
has  been  no  Comissioners  named  to  decide  any 
thing  of  their  residence;  you  have  in  Fact  put  your- 
selves in  possession  of  these  Lands  which  you  did 
me  the  honour  to  Write  that  the  Indian  Inhabitants 
were  subjects  and  Rebells,  notwithstanding  you 
ought  not  to  be  Ignorant  of  the  Strict  Allegiance 
that  has  been  at  all  times  between  us,  I  leave  it  to 
you  to  Judge,  Sir,  whether  you  or  I  do  most  Con- 
form our  selves  to  the  Rules  of  the  said  Treaty, 
which  Contains  That  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada,  or 


336 


Appendix. 


other  of  His  Majesties  subjects  shall  not  Molest  the 
five  Indian  Nations  who  have  sul^mitted  themselves 
to  Great  Britain,  nor  the  other  Nations,  Friends  to 
that  Crown,  likewise  that  the  subjects  of  Great  Brit- 
ain shall  behave  themselves  Peaceably  towards  the 
American  subjects  or  I'Viends  of  bVance.  You  can- 
not be  Ignorant  Sir,  That  in  divers  Letters  which  I 
had  the  honour  to  Write  you,  Ihat  I  represented 
the  unhappy  Consequences  that  must  Infallibly  fol- 
low the  Evil  Treatment  you  have  used  in  Regard  to 
the  Indians  Our  Allies,  for  which  I  Esteem  you  Re- 
sponsible ;  I  ar^sure  you  it  is  to  me  a  great  Chagrine, 
to  see  the  great  Union  that  is  between  my  King  and 
Yours,  may  be  Changed  by  the  Occasion  of  a  pre- 
tended right,  by  which  you  have  Seized  On  the  Land 
that  from  all  times  belonged  to  our  Allies ;  for  in 
short  I  cannot  sooner  or  later  hinder  my  self  froni 
I'Lngaging  in  their  Quarrel  ;  were  it  pot  better.  Sir, 
in  the  mean  time,  until  Commi'-sioners  be  named  for 
this  purpose,  as  is  Exfiressed  in  the  Treaty  of 
Utrecht,  whereby  to  Regulate  all  things  Amicably, 
to  let  the  Indians  Enjoy  Peaceably  their  Land  in 
which  they  have  always  been  in  possession  and 
hereby  to  reestablish  the  Peace  of  these  Countries, 
which  we  see  with  pleasure  to  be  in  Europe. 

The   Sieurs  La  Rond  and  de  la  Geste  are  both 
Ofificers  of  the  King  &  Men  of  Consideration,  will 
have  the  honour  of  rendring  my  Letter  to  you,  wait- 
ing your  answer,  I  have  the  honour  of  being  perfectly 
Your  most  humble  &  most 
Obedient  Servant. 

Signed         Vaudreuil. 

Quebec  the  2.S"'  October  1723. 

To  the  Governour  Generall  of  Boston 
Examined 

'^>  J  Willard  Secry. 


Appendix. 


ZZl 


\^Paper  /o.] 

Gov"    DUMMKR    TO    MoNS"    I)E    VaUDREUIL. 

A  Letter  to  Mojis''  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of  Canada. 

Sir 

I  received  the  lionour  of  your  Letter  1^  Mess"  Le 
Ronde  &  IJe  La  C basse,  and  am  at  a  jj^reat  loss  to 
know  wiiat  part  Monsr  Vaudreuil  would  be  under- 
stood to  take  between  us,  &  the  Indians  within  this 
Governm\  Vox  such  are  the  People  with  whom  we 
are  Engaged  in  a  War.  We  have  often  Recog^nized 
their  Obedience  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and 
acknowledo^ed  I  lis  British  Majesties  Sovereignty  over 
them,  tho  at  the  same  time  we  sufficiently  understand 
the  share  the  French  Indians  have  had  in  their  Dep- 
redations, as  well  as  the  Encouragement  and  Assist- 
ance both  have  had  from  Quebec  and  Montreal. 

At  the  same  time,  I  shall  not  have  the  least  diffi- 
culty to  make  it  Evident  that  we  have  in  no  respect 
broken  into  the  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
mentioned  in  your  Letter.  For  we  have  made  no 
Settlements  in  any  Controverted  Boundaries,  and  I 
must  Acquaint  you,  that  the  Indians  might  have  en- 
joyed uninterrupted  Quiet  to  this  day  had  they  not 
been  Instigated  by  Evil  Advice  from  your  self  &  the 
Priests  of  your  Government  to  act  an  Inhumane 
Barbarous  part  upon  our  Quiet  &  Ancient  Settle- 
ments. All  which  I  shall  fully  shew  forth  at  a 
proper  time:  But  that  which  most  of  all  surprizes 
me  is  to  find  Mons'  Vaudreuil  (who  speaks  so  freely 
of  the  '^reat  Union  between  the  Crowns  of  Great 
Britain  ik.  Prance,  and  of  his  own  Exactness  in  Ob- 
serving the  Artich^s  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht)  say, 
that  we  shall  sooner  or  later  Engage  in  their  Quarrel ; 

43 


33^ 


Appendix. 


which  I  can  Interpret  no  other  ways  than  that  you 
Intend  to  make  War  upon  us  in  favour  of  those  that 
are  Declared  Rebels  against  Mis  British  Majesty; 
Nor  can  I  Conceive  that  there  is  any  such  Power 
lodged  with  you  to  break  the  Peace  so  solemnly  and 
firmly  Established  between  the  two  Crowns  by  the 
Treaty  of  Utreght. 

Upon  the  whole  S'  I  assure  myself  that  on  due 
Consideration  of  this  affair  you  will  see  Cause  to 
alter  your  Measures  and  Instead  of  Exciting  the  In- 
dians against  us,  Advise  them  to  make  their  Sub- 
mission to  their  Rightful  Sovereign  King  George, 
and  thereby  Convince  me  of  your  sincerity  to  Culti- 
vate the  same  good  Amity  between  these  Govern- 
ments that  is  Established  between  the  English  and 
French  Crowns  at  home,  which  will  be  very  accept- 
able to  him  who  is  with  much  respect 

Sir 
Your  humble  Servant 

W"  Uummer. 
December  20"'  1723 
Examined 

'#     J  Willard  Secry. 


\ Paper  ii.\ 
Lannerjat's  Letter  to  Father  Rai.li':. 

« 

Nusalkchunangan 

July  1724. 
My  Reverend  ffather 

P.  C.  Sixteen  luiglishmen  were  killed 

whilst  Joseph  was  gon  to  you   Two  boats  were  burnt 


Appendix. 


339 


and  forty  Seven  in  all  were  killed  and  taken  prison- 
ers with  Eleven  Sloops  as  we  Commonly  say  Sword 
in  hand  and  that  after  an  obstinate  fight  on  Each 
side  all  which  will  contribute  to  our  gallantry  and 
will  increase  our  Village  if  it  be  well  preserved. 

In  spite  of  all  the  Indians  can  say  all  the  Glory  is 
owing  to  Sagsarrab. 
Examined 

W     J  Willard  Secry. 


Paper  No.  12,  entitled  "  A  Coi'V  of  a  Letter  From 
Sku:  Rallk,  a  French  Jesuit,  to  Another  Priest, 
Giving  a  Detail  (jf  the  DErREDATioNs  Commit- 
ted I5V  the  Indians  on  the  English  in  North 
America,  Aug:  1724,  may  be  found  at   page  251. 


[Paper  /j.\ 

The  L''  Governour  of  Massachusets  Bay  to  the 
Hon"'"  Sam'-  Cranston  Esg"". 

Letter  from  the  Lieu'  Governour 
and  Council  to  the  Hon''"''  Samuel 
Cranston  Esq"^  Governour  of  the 
Colony  of  Rhode  Island  (or  in  his 
absence  to  the  Deputy  Governour) 
and  to  the  General  Assembly  of 
said  Colony. 
Gent" 

The  burthen  of  the  Warr  growing  more  Grievous 
to  this  Province  both  on  Account  of  the  prodigious 
Expence  in  maintaining  it.  and  the  many  Persons 
that  have  been  Slain  and  Captivated  by  this  barbar- 
ous Enemy,  as  well  as  the  lessening  of  the  produce 


340 


Appendix. 


of  the  Coiintrey  and  raising  the  prices  of  all  neces- 
sarys  of  life ;  We  think  it  highly  reasonable  that 
Our  Neighbours  the  subjects  of  the  same  Crown 
(who  feel  none  of  the  Calamitys  of  Warr  themselves, 
but  are  rather  benefited  by  our  Misfortunes  in  the 
Great  demand  &  Consumption  among  us  of  the  Ef- 
fects of  their  labour  and  TrafTfick)  should  bear  their 
part  of  the  Expence  of  this  Warr,  by  furnishing  and 
supporting  a  proportionable  fforce  for  Our  assistance, 
and  therefore  we  think  it  proper  to  make  this  further 
application  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Rhode  Island, 
and  pray  you  to  lay  before  them  our  desires.  That 
they  would  fully  Consider  the  State  of  Our  Province 
with  respect  to  this  Grievous  and  Expensive  Warr, 
And  Order  a  number  of  men  to  be  raised  and  Joyned 
with  Ours  That  by  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  said 
Warr,  We  may  by  the  Blessing  of  God  bring  it  to  a 
Speedy  and  happy  Conclusion.  And  We  can  with  the 
Greater  Earnestness  press  this  matter,  because  We 
are  Conscious  of  the  readiness  of  this  Governm'  (ex- 
pressed in  many  Instances)  to  Assist  their  Neigh- 
bours in  Distress  ;  Besides  the  Governours  or  Com- 
anders  in  Chief  of  this  Province  are  Instructed  by 
His  Majesty  in  case  of  a  W^arr  to  require  a  Quota 
of  men  of  the  Neighbouring  Governours,  and  like- 
wise to  Assist  them  in  the  Same  manner  when  their 
circumstances  demand  it.  We  would  Further  Inform 
you  That  the  Government  of  Connecticut  have  very 
cheerfully  Supplyed  a  considerable  number  of  Sol- 
diers for  the  Security  of  our  Western  Frontiers  ;  We 
doubt  not  but  you  will  Effectually  Consider  what  is 
proper  to  be  done  by  you  for  His  Majestys  Service 
in  this  Affair,  and  for  the  Advantage  of  these  Prov- 
inces and  Colonys,  which  being  united  in  Interest 
ought  to  be  so  in  mutual  Affection  and  kindness  as- 


Appendix. 


341 


suring  you  that  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  Our 
part  that  becomes  a  good  Neighbour  of  your  Gov- 
ernment, and  that  may  tend  to  promote  a  good  un- 
derstanding with  you  at  all  times,  Upon  which  the 
prosperity  of  both  Governments  do's  so  much  de- 
pend. What  Assistance  you  shall  order,  We  shall 
humbly  Represent  to  His  Majesty,  to  whom  we  doubt 
not  it  will  be  Acceptable. 

We  have  thought  fit  to  Impower  Nathaniel  By- 
field  Esq"^  (One  of  His  Maj'^^  Council  for  this  Prov- 
ince and  a  Gentleman  of  Great  Knowledge  &  long 
Experience  in  our  Publick  affairs)  to  Appear  for  Us 
and  to  Treat  and  Conferr  with  you  upon  the  matters 
herein  Represented,  And  we  desire  that  you  would 
give  him  Credence  accordingly,  and  to  receive  him 
to  such  Conferences  with  you  as  may  be  necessary 
for  that  End.  Thus  wishing  you  the  Conduct  of 
Heaven  in  all  your  Publick  Affairs,  We  Remain 

Gent" 

Your  Affectionate  Friends 
and  humble  Servants. 
In  the  Name  &  by  Order  of  the 
L*  Govern"^  and  Council 

J.  Willard  Secry. 
Boston  October  28"'  1724. 
Copy     Examined  ^  J.  Willard,  Secry. 


\Papet'  I ^.     No.  i^  is  a  duplicate?^ 

Gov"*  Vaudreuil  to  L'^  Gov"  Dummer. 

I  am  Surprized  that  you  have  not  Seen  the  Safe 
Guard  &  the  Commission  I  had  given  to  Father 
Ralle  Sooner.     The  Abanakis  Indians  your  Neigh- 


342 


Appendix. 


hours  with  whom  you  have  always  heen  in  War  hav- 
in<^  Submitted  themselves  to  France  Embrace  the 
Catholick  Religion,  and  Declare  War  to  you  every 
time  ffrance  and  England  have  had  any  quarrell  to- 
gether I  say  all  this  ought  or  should  have  put  you  in 
Mind  or  Convince  you  it  was  not  without  Orders  of 
the  Most  Christian  King  that  the  Jesuits  were  among 
the  Indians  and  preach  the  Gospel  to  'em.  If  you 
had  forgot  it  the  many  Letters  I  had  written  to  your 
Governour  about  it  Since  the  last  War  between  you 
and  the  Abanakis  Indians  ought  to  have  put  you  in 
mind  of  it.  No  Doubt  but  you  are  to  Answer  to 
the  King  your  Master  for  the  late  Murther  Commit- 
ted by  your  order  on  the  person  of  that  ffrench  Mis- 
sionary whose  head  I  know  you  set  a  price  on  &  had 
no  other  reason  to  be  so  animated  against  him  only 
because  he  had  done  his  duty  and  has  been  faithfull 
to  his  Prince  in  Teaching  those  Indians  to  whom  the 
King  of  ffrance  could  not  refuse  Missionaries  and 
help  'em  in  all  he  could,  because  they  have  always 
been  true  to  him  and  Served  him  upon  every  Occa- 
sion or  Opportunity  that  hath  been  made  known  to 
you. 

You  tell  me  that  you  took  the  Opportunity  of  the 
Safeguard  I  had  given  to  ffather  Ralle  to  let  me 
know  for  the  Second  time  that  the  Narantsouac  & 
Panouamsque  Indians  were  without  Contradiction 
Subjects  to  Great  Britain  &  on  their  Lands  ;  Give 
me  leave  to  tell  you  S*"  that  what  you  say  is  not  main- 
tainable. 

Dont  you  know  that  S'  Georges  River  was  in  i  700 
by  Order  of  the  two  Crowns  markt  as  the  bounds  of 
the  English  &  ffrench  Lands  by  which  bounds  it  is 
plainly  seen  that  all  the  District  of  Panouamsque 
was  given  to  us,  and  Shews  the  Injustice  you  have 


Appendix. 


343 


Committed  against  the  ffrench  to  Build  as  you  have 
done  &  without  Leave  a  ffort  on  the  Land  of  one 
Lefevrc  of  which  Knterprize  if  you  dont  d(;sist  you 
will  Infallibly  repent  Dont  you  know  now  that  S''  Le- 
fevre  had  an  habitation  at  Ilosanoueskact,  that  your 
vSloops  and  ours  did  pay  a  Duty  to  him  as  to  the 
proprietor  of  that  Land  every  time  they  came  to 
Anchor  there.  I  believe  that  M'  Capon  (Envoy  of 
Ens^land  when  Kini,^  Georj^e  came  upon  the  Throne 
who  came  here  to  aske  the  Panouamsque  Indians  to 
Submit  themselves  to  England)  has  not  Imparted  to 
you  the  Answer  those  Indians  made  to  him  tho  they 
did  give  him  two  Copies  of  it  in  writing.  Their 
Answer  was  that  they  were  brench  from  the  begin- 
ning and  in  the  Interest  of  Erance,  that  they  were 
Surprized  they  made  Such  propositions  to  'em  That 
they  never  would  Change  their  Religion,  King  nor 
Interest  and  were  offended  they  would  keep  such  a 
discourse  to  'em  when  they  knew  very  well  their 
Union  with  Erance  of  which  they  look  upon  them- 
selves as  Children  and  Subjects,  that  Answer  (if 
Said  Capon  dont  lye  that  was  to  be  sent  to  the  King 
and  Parliament  of  England)  will  show  plainly  Sir 
the  unreasonableness  of  your  Pretension  to  those 
Indians.  As  to  those  of  Narantsouac  you  fiflatter 
your  Selves  of  Certain  particular  Deeds  by  Vertue 
of  which  you  pretend  they  made  over  their  Lands  to 
you.  But  how  can  we  believe  you  Since  the  whole 
Nation  Exclaim  against  those  particular  Indians 
(whom  they  pretend  you  have  Suborned)  that  had 
no  Authority  to  give  that  Deed  ;  Eor  the  first  Port 
built  by  your  Order  upon  Narantsouac  Land,  you  Said 
to  the  Indians  that  were  against  it  or  Opposed  to  it 
that  you  did  not  pretend  to  be  Masters  of  said  fforts 
that  they  were  built  only  against  Pirates  that  might 


344 


Appendix. 


otherwise  take  away  the  goods  you  had  a  mind  to 
send  that  way  to  trade  with  'em.  After  you  had  by 
unlawfull  means  built  those  fforts  you  Spake  very 
Imperiously  and  thought  your  Selves  able  to  Subdue 
the  said  Indians  :  But  it  is  that  it  Self  that  has 
brought  you  to  the  Confusion  and  trouble  you  lye 
under  of  which  you  will  have  much  ado  to  couie  off. 
You  have  in  so  doing  provoked  the  Narantsouac  In- 
dians against  you  to  See  you  had  a  mind  to  use  'em 
as  your  Subjects  and  even  as  Slaves,  whilst  they 
would  have  no  other  relation  with  you  but  what  fol- 
lows from  Trade  among  nations.  You  may  Judge 
of  the  Truth  of  what  I  .Say  by  the  Letter  you  took 
about  three  years  agoe  at  ffather  Ralle's  house  when 
you  plundered  it  against  the  Laws  of  men.  Youl  See 
in  that  Letter  that  the  Narantsouac  Indians  used  to 
come  every  year  to  me  to  Complain  of  your  New 
Attempts:  And  that  you  had  a  mind  to  make  them 
Turn  of  your  Side  whether  they  would  or  no  which 
they  were  Resolved  not  to  Suffer.  You  had  more 
need  to  ask  my  Advice  before  you  Invade  their  Land 
(which  I  shall  never  advise  to)  then  I  to  aske  your 
Leave  to  Answer  the  first  Complaints  of  the  said  In- 
dians, That  Since  they  would  not  Turn  of  your  Side 
it  was  their  Interest  to  defend  their  Land  and  drive 
out  those  that  would  Invade  it. 

It  would  have  lookt  very  unseemly  for  me,  if  for 
to  please  you  I  had  Occasioned  the  Said  Indians  to 
turn  from  the  ffrench  with  whom  they  have  and  will 
live  lovingly  together  &  Sacrafice  to  you  If  I  had  I 
should  have  made  a  Breach  to  the  last  Treaty  of 
peace  who  Orders  us  to  have  a  regard  for  the  Soldiers 
either  Friends  or  Alleys  to  ffrance  &  do  nothing  to 
molest  'em  Know  thp:refore  Sir  that  if  I  did  Order 
ffather  Ralle  to  tarry  among  them  it  was  to  Conform 


Appendix. 


345 


myself  to  the  Said  Treaty.  Nothing  could  Afflict 
the  Said  Indians  more  than  to  See  their  ffather  or 
Priest  taken  away  from  'em,  whilst  of  another  Side 
you  did  Endeavour  to  take  their  Lands. 

You  must  blame  no  Body  but  your  selves  for  all 
the  Violence  and  Hostilities  those  Indians  have  Com- 
mitted against  your  Nation  Since  you  are  the  Cause 
of  it  in  Invading  their  Lands  and  presume  to  make 
your  Subjects  those  People  that  never  would  Consent 
to  be  your  Allies  who  being  united  to  Trance  have 
declared  themselves  against  your  Nation.  I  Can't 
help  taking  their  parts  in  this,  to  let  you  know  you 
are  in  the  wrong  to  fall  out  with  'em  as  you  have. 
You  have  by  that  means  drawn  upon  your  Selves  a 
great  Number  of  Indians  from  Every  Side  whom  to 
Revenge  the  Injustice  done  to  those  do  fall  and  will 
fall  upon  you  hereafter.  If  you  had  Imitated  the 
Governours  of  Boston  your  predecessors,  Contented 
your  Selves  to  Trade  with  the  Abenakes  Indians 
and  had  built  no  fforts  on  their  Lands  all  this  Con- 
tinent would  have  been  in  peace.  Wherefore  I  think 
my  Self  Obliged  to  represent  to  you  again,  that  to 
procure  peace  among  your  Selves,  and  the  People 
you  have  justly  provoked  by  your  unjust  Attempts 
to  pull  down  all  the  fforts  you  have  Built  upon  their 
Lands  since  the  Peace  of  Utrecht.  If  So  I  promise 
you  afterwards  to  be  your  Mediator  to  the  Abenakis 
Indians  and  those  that  help  them,  and  Oblige  them 
to  lay  down  the  Hatchet,  if  can  be  possible  to  Ap- 
pease 'em  Since  the  last  Cruelty  and  unjust  At- 
tempts Committed  of  late  against  them  and  their 
Missionary  I  am  not  so  Scared  of  your  threatenings 
to  See  Nations,  that  are  as  you  said  ready  to  fall 
upon  us  to  Revenge  your  Cause  than  you  ought  to 
be  your  Selves  for  the   fault  you  have  Committed 

44 


*  M\ 


3¥i 


Apf^endix. 


a;^^'lInst  I'rancc  in  I'liidcavoiirinLj  to  take  tlicir  Alleys 
from  'cm. 

I  will  not  ho\v<;v('r  r(;fiis(:  my  Mediation  to  you  to 
brin^  the  .Ahenakis  Indians  iS,:  their  Allies  to  I'eaet; 
on  Condition  I'^xprest  in  this  Letter  which  are  Con- 
formahh;  to  ihe  Mind  of  those  Indians  whom  (be- 
tween lis)  hav(;  }dv<-n  you  no  just  Cause  to  I  )(;(:lar(; 
war  to  'em.  As  to  the  Cruelty  Committed  by  your 
Order  on  tin;  I'erson  of  ffather  Kalh'  I  leav<t  to  the 
two  Crowns  to  l)e(;i(le  of  tlu;  Justice  or  punishment 
that  is  to  be  made;  havin^^  be(;n  Oblij^a.'d  to  givt;  an 
Accompt  of  it  t(j  the  Kin^^  my  Master. 

I  am  .Sir 

Your  most  hum])l(.'  cH: 
(Quebec  <S'"'  y"  jf;  Most  Obd'  .Servant 

1 724        (/"■'  y'-  10  V'Ai;bKi;i;ii,. 

])irected  to  the  (iovernour  rjf    IJos'iON. 
C(jj)y  Examined  V  J.  Willard  .Secry. 


I  Paper  f6. 1 

iNS'rkiK  rioNs  to  'iiir;   Commissiom'.ks   for  Canaha. 

Ar  a  (ireat  and  General  Court 
or  Assembly  f(jr  his  Maj(.'stys  provinc(; 
of  the  Mass.'ichusetts  liay  in  New  I^n^^- 
land  held  at  iSoston  upon  Wedn(;s- 
day  the  I'vleventh  of  November  1724. 
Nov'''  25"'  1725. 

'J  he  f(jllo\vin^  Vote  pass'd  both  Houses  res[)(;ct- 
m^  a  Messa_L;-e  to  \)v.  sent  to  Monsieur  Vaudreuil 
( icjv''  of  C"anada       \'i/.. 

ki'.soiA  i;ij   that  his  Hon'    th(,*    L'Oovernour 
be  desired  In  the  name  of  this  (i(;neral  Court  by  an 


Af>p(iiiii.\. 


347 


cxpn.'ss  (tarncstly  to  niovc!  his  I'!x( cllciicy  Ciov'  Hiir- 
n<!t  to  appoint  and  order  a  Siiital)l«;  I'lM'son  of  his 
(iovrrniiKtnt  to  Joyn  witli  any  |>crson  or  p<;rsons 
that  may  h(;  A|)poiiit(rd  Iicrtr  to  repair  to  Mons'  \' \\\\- 
dr(juil  (iov'  of  (Canada,  and  tiiero  demand  all  and 
v.viwy  of  his  Majestys  Snhjects  lliat  liavr;  hcttn  Cap- 
tivated by  the  Inch'an  Ijiemy  &  carried  into  i*<:  I)e- 
taiiKMl  in  any  |)art  of  his  Ciovernment  and  Hkevvise; 
demand  that  tiie  said  (iovernonr  V^iiidreiiil  vvillidraw 
th(;  < onntenancf;  M.:  Assistance  which  in  Violation  of 
tin;  IVftaty  of  lJtr(;cht  ik.  contrary  to  the.  fricMulshijj 
and  AlliancJ!  I)(;tvveen  tiie  'I\vo  Crowns  h(^  has  Lj^iv(Mi 
to  the  said  Indians  in  the  prosecntion  o(  iheir  I'n- 
jnst  War  a^^ainst  his  Majestys  Snhjects  of  these 
Colonys,  Otherwise  of  our  I'riend  Indians  who  hav(; 
with  didicidty  heiMi  restrained,  should  in  pursuit  of 
tin;  I"ji(;my  Indians  Commit  like  I  lostilitys  upon  the 
I'V(!nch  I'amilys  who  dwell  promiscuously  with  them 
as  hav(;  l)<;en  hy  the  hrench  Indians  Committed 
upon  th(;  Inhahitan-ls  of  this  province,  The  IManu; 
will  be  (Mitirely  owin^-  to  his  own  Conduct,  and  like- 
wise; inform  him  that  if  the  Indians  shall  still  persist 
in  th(-  war  a;^ainst  us  tin;  sev(;ral  I'ln^^lish  (iov(;rn- 
mcnts  will  fmd  themselves  ObliLjed  with  their  United 
I'orces  by  the  h<:l|)  of  (jrjd  lo  pi'()S(.'cnt(*  and  pursue; 
them  to  the  Utt(M-most  And  that  his  Hon'  the  L' 
(iovern^be  also  desircMl  in  the  Name  of  this  Court 
by  tlu;  Same  I'^xpress  to  move  the  I  Ion'''*-"  ( iovernonr 
Talcot  <k.  the  Oovernment  of  Connecticut,  that  they 
would  Joyn  a  Commissione-r  in  the  Affair  ab(^ve  as 
also  the  Cjovernments  of  Rhoad  Island  iSl  N(;wIIamj>- 
shire  to  Joyn  a  Commission(;r  from  (.'ach  Covern- 
ment  in  the  Same  yXffair 
Copy 

Examined  JH  J  Willard  Secry. 


34« 


Appendix. 


Dec'''  25"' 

1724. 

In  the  Mouse  of  Rei)resent<'itivcs. 

Voted  that  his  lion  the  LieutenM)overnoiir  he 
(htsired  to  send  Commissioners  on  the  Message  to 
Canachi  already  a^-^reed  on  although  the  Neighbour- 
ing (Governments  do  not  Joyn  them.  And  that  some 
Suitahle  person  or  persons  be  accordingly  Chosen 
by  tlu;  Court  befon;  they  rise,  And  that  M"^  Speaker 
M'  Wainwright  &  Col"  Chandler  ik  W  Cushingwith 
such  as  the  I  Ion''''-'  i»oard  shall  Joyn  be  a  Committee 
to  draw  some  proper  heads  or  Articles  of  Instruc- 
tions for  the  said  Commissioners,  And  to  sit  forth- 
with and  make  report  of  their  Uoings. 

In  Council  K(;ad  and  Concur'd,  And  that  Col" 
Fitch  &  Col"  Tailer  &  Col"  Thaxter  I)(!  Joined  in 
the  A  flair  above. 

Copy  Examined  V  J  Willard  Secry. 

Dec'"  23''  1724.  Voted  in  both  Houses  that  his 

Hon'  the  Lieutenant  Govern'  be  Desirc^l  to  give  the 
following  Instructions  to  the  Commissioners  to  be 
Chosen  and  sent  to  Canada  Viz. 

That  the  said  Commissioners  proceed  with  all 
Convenient  Dispatch  to  Albany  &  from  thence  to 
Mons'  Vaudreuil  Ciovernour  of  Canada  or  the  Cjov- 
ernour  for  the  time  being  of  that  Country  &  deliver 
to  him  the  several  Letters  to  him  Directed. 

That  they  demand  all  and  every  of  his  Maj(istys 
.Subjects  that  have  been  Captivated  by  the  Indian 
linemy  and  Carried  into  ik  detained  in  any  part  of 
his  Government. 

That  tb.ey  Remonstrate!  to  thf;  said  b'rench  (jov- 
ernour  his  unjust  1  r(\itment  of  this  Government 
in  the  Countenance;  and   Assistance  which  in  Viola- 


Appendix. 


349 


tion  of  th(;  Treaty  of  Utrecht  tS:  contrary  to  the 
I'riendship  aiul  Alliance  between  the  Two  Crowns 
he  has  given  to  the  said  Indians  in  the  prosecution 
of  this  present  War,  And  that  they  peremptorily  in- 
sist on  his  withdrawinf(  his  Countenance  and  assist- 
ance from  the  said  Indians  for  the  futur(!.  Other- 
wise to  observe  to  him,  That  if  our  friend  Indians 
should  in  pursuit  of  the  I'Lnemy  (Jomniit  like  Hos- 
tiliti(,'S  ujjon  the  I'Vench  hainilies  who  dwell  pro- 
miscuously with  them,  as  have  been  by  some  of  the 
/""rench  Indians  Committ(Hl  upon  the  Inhabitants  of 
this  province  the  Hlame  will  be  entirely  owinj^  to  his 
own  Conduct. 

And  if  hereupon  the  French  Governour  in  behalf 
of  th(!  Indians  or  the  said  Indians  for  themselves 
should  make  any  Overtures  for  puttinf,^  an  end  to  the 
War,  the  Commissioners  give  for  answer,  that  al- 
though they  have  neith(T  [powers  nor  Instructions  to 
conchide  or  enter  into  any  Treaty,  Yet  if  the  Indians 
or  a  numljer  of  their  Chiefs  full  Authorized  are  de- 
sirous to  Treat  with  this  Government  in  order  to 
make  an  Exchange  of  all  prisoners  and  Captives  on 
both  sid(;s,  and  a  Just.  Safe  and  lasting  peace  And 
for  this  I'Lnd  will  repair  to  Boston  or  Portsmouth  in 
the  [province  of  New  Ham[)shire  They  shall  have 
safe  Conduct  thither  and  back  again  and  the  Com- 
missioners shall  give  passports  accordingly. 
Examined  "1^  J  Willard  Secry. 


350 


Appendix. 


\^I^apcr  ly.  \ 

Journal  of  the  Commissionkrs  to  Canada, 

Conformable  to  our  Commission  and  Instructions 
from  the  Honorable  William  Dii.mmkk  Esq'  Lieu- 
tenant Governour  and  Commander  in  Chief  of  His 
Majestys  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  We 
de[)arted  the  Twenti(;th  day  of  January  1724  and  Ar- 
rived at  Albany  on  the  Twentiei(;hth  day  of  the  Said 
Month  And  after  having  Agreed  with  five  Macuas, 
and  five  Scatacook  Indians,  to  ^o  with  and  Assist 
us  on  our  Journey  to  Mont  Real,  and  provided  all 
things  necessary,  We  Set  out  from  Saratoga  40 
miles  above  Albany,  the  liighth  day  of  February 
finding  Ice  in  the  River,  and  on  Wood  Creek  so 
called  until  we  came  near  the  little  falls,  where  that 
Creek  Empties  it  Self  into  the  drowned  Lands  ;  and 
Concluding  the  Lake  to  be  open,  we  lay  Still  four 
days,  and  made  three  Cano's,  and  on  the  Sixteenth 
day  of  February  we  Set  out  drawing  all  our  Provis- 
ions and  other  things  on  Sleds  on  the  drowned  Lands 
until  we  came  to  the  Crown  Point  which  was  on  the 
Eighteenth  day  of  S''  month,  And  we  went  one  small 
days  Travel  further  and  then  made  a  wooden  Can- 
non Still  Concluding  the  Lake  was  open  but  Iix- 
tream  Cold  weather  coming  on,  and  our  provisions 
being  almost  Spent  by  the  Indians  we  dismis'd  them 
all  but  two  and  left  our  Cannons  behind,  and  set  out 
by  Land  on  the  22''  of  P^ebruary  and  after  many  diffi- 
culties and  hardships  We  arrived  at  Chambly  on  the 
28"'  day  of  the  said  month  where  having  first  ob- 
tained permission  to  go  to  Mont  Real  We  Arrived 
there  the  Second  day  of  March,  and  waited  on  the 
Governour  General  Mons"'  Vaudreuil  (who  happened 
to  get  there  the  day  before  us)  and   Delivered  him 


Appendix. 


351 


1 1 

1 1 


our  passports  and  other  Letters  to  him  directed,  and 
after  th(;y  were  translat(;d  a  time  bein^^  appointed 
We  ^ave  our  demands  to  the  Governour  in  writing 
(vvliich  are  herewith  Exliibited)  And  desired  an 
Answer  in  writins^  which  he  utterly  refused  ;  we 
Convinced  him  as  we  api)reliended  of  his  beini^  tlie 
Cause;  ot  the  War  as  well  by  his  own  as  other  brench 
Letters  ;  and  all  he  had  to  object  was  That  the  Let- 
t(;rs  we  produced  to  him  were  not  Oritj^inals.  We  then 
Appealed  to  the  Copys  he  kept,  but  he  would  not 
Suff(;r  them  to  be  Read.  lie  often  talked  to  us  of 
the  pretended  Grievances  of  the  Indians  Concerning 
Land;  we  convinc(,'(l  him  and  his  Jesuit  La  Chase  of 
a  Gross  inistake  they  had  Laboured  under  of  the 
Distance  between  S'  Georges  and  Saco  River,  the 
Land  they  laid  Claim  to  and  they  had  no  other 
refu^^e  to  fly  to,  but  that  the  Indians  had  wroni^fully 
Informed  them.  The  Governour  as  well  as  the  In- 
dians seemed  desirous  of  Peace  by  sundry  expres- 
sions in  their  Discourse  at  severall  times  with  us 
but  Insisted  upon  it  That  the  peace  must  be  made 
or  aLi^reed  upon  in  presence  of  the  Governour  at 
IVIont  Real,  to  which  we  made  Answer,  that  we  had 
no  power  to  treat  of  peace  there,  but  that  if  they  de- 
sired I'eace,  and  would  go  either  to  Boston  or  Pis- 
cataqua  they  should  be  in  safety  both  in  going  there 
and  returning  home;  And  the  (iovernments  there 
would  w(;  doubted  not,  be  willing  to  make  a  just  and 
lasting  Peace  with  them  ;  to  which  they  replyed 
(being  first  directed  what  to  say  by  the  Jesuit  La 
Chase  as  ve  Imagine)  That  what  was  done  must  be 
in  the  presence  of  the  ("iovernour  and  at  Canada, 
We  then  told  them  that  if  they  had  nothing  more  to 
say  to  us  we  had  nothing  further  to  say  to  them; 
And  so  our  discourse  broke  off  with  the  Indians. 


352  Appendix, 

By  all  the  Interviews  and  Information  we  had,  the 
Indians  are  IncHnable  to  Peace,  and  the  Western  In- 
dians as  Cagnawaga,  Schoandic,  Nipesangs  &c.  are 
all  against  the  War,  and  altho'  they  have  been  again 
and  again  moved  by  their  Jesuits,  by  Order  from  the 
Government  to  renew  their  Hostilities,  which  some 
of  them  did  the  last  year  and  before  Commit  Yet 
they  could  not  be  prevailed  with  So  to  d^  And  when 
we  Expostulated  with  the  Governour  on  this  Head, 
and  offered  to  bring  some  of  those  Indians  before 
his  face  to  prove  this  Vile  and  W^icked  practice,  all 
he  could  Say,  and  that  in  some  wrath  was,  that  the 
Indians  were  Lyars,  and  he  would  not  then  see  them 
least  (as  we  apprehend)  he  should  have  been  Con- 
victed by  them  And  we  must  needs  say,  that  such 
TriflincT  and  trickinir  as  we  observed  and  met  with, 
could  hardly  be  Expected  from  the  very  worst  of 
mankind,  Tho'  at  the  same  time  we  would  do  Mons'' 
Vaudreuil  that  Justice  as  to  Say  Seperate  him  from 
the  Jesuit,  he  is  of  honour,  good  Nature  and  Easey 
Disposition. 

On  our  demanding  the  British  Subjects  that  were 
Captives  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  the  Governours 
Answer  was  That  he  had  no  Captives,  there  being 
no  War  between  the  English  &  French  Nations,  but 
that  the  French  out  of  Charity  and  Compassion,  had 
bought  some  Poor  English  People,  and  that  they 
should  be  returned  if  the  Sums  of  money  they  Cost 
were  repaid.  This  Buying  and  Selling  our  people. 
Seems  to  us,  to  be  one  great  Reason  or  Cause  of 
the  Continuance  of  the  \Var  the  Indians  being  In- 
debted to  the  ffrench,  they  fit  them  out  to  get  Slaves, 
for  so  his  Majestys  good  Subjects  are  made  at  Can- 
ada, and  thereby  the  Indians  pay  their  ffrench  Credi- 
tors who  make  a  great  Advantage  to  them   selves 


Appendix.  353 

over  and  above  their  debts  thus  paid  them,  by  Selling 
the  poor  Captives  Dearer  than  Negro's  may  be  pur- 
chased. On  this  head  we  were  Sufficiently  Moved 
to  Say  a  great  deal  to  the  Governour  and  his  Priest 
for  we  could  Seldom  See  the  one  without  the  other 
And  all  the  Answer  was  Charity  and  least  the  Sal- 
vages should  kill  them. 

We  herewith  present  to  your  Honours  Certificates 
Signed  by  the  Secretary  &  others  for  money  received 
for  some  of  our  prisoners,  notwithstanding  they  pre- 
tend to  hold  or  have  none. 

The  ffrench  Governour  Several  times  got  angry 
Concernincr  what  the  Governour  of  New  York  had 
Said  to  Our  Five  nations  of  Building  a  House  on  or 
near  Onondaga  River.  Our  Observations  herein 
we  reduced  to  writing  and  Delivered  to  the  Com- 
missioners at  Albany  a  Copy  whereof  N"  A  we 
humbly  refer  to. 

And  we  Observing  the  kind  &  good  Disposition 
in  the  French  Maquas  at  Mont  Real  and  their 
Sachems  who  came  with  us,  we  had  a  Treaty  with 
them  at  Albany  as  '^  N°  B  which  we  also  communi- 
cated to  the  said  Commissioners. 

All  which  is  Humbly  Represented  by 
Your  Honours  Obedient  Servants 
Sam'  Thaxter  )  ^  .    . 

W"  Dudley     |  Commissioners. 

Boston  May  26'''  1725 
In  Council  May  28. 
1725     Read. 

Examined  P  J  Willard  Secry. 
45 


L 


imwiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiMiiimi 


354 


Appendix. 


Paper  /<?.  ] 
L'  Gov"   Di'MMKH  TO  1/  (iov"  VVkntwortfi. 

I.KTTiK  from  His  IIf)noiir  tlu;  Lieu' 

Governour   to  ihc  Hon'''"  Jolin    VVcnt- 

worth    ICscj"^    Lieu'    (iovcrnour    of    the 

c  lVr)viiiC(;  of   New  I  Lunr)sliirc, 

Sir.  ^ 

You  h.'ivo  here  Inclosed  a  Vote  of  the  Gcmeral 
Assem])ly  of  this  Province  Expressing  th(Mr  desire 
that  a  suitabh;  [jc-rson  from  tliis  Governm(;nt,  and  one 
from  ICach  of  the  Nei^dibourin^  Gov(,'rnm'\  should  Ixt 
sent  on  a  message  to  (iovern'  Vaudreuil  of  Canada, 
for  the  Reasons  therein  Lx[jressed. 

And  there  is  Great  ^^rounds  to  hope  if  he  w(;rc 
made  sensible  That  in  case  he  continues  to  Ahett  ik. 
histigate  f)ur  I^Ktmys  a^^ainst  us,  The  several  \'^w^- 
lish  Cjovernnvnts  would  with  th(;ir  united  I''orce  pur- 
sue those  Lidians,  And  in  their  i)ursuits,  th(;  VVarr 
should  he  hrouijht  home  to  his  own  Doors,  he  would 
soon  use  means  to  hrin^  th(Mn  to  proper  Terms  of 
Peace  and  Submission. 

I  have  written  to  the  (iov(irnours  of  New  York, 
Connecticutt  ruid  Rhode  Island,  &  Expect  in  a  short 
time  to  h(;ar  from  them,  and  assure  myself  That  you 
will  not  b(i  backward  to  Joyn  with  us  herein  as  is  de- 
sired. Inasmuch  as  none  will  be  likely  to  reap  Greater 
Advantage  than  the  iVoviuce  of  New  Hampshire  in 
cas(;  th(i  [)roposed  End  be  attained. 

I  recpiest  you  will  send  me  your  Answer  as  soon 
as  may  be  with  Convenience. 

I  am 
Sir 

Y""  v(;ry  humble  Serv' 

U       .  ,x  ,  ..  W"   DiJMMEK. 

boston  December  i'"'  1724. 

Examined  ii''  J  VV^illard  Secry. 


Appiiidix. 


355 


Paper  No.  K).  "  Lt,  Gov"  Diimmkr  to  Gov"  Crans- 
ton OK  RiioDK  Island  and  to  Gov"  Tai.co'I'  ok 
CoNNECTicu  r,"  Jin::  of  similar  tenor. 


I  Paper  20.  \ 

L'  Gov"  Dummkk  'vo  Gov"  Burn  kit. 

Lki  TKR  from  His  Honour  th(:  I.icu' 
Govcrnoiir  to  I  lis  lixc(;llcncy  Wil- 
liam Burnett  iis(|'  Govern'  of  New 
York. 


Sii 


The  Remarkable  Iwidences  of  your  Friendship  to 
this  iVovince  at  the  late  'IV(*aty  with  the  Maquas  at 
Albany  liave  been  by  (jur  Agents  there  fully  Repre- 
sented both  U)  me  and  the  General  Assembly  here, 
The  Remembrance  whereof  as  it  Impresses  suitable 
sentiments  of  Gratitude  on  our  minds,  so  it  Raises 
not  only  our  ho[je  but  Kxjjectation  That  your  fur- 
ther Assistances  will  not  be  wanting'  as  (Occasion 
may  recpiire. 

This  (Government  after  having  I^Lxercised  long  i*a- 
tience  towards  the  I'^astern  Indians  notwithstand*''  the 
many  and  (ireat  (Outrages  ike.  &c.  &c.* 
*         «         *         #  «        « 

Your  Most  Obedient 
Humble  Serv^ 


Boston 

December  i''^  i  724 
Copy         Examined 


Wll.lJAM    DUMMKR 


^  J  Willard  Secry. 


*  The  remainder  uf  this  letter  is  a  dupiicate  of  a  portion  of  No.  22,  which 
see. 


35^ 


Appc7ulix. 


\  Poper  -?/.  I 

VoiK  (jF  WW.  CifnKKNOUR  AiNI)  C(JUNCII,01'  NkW  YoKK. 

At  a  Coijnch. 

IIEI.IJ  AT    I''()K'l'  Gl'X>I<GK 

JN  Nkvv  York  Di.fKMii"  i6"'  1724. 

Pkksknt 

Ills  Excf;ll(>ncy  William    Burnet  Msf['' 

Car/  Wall(*r     )        A^ir  ai  1       » 

«;,',,.  iVl'  Alexander 

M'   Hanson     V      ^.,  .,      ,  \ 

Doct'  Coklen  )  ' 

His  iixccllency  laid  before  the  lioard  Somr;  papers 
he  had  rec<*ived  from  the  Honourable  William  Dum- 
ni(;r  lis<[''  Lieut.  Gov^  of  tlu;  Massachusetts  Pjay 
(Vi//;  the  Co|)y  of  the  Declaration  of  W^ar  against 
the  I'^astern  Indians,  the  Copy  of  an  Address  of  tliat 
Gov(;rnment  to  His  Majesty  concerning  that  War 
with  a  Letter  from  the  said  Governour  to  his  T^xclI- 
lency. 

Okdkrkij,  That  the  said  Xa'XW.v  with  the  other 
papers  be  referr(;d  to  the  Consideration  of  the  Gen- 
tlemen of  this  Hoard  or  any  five  of  them  And  that 
th(iy  make  Report  thereunto  to  this  Board. 

Post  Meridikm 

Present  as  before 

The  Report  of  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee 
to  whose  Consideration  the  papers  relatinj^  to  New 
England  were  referred  wa^  Read  and  is  as  follows 


-r-,^ 


■]/>/>ctulix. 


357 


A  1  a  Coinmltb;*'  of  th<;  Coun- 
cil lutld  at  til?;  Coimcil  Chamljcr 
in  New  York  iJcccmb'  i6"'  i  724. 

Pkkskni' 

Cap'  Walter 
M'  1  larrison 
Doct'  Coldcri 
M'  Alcxaiulcr 
M'  A  brail  V^anhorn 

May  it  please  your  ICxccrllency 

In  (Jijhdiknck  to  your  lCxc:(;lleiicy's  Order  in  Coun- 
cil of  this  day  referring  to  us  the  Consideration  of 
Some  pa[)ers  sent  by  thr.  Lieutenant  Covernour  of 
Massachusc^tts  Hay  to  wit  a  Copy  of  the  I  )<.'cIarati(Hi 
of  War  aj^ainst  the  i'^astern  Indians  a  Cojiy  of  an 
Addr(,'ss  to  his  Majesty  concr^rnin^r  that  War  to 
j^ether  with  a  Letter  from  the  Honourable  William 
Oumiiutr  l^s(|'  Lieut,  (jovernour  of  that  Province. 

We  have  considered  of  the  .SauK;,  and  altho'  it 
be  our  sentiments  that  all  the  Assistance  in  the 
power  of  this  province  to  ^ive  to  that  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts liay  for  jMittin^r  a  hapy  luid  to  the  War 
with  the  Indians  ouj^du  to  be  ^iven  and  were  it  in 
your  Excellency's  power,  with  the  help  of  the  Coun- 
cil to  make  i^ood  what  is  d(;sired  by  the  said  Letter 
to  b(;  told  Mons*^  Vaudreuil  we  should  heartily  advize 
it  so  far  as  your  Jixcellency  may  think  it  Consistent 
with  your  Instructions  from  his  Majesty. 

But  we  do  humbly  Conceive  that  the  Committing 
of  Hostilities  within  the  Territories  of  the  ffrench 
King  would  be  in  I'^ffc^ct  Commencing  War  against 
him,  which  your  I'^xcellency  is  forbid  to  do  by  your 
Instructions  without  his  Majestys  S[jecial  Com- 
mands. 


358  Appendix, 

Wc  do  also  humbly  Conceive  that  if  your  Excel- 
lency should  threaten  War  even  only  against  the 
Eastern  Indians,  it  would  be  very  Derogatory  to 
the  Honour  of  the  Province  (if  the  F2astern  Indians 
did  continue  the  War)  not  to  Joyn  the  War  against 
them  and  this  your  Excellency  with  any  help  in  the 
power  of  this  Board  to  give  you  without  the  Assem- 
bly Joyning  to  Raise  money  cannot  Effectually  do 
And  the  Assembly  by  their  Resolves  of  the  fifth  of 
October  1722  communicated  about  that  time  to  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  have  already 
given  their  Sentiments  concerning  that  matter  to 
which  he  Referrs. 

Wherefore  we  are  sorry  we  cannot  advise  your 
Excellency  to  Comply  with  what  is  desired  in  the 
said  Letter. 

We  are 
Your  Excellencys  most 
Obedient  Humble 
Servants. 
By  Order  of  the  Committee 
Ja  Alexander  Chairman, 
which  Report  was  approved  of  by  this  Board. 

A  true  Copy  taken  from  the  Minutes 
of  Council 

H.  Bobingt"  Ck  Coun'. 

Copy     Examined  f}  J  Willard  Secry. 

Vote  of  the  Govern"^ 
and  Council  of  New 
York 

Dec'  16.  1724. 


Appendix.  359 

\_Papcr  22.'] 
L'  Gov"  DuMMEK  TO  Gov"  Tai.cot. 

Letter    from    His  Honour   the  L' 
Governour  tothe  11  ono'''""  Joseph 
Talcot  Esq"^    Governour  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticutt. 
Sir 

The  Answer  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Connec- 
ticutt to  the  motion  lately  made  to  them  by  Col" 
John  Stoddard  in  the  name  of  this  Government 
with  relation  to  the  carryinj^  on  the  Warr  against 
our  l^nemy  Indians,  has  been  transmitted  to  me, 
which  I  have  communicated  to  the  General 
Court  of  this  Province  now  sitting.  And  Inasmuch 
as  it  is  therein  Intimated  that  you  had  not  received 
such  full  Satisfaction  touchinjr  the  Grounds  of  the 
Warr  as  you  desired,  I  have  therefore  directed 
Copys  of  the  Proclamation  of  Warr  and  a  Memo- 
rial to  His  Majesty  wherein  the  Cirounds  of  the 
Warr  are  set  forth,  to  be  Inclosed,  Upon  perusal  of 
which  I  hope  you  will  be  funy  sensible  That  the 
grounds  were  sufficient  and  the  Warr  unavoidable. 
And  I  would  give  you  further  to  understand  That  as 
this  Government,  (after  having  Exercised  long  Pa- 
tience towards  the  Eastern  Indians,  notwithstanding 
the  many  and  Great  Outrages  and  Depredations 
comitted  by  them  upon  His  Majestys  .Subjects  In- 
habiting our  PVontiers,  till  at  last  by  killing  multi- 
tudes of  their  Cattle  inhumanely  abusing  their  per- 
sons, Plundering  &  burning  their  Houses,  carrying 
several  of  them  away  Captives,  wounding  and  killing 
others,  and  even  in  open  and  hostile  manner  assault- 
ing for  many  hours  A  Port  where  His  Maj''^"' Colours 
were  flying,  as   by  the   Inclosed  papers  will  appear, 


1  ^< 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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// 


A 


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..^'  A 


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u.. 


1.0 


I.I 


U£  1^    II  2.2 


2.0 


1.8 


11-25  IIIIII.4   11.6 


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36o 


Appendix. 


Their  Insults  became  intolerable)  did  at  first  with 
much  regret  enter  into  a  Warr  with  such  a  barbarous 
lurking  and  almost  inaccessible  Enemy  to  the  heavy 
Expense  &  Calamity  of  it  not  only  Obliges  us  to 
wish  it  at  an  End,  but  do's  also  Engage  us  to  Exer- 
cise our  thoughts  how  to  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and 
happy  Conclusion.  And  if  the  Governour  of  Canada 
who  has  all  along  abetted  and  Instigated  our  Enemys, 
were  made  sensible,  That  in  case  he  continued  so  to 
do,  the  several  English  Governm'^  would  with 
their  united  Forces  pursue  those  Indians,  and  in 
their  Pursuits,  the  Warr  should  be  brought  home  to 
his  own  doors,  there  is  great  reason  to  Conclude  that 
he  would  either  by  withdrawing  his  Assistance  or  by 
Exerting  his  Influence  soon  bring  them  to  proper 
Terms  of  Peace  and  submission,  wherefore  the  Gen- 
eral Court  now  sitting  have  desired  me  Earnestly  to 
move  you,  that  you  would  please  to  appoint  and 
Order  some  suitable  person  of  your  Government,  to 
Joyn  with  such  persons  as  shall  be  sent  from  hence, 
and  from  the  Governments  of  New  York  Rhode 
Island  and  New  Hampshire,  to  repair  to  Mons'  Vau- 
dreuil  Governour  of  Canada  and  there  to  demand 
all  and  every  of  His  Maj'^'^  Subjects  that  have  been 
Captivated  by  the  Indian  Enemy  and  carryed  into 
and  detained  in  any  Part  of  his  Government,  and 
likewise  to  demand  that  the  said  Governour  Vau- 
dreuil  withdraw  the  Countenance  and  Assistance 
which  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  &  Con- 
trary to  the  Friendship  and  alliance  between  the  two 
Crowns  he  has  given  to  the  s**  Indians  in  the  prose- 
cution of  their  unjust  Warr  against  His  Maj'^"  Sub- 
jects in  these  Colonys,  And  otherwise  if  our  Friend 
Indians  who  have  hitherto  been  with  difficulty  re- 
strained   should   in    pursuit   of  the   Enemy   Indians 


Appendix. 


361 


comit  like  Hostilitys  upon  the  French  Familys  who 
dwell  promiscuously  with  them  as  have  been  Comitted 
by  the  French  Indians  upon  the  Inhabitants  of  this 
Province,  That  the  Blame  will  be  intirely  owing  to 
his  own  Conduct,  and  that  the  said  Agents  likewise 
Inform  him,  that  if  the  Indians  shall  still  persist  in 
this  Warr  against  us,  The  several  English  Govern- 
ments will  find  themselves  Obliged  with  their  united 
Force  (by  the  help  of  God)  to  prosecute  and  pursue 
them  to  the  uttermost ;  And  if  thro'  the  blessing  of 
God  on  our  Endeavours  herein,  a  lasting  Peace 
should  be  brought  forward,  I  trust  that  not  only  this 
Province,  but  the  Colony  of  Connecticutt  also,  will 
have  abundant  Cause  to  rejoyce  in  the  happy  Effects 
of  the  proposed  Message. 

I  hope  you  will  Judge  it  Expedient  to  joyn  with 
us  in  this  affair,  And  desire  you  will  send   me   your 
Answer  as  soon  as  may  be  with  Convenience,  whereby 
you  will  much  Oblige 
Sir 

Yo"  Most  Obedient  humble  serv' 
Boston  William  Dummer 

December  1*'  1724. 

Copy     Examined 

J^  J  VViLLARD  Secry. 


\ Paper  2j.~\ 

Gov"  Talcot  to  the  L""  Governour  Dummer. 

Hartford  Decemb'  22''  1724. 
Sir 

I  have  Received  yours  of  November  30"'  with  the 
inclosed  Referred  to  therein  and  with  that  a  Copy  of 
46 


362  Appendix. 

your  Assembly  respecting  the  Message  to  Canada 
had  also  been  inclosed  which  your  Honour  can  yet 
Supply. 

I  have  advised  with  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Coun- 
cil that  I  could  at  this  Season  with  Convenience 
Speak  with  and  am  not  unsensible  of  the  great  Diffi- 
culty and  Charge  the  Warr  with  the  Eastern  Indians 
hath  brought  upon  the  whole  province  under  your 
Command.  I  wish  this  Government  were  able  to  Ren- 
der the  Circumstances  of  your  Province  in  that  affair 
more  Easie  but  as  to  what  your  Honour  Intimates 
respecting  sending  messages  to  Canada  Altho'  that 
project  Seemeth  likely  to  make  Mons"^  Vaudreuil  sen- 
sible that  his  Conduct  cant  be  justified  neither  will 
it  well  support  the  ffrench  Cause  when  the  Same 
Methods  shall  be  taken  by  New  England  against 
Canada  the  Letting  loose  the  Indians  as  Intimated 
in  yours  will  doubtless  give  Conviction  when  those 
things  jjroperto  Convince  Reason  fail  And  therefore 
'tis  to  be  hoped  at  Sight  of  it  at  a  distance  as  Repre- 
sented by  messengers  may  do  something  with  that 
Governour. 

But  yet  would  further  propose  to  Your  Honours 
advisement  whether  it  may  not  be  proper  to  Close 
the  Message  to  Mons"^  Vaudreuil  with  a  Represen- 
tation that  it  is  very  apparent  that  our  Indian  Enemy 
have  such  a  dependance  on  him  to  Support  them  in 
the  War  that  he  can  easily  reduce  them  to  quietness 
And  that  his  Exerting  himself  in  so  good  a  work  (as 
Reducing  those  Indians  to  Order  would  be)  may 
hapily  prevent  many  Mischiefs  that  Seem  to  Threaten 
us  as  well  as  the  People  under  his  Command  and 
also  give  us  a  Special  Instance  of  his  good  Neigh- 
bourhood. And  if  this  or  anything  Else  proper  to 
Insert  in  the  Message  to  the  '^'    vernour  of  Canada 


Appendix. 


l^^ 


might  gain  him  to  Influence  the  Indians  to  peace  it 
would  be  well  but  if  he  should  slight  the  Motion  of 
being  an  Instrument  to  gain  a  Peace  for  us  i  think 
he  would  still  be  the  Less  Excusable  and  must  thank 
himself  when  he  is  Taught  by  other  Means. 

But  yet  after  all  must  let  your  Honour  know  that 
it  is  not  in  my  power  with  the  Council  to  Comply 
with  your  Desire  And  if  I  should  Call  our  Assembly 
together  (who  can  only  Authorize  a  person  to  go 
upon  the  Errand  you  Mention)  I  fear  the  Same 
Scruples  (as  when  Col°  Stoddard  was  with  us)  will  still 
be  started  which  were  principally  two.  First  that  the 
Indians  had  been  wronged  in  their  Lands.  Secondly 
that  the  Hostages  received  by  your  Government  of 
the  Indians  were  only  to  Secure  the  payment  of  some 
Beaver  which  the  Indians  say  they  have  Since  paid 
and  therefore  the  War  not  just  on  the  English 
Side. 

These  things  our  people  have  had  confirmed  to 
them  by  many  persons  (and  some  of  distinction)  of 
your  Governm'  I  would  Charitably  hope  those 
Reports  are  wholly  Groundless  I  should  be  very  un- 
willing to  Entertain  such  things  without  the  Clearest 
proofs. 

Notwithstanding  which  in  Order  to  Satisfy  our 
Assembly  possibly  it  may  be  best  to  Send  to  me  the 
fullest  accounts  that  may  be  come  at.  Our  late  very 
Honourable  and  Excellent  Governour  Col°  Salton- 
stall  some  time  before  his  Death  received  one  of 
your  Treaties  with  the  Eastern  Indians  which  now 
Cant  be  found  doubtless  your  Treaties  and  other 
writings  respecting  the  Eastern  Lands  if  Communi- 
cated to  our  Assembly  might  be  of  Service  and  a 
Copy  of  the  Entry  made  when  the  said  Hostages 
were  delivered  up  (which  Entry  Certainly  doth  In- 


(64 


Appendix. 


cliide  what  they  were  Received  for)  will  Certainly 
Satisfy  our  Assembly  how  the  Matter  is  as  to  the 
Hostages. 

Your  Honour  won*  think  it  Strange  that  there  is 
need  to  satisfie  our  Assembly  in  these  things  when 
you  consider  our  people  had  the  Said  Reports  from 
among  yourselves  as  is  above  hinted  and  that  what 
persons  Confess  against  themselves  is  Easily  believed 
and  in  many  things  these  wants  no  other  proof.  I 
have  insisted  the  more  largely  that  if  possible  I  might 
prevent  all  difficulties  for  I  would  always  cultivate 
that  good  understanding  that  Hath  been  between 
the  Two  Governments. 

By  Order  of  the  Governour  &c  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticutt. 
Signed 
"^  Her:  Wyllys  Secretary. 

Copy     Examined 

:jp)  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  2^.~\ 

At  the  Desire  of  Coll"  William  Coddincrton  and 
Major  Thomas  Freye  Esq'^''  Commissioners  from  the 
Government  of  Rhode  Island  to  Treat  and  Confer 
with  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  upon 
the  subject  of  their  Furnishing  a  number  of  Men  to 
Joyn  with  our  Forces  in  prosecuting  the  War  against 
the  Indian  Enemy  ;  And  in  Order  to  Satisfy  the  Said 
Commissioners  of  the  Just  Grounds  and  Reasons  of 
the  present  War  with  the  s*^  Indians,  that  so  they 
may  be  Enabled  to  give  a  Satisfactory  Account 
thereof  to  the  Government  of  Rhode  Island. 


/ 


Ippcndix. 


;65 


The  Committee  appointed  by  the  Massachusetts 
Governm'  have  here  made  a  Narrative  of  several 
Treaty's  had  with  the  said  Indians,  and  of  the  steps 
this  Government  from  time  to  time  have  taken  in 
order  to  Continue  them  in  Peace  and  Amity  with  his 
Majesties  Subjects  of  this  Province,  as  well  as  some 
short  Account  of  the  i'^epeated  Injuries,  Outraj^es 
Dei^rcdations  and  Murthers  Comitted  by  the  said 
Indians  on  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province. 

Anno  1693.  The  several  Tribes  of  Eastern  Indians 
did  at  a  Treaty  with  S""  William  Phipps  Governor,  at 
Pemaquid  Cast  themselves  upon  Their  Majesty's 
Grace  &  Pavour,  acknowledge  their  hearty  subjec- 
tion &  obedience  to  the  Crown  of  Encrjand,  Cove- 
nant to  Abandon  the  French  Interest  to  restore 
Captives,  Agree  that  the  English  shall  peaceably  & 
quietly  enter  u])on,  Improve  and  forever  Enjoy  all 
their  Rights  of  Land  and  former  vSettlements  and 
Possessions  within  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  said 
Province  without  any  Pretensions  or  Claims  by  them, 
or  any  other  Tribe  of  Indians,  and  be  in  no  ways 
Molested  Interupted  or  Disturbed  therein.  That  if 
any  Controversy  Arise  they  will  not  take  private 
Revenge,  but  apply  to  the  Government  for  Remedy 
submitting  themselves  to  be  Ruled  by  their  Majesty's 
Laws,  and  Desiring  to  have  the  Benefit  of  the  same. 

Anno  1703.  A  treaty  was  held  with  the  P2astern 
Indians  at  Casco  Hay  by  Governor  Dudley  where  they 
Covenanted  and  Engaged  to  Continue  in  Peace  and 
Amity  with  Her  Majesties  Subjects  of  this  Govern- 
ment and  two  heaps  of  stones  Called  the  two  Brothers, 
which  had  been  Erected  Anno  1701  were  thereby 
the  English  and  Indians  renewed  in  Perpetual  mem- 
ory of  said  Covenant,  &  yet  within  a  few  weeks  after 
viz  the  beginning  of  August,  they  in  three  parties  at 


366 


App€7idix. 


the  same  time  fell  upon  her  Majesties  Subjects  in  the 
Eastern  Frontier  of  this  Province,  Burning  Houses, 
killing  &  Carrying  away  many  of  the  InhaBitj^nts  at 
Twenty  miles  distance. 

Anno  I  713  July.  The  several  Tribes  of  Eastern 
Indians  at  a  Treaty  with  the  afores'"  Governor  Dudley 
at  Portsmouth  in  New  Hampshire  did  acknowledge 
to  have  made  a  Breach  of  their  Fidelity  &  Loyalty 
to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  have  made  open 
Rebellion,  and  did  acknowledge  themselves  to  be  the 
Lawful  subjects  of  Queen  Anne,  and  Promise  Hearty 
subjection  and  Obedience  to  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain  and  did  then  engage  for  the  future  to  Cease 
All  Acts  of  Hostility  towards  all  the  subjects  of  the 
said  Crown,  never  to  Entertain  any  1  iv.  ^onable  Con- 
spiracies with  any  other  Nation  to  their  Disturbance. 
That  Her  Majesties  Subjects  shall  &  may  Peaceably 
Enter  upon  Improve  and  forever  Enjoy  all  and  sin- 
gular their  Rights  of  Land,  and  former  settlements 
properties  and  possessions  within  the  Eastern  parts 
of  said  Province  &  New  Hampshire  with  all  Islands 
Shoars  Beaches  &  Fishery.  And  if  any  Controversy 
happen  they  will  not  take  private  Revenge  but  Apply 
to  the  Government  for  Remedy.  They  then  Con- 
fessed that  they  had  Contrary  to  all  Faith  and  Justice 
Broke  their  Articles  with  S""  William  Phipps  Anno 
1693  with  the  Earle  of  Bellomont  Anno  1 6998:  with 
Governor  Dudley  August  1702  &  July  1703  notwith- 
standing they  had  been  well  Treated  by  the  Gover- 
nours  &  Cast  themselves  upon  Her  Majesty's  Mercy 
for  Pardon  of  all  their  past  Rebellous  Hostilitys  & 
Violations  of  their  Promises,  Praying  to  be  Received 
into  Her  Majesty's  Grace  and  Protection. 

August  Anno  171 7  At  a  Treaty  of  Governor 
Shute  with  the  Several  Tribes  of  Eastern  Indians  at 


Appendix. 


367 


Arowsick  they  did  Ratify  and  and  Confirm  the  Treaty 
made  at  Portsmouth  witii  Governor  Dudley  Anno 
1 713  &  every  the  Articles,  which  relate  to  the  Re- 
str'iint  &  Limitation  of  Trade  &  Commerce,  which  is 
now  otherwise  Managed.  And  whereas  some  Rash 
persons  among  them  had  molested  some  of  their 
good  I'ellow  subjects  the  English  in  the  possession 
of  their  Lands,  and  otherwise  111  Treated  them,  they 
did  Disapprove  and  Condemn  the  sime,  and  freely 
Consent  that  their  English  friends  shall  possess 
Enjoy  &  Improve  all  the  Lands  which  they  have 
formerly  possessed,  and  all  which  they  have  Obtained 
a  right  and  Title  unto,  hoping  it  will  prove  of  Mutual 
benefit  to  the  English,  and  them  that  they  Cohabit 
with  them,  which  was  signed  by  Twenty  Sachems, 
and  Principal  Men  of  the  several  Tribes, 

NoTwniisTAXDixc;  which  the  Indians  making  it 
their  frequent  Practice  to  kill  the  English  Cattle,  to 
threaten  &  Abuse  the  Persons  of  the  Inhabitants  in 
those  parts  of  the  Government  of  this  Province 
The  Government  thought  proper  to  appoint  four 
Gentlemen  being  officers  of  the  Eorces  in  Pay,  to 
Confer  with  the  Chiefs  of  the  said  Tribes  of  Indians 
upon  the  Accompt  of  the  Outrages  &  Depredations 
they  had  committed. 

November  Anno  \  720  Shadrach  Walton,  Esq"  Col- 
onel, the  Major  and  two  Captains  met  with  the  Chief 
of  those  Tribes  at  Arowsick  where  being  Charged 
with  the  Spoils,  wrongs  and  Injuries  Comitted  by 
the  Indians  upon  the  Persons  and  Estates  of  the 
English,  and  being  Convicted  thereof  they  did 
Oblige  themselves  to  pay  two  hund**  Skins  towards 
Satisfaction  for  the  same  ;  And  to  Deliver  unto  the 
Government  four  of  their  Principal  men,  not  only  as 
Security  for  payment  of  the  Skins,  but  also  to  remain 


368 


Appendix. 


as  Hostagres  and  Pledges  to  the  Government  for  the 
Indians  good  behaviour  for  the  time  to  come,  and  to 
deliver  a  greater  number  if  demanded  Signed  by 
six  of  their  Chief  Men  as  Agents  for  the  rest. 

August  Anno  1721.  The  said  Indians  still  proceed- 
ing and  Increasing  in  their  Robberies  &  Outrages 
the  Government  sent  down  Penn  Townsend  Ksq*^  with 
several  Gentlemen  of  the  Council  &  others  to  Con- 
fer with  them,  &  bring  them  to  Reason  ;  But  altho 
they  had  notice  sent  them  of  their  being  at  Arowsick, 
and  that  the  Indians  sent  them  word  they  would 
Come  to  them  ;  yet  they  broke  their  Promise,  and 
never  came  near  them,  so  they  were  forced  to  return 
without  seeing  or  speaking  with  them. 

P^rom  which  time  forward  for  the  space  of  a  year 
they  grew  more  bold  and  Open  in  their  Insults,  kill- 
ing Cattle  Burning  Houses,  Robbing  &  Burning 
vessels,  killing  PI  is  Majesties  subjects  Openly  As- 
saulting His  P'orts  till  at  last  in  July  1722  the  Gov- 
ernment no  longer  Able  to  bear  with  such  Insufter- 
able  Treatment  found  it  absolutely  necessary  to  Pro- 
claim War  against  them  By  all  which  Narrative  it 
appears  that  the  Indians  have  broken  their  solemn 
Covenants  and  Engagements  Insulted  and  killed  PI  is 
Majesty's  subjects  before  the  War  was  proclaimed 
with  the  Eastern  Indians.  And  for  fui  .her  Informa- 
tion the  Comittee  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Do 
Declare  That  Several  Tribes  of  the  Indir.ns  to  the 
Westw^ard  within  the  P^rench  Government,  without 
the  least  Notice  or  Manifestation  of  any  P)isgust, 
whether  by  the  Instigation  of  the  other  Indians,  or 
by  the  Prench  or  by  both  have  in  a  very  Hostile  way 
&  manner  Invaded  the  Province  in  several  parts, 
have  Captivated  PI  is  Maj''"  subjects;  Others  Mur- 
thered.     Destroyed    their    Estates    &    burnt    their    ^ 


I. 


Appendix 


369 


Houses  particularly  in  August  1723  killed  the  Rev'' 
M'  Willard  at  Rutland  &  Scalped  him  &  two  persons 
more  &  Captivated  three,  one  of  which  has  been  Re- 
deemed out  of  their  hands  &  is  Returned.  In  June 
two  killed  at  Hatfield  &  one  taken.  The  same  year 
three  hundred  of  the  Western  Indians  (among  whom 
was  a  I'Vench  Officer  Begon  by  name)  Came  upon 
Northfield  burnt  some  houses,  killed  some  Persons 
&  Captivated  one  Dickeson.  In  the  present  year  i  724 
the  said  Western  Indians  killed  one  Man  at  Groton 
and  broke  into  the  Mans  Garrison,  and  had  destroyed 
the  same  with  many  Lives,  if  they  had  not  been  pre- 
vented by  the  Bravery  of  one  single  person.  And 
in  August  last  the  said  Indians  killed  Eight  Men  at 
Dunstable  &  Captivated  one,  who  is  in  their  hands 
so  that  the  War  with  these  Western  Indians  the 
Government  have  been  forced  into,  without  the  least 
so  much  as  pretended  provocation,  and  the  necessity 
thereof  is  a  sufficient  Reason  ;  and  therefore  the  As- 
sistance from  the  Neighbouring  Colonys  may  very 
Justly  be  Expected  of  them. 

Upon  the  whole  this  Province  being  Involved  and 
Perplexed  with  ihis  Bloody  War,  &  His  Majesties 
good  subjects  put  to  great  and  heavy  Expence  Calls 
as  loud  for  Assistance  as  if  the  two  Crow^ns  of  Great 
Britain  «Si  P^rance  were  at  Variance,  if  not  more,  the 
Indians  being  the  Common  Enemy  by  Land  as 
Pyrates  are  by  Water;  And  altho  the  Government  of 
Rhode  Island  was  not  Advized  with  on  this  Head  ; 
yet  the  War  being  Unavoidable,  they  as  well  as  the 
other  Governm'"'  is  fully  acquainted  with  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  Government  and  Carriage  of  the 
said  Common  Indian  Enemy  ;  We  doubt  not  will  so 
far  sympathize  with  the  Distressed  Case  of  their 
Fellow  Subjects,  as  to  Joyn   all   together  in  the  \^ig- 

47 


370 


Appendix. 


orous   prosecution  of  this   War   until   a  happy  Safe 
and  1  Ionoural:)lc  Peace  may  be  Obtained. 

In  Council  December  is'**  1724.  Read  and  Ordered 
That  this  Report  be  Accepted,  and  that  the  Com- 
mittee of  this  Court  be  Desired  to  Deliver  a  Copy 
thereof  to  the  Commissioners  from  the  Governm'  of 
Rhode  Island. 

Sent  down  for  Concurrence 

J  Willard  Secry. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  December  14"* 
1724. 

Read  &  Concurred 

W"  Dudley  Speaker. 

Copy     Examined 

"^  J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  25.] 

\7  Gov"  DuMMER  TO  Gov"  Vaudreuil. 

Boston  N  England  January  19*''  1724. 
Sir 

Your  Letter  dated  Quebec  October  29th  P  Henry 
Edgar  one  of  the  English  Captives  came  Safe  to  me  ; 
on  perusal  thereof  I  am  greatly  Surprized  at  the  mat- 
ters Contained  therein,  which  are  so  unjustly  repre- 
sented, that  I  cannot  Satisfy  my  Self  to  pass  them  by 
unanswered.  In  the  first  place  As  to  what  you  say 
relating  to  the  death  of  Mons'  Ralle  the  Jesuit,  which 
you  set  forth  as  so  Inhumane  &  Barbarous  ;  I  readily 
acknovv'ledge  that  he  was  slain,  amongst  other  of  our 
Enemies  at  Norridgewalk  ;  And  if  he  had  Confined 


t.» 


Appcmiix. 


n^ 


himself  unto  the;  professed  Duty  of  his  ffunction  viz 
to  Instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Christian  Keli^non,  had 
kept  himself  within  the  bounds  of  the  I'>ench  Do- 
minions, and  had  not  Insti^rated  the  Indians  to  War 
&  Rapine  there  might  then  have  been  some  ground 
of  Complaint  ;  But  when  instead  of  Preaching  Peace, 
Love  and  Friendship  Agreeable  to  the  Doctrines  of 
the  Christian  Religion,  he  has  been  a  Constant  and 
Notorious  Fomenter  &  Incendiary  to  the  Indians  to 
kill  burn  &  Destroy,  as  flagrantly  appears  by  many 
original  Letters  &  manuscripts,  I  have  of  his  by  me, 
and  when  in  open  Violation  of  an  Act  of  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Laws  of  this  Province 
strictly  forbidding  Jesuits  to  reside  or  teach  within 
the  British  Dominions,  he  has  not  only  resided,  but 
also  once  &  again  appeared  at  the  head  of  great 
numbers  of  Indians,  in  an  Hostile  manner  threaten- 
ing and  Insulting,  as  also  publickly  Assaulting  the 
subjects  of  His  British  Majesty;  I  say.  If  after  all, 
such  an  Incendiary  has  happened  to  be  slain  in  the 
heat  of  Action,  among  our  Open  and  Declared 
Enemies,  surely  none  can  be  blamed  therefor  but 
himself,  nor  can  any  safc^guard  from  you,  or  any  other 
Justify  him  in  such  proceedings  :  And  I  think  I  have 
much  greater  Cause  to  Complain,  that  NP  Willard 
the  minister  of  Rutland  (who  never  had  been  guilty 
of  the  Facts  charged  upon  M'  Ralle  &  applied  him- 
self solely  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel)  was  by 
the  Indians  you  sent  to  Attack  that  Town  Assaulted, 
slain  and  scalpt,  &  his  scalp  Carried  in  Triumph  to 
Quebec. 

As  to  the  next  article  you  mention.  That  S' 
Georges  River  was  in  the  year  i  700  by  order  of  the 
Two  Crowns  Marked  as  the  bounds  of  the  English 
and  French  Lands  whereby  it  appeared  That  Penob- 


72 


Appendix. 


I 


scot  was  (^Mvcn  to  you,  and  that  ono  La  ffevrc  had  a 
ri^ht  to  the  Land  thc^rcabouts,  &  that  all  V'^esscls 
paid  a  Duty  to  hini,  And  that  M'  Capon  Lnvoy  of 
Iui;^dand  when  Kin^  George  came  upon  the  Throne, 
went  to  ask  the  Fenohscot  Indians  to  submit  them- 
s(;lv(!s  to  IinL,dand,  which  they  refused.  I  have  no 
difficulty  to  Answer  to  each  of  the  afores''  I'oints  ; 
And  as  to  the  last  relatinj^  to  M'  Capon  you  La- 
bour under  a  very  great  Mistake  to  mention  him 
as  an  Envoy  of  I'.ngland,  he  being  far  below 
any  such  Character,  and  only  an  Inferior  Officer, 
Comissary  or  Victualler  to  the  Garrison  of  An- 
napolis, &  sometime  after  that  was  taken  &  yielded 
up  to  the  English,  sent  by  the  Lieutenant  (jov"^  of  that 
place  to  visit  the  I'rench  settlenKMits  within  that  Dis- 
trict &  to  require  an  Oath  of  Allegiance  and  Fidel- 
ity from  them  to  Oueen  Anne;  but  he  hatl  no  Occa- 
sion to  Come  and  I'Lntice  the  Penobscot  Indians  to 
submit  themselv(.'s  to  I'^ngland,  for  they  as  well  as  the 
Norridgwalk  Indians  ik  many  other  Tribes  had  done 
that  long  before  even  in  the  year  1693  at  a  Treaty 
of  S'  William  Phipps  Governor  of  this  Province,  by 
which  Treaty,  I  can  make  it  ajjpear,  that  the^y  not 
only  submitt(xl  themselv(;s  as  subjects  to  the  Crown 
of  luigland,  but  also  renounced  the  Prench  Interest 
&  Limited  Claim  to  the  Lands  bought  and  possessed 
by  the  luiglish  ;  Hut  since  King  (jeorge  came  to  the 
Throne,  \T  Capon  has  not  been  in  those  parts  at  all, 
as  I  am  Informed  by  the  People  of  that  Country. 

As  to  S'  Georges  River  being  the  bounds  and  La 
ffevres  jjretended  Right  it  s(;ems  very  wonderful  y(ju 
should  make  any  mention  of  those  things  or  lay  any 
weight  upon  them  at  this  time,  when  if  the  Case  were 
formerly  as  you  now  represent  it,  which  I  do  not 
allow,  all  such  Claim  and  pretension  is  wholly  super- 


Appendix. 


373 


c<'cded,  and  at  an  end  ;  whereof  you  may  soon  and 
easily  satisfy  your  self  by  Consultin^j;^  the  Treaty  of 
peace  at  Utrecht  Concluded  between  the  two  Crowns 
in  the  year  1713  by  the  twelfth  y\rticle,  whereof  it  is 
provid(^d,  "  That  all  Nova  Scotia  or  L'Accadie  with 
"  it's  Ancient  boundaries  &c.  together  with  the  Uo- 
"  minion  i)ro[)erty  &  [)ossession  of  the  s''  Islands 
"  I.ands  &  j)laces,  and  all  ri^ht  to  which,  the  Most 
"Christian  Kin<r,  the  Crown  of  I'Vance,  or  any  the 
"  subjects  thereof  have  hitlu^rto  had  to  the  Islands 
"  Lands  cS:  plac<;s,  and  the;  Inhabitants  of  the  same 
"are  Yiehb'd  &  made  over  to  the  Queen  of  (jreat 
"  Hr-tain  ik  to  her  Crown  forever.  Now  by  the  afore- 
s*"  Resi_L,mation,  the  bVench  Kin<^  Ouitted  all  Right 
not  only  to  tlie  Lands,  but  also  the  Inhabitants 
wh(;ther  (Trench  or  Indians,  or  whatsoever  they  were 
&  transferred  the  same  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Brit- 
ain fon^ver,  whereby  you  are  luuirely  Cutt  off  from 
any  Claim  to  the  subjection  of  the  said  Indians,  from 
thence  forward  ;  And  we  are  not  Ignorant  how  far 
the  ffrench  King  understood  the  Countrey  of  L'Ac- 
cadie to  I'^xtend  Westward  by  his  Patent  Granted 
to  Mons'  IJ'Alney  tho  you  seem  to  be  a  stranger 
to  it. 

As  to  the  whole  Natic^n  of  the  Indians  I'2xclaiming 
against  some  of  their  Tribe,  as  pretending  they  were 
suborned  to  give  Deeds  for  their  Lands,  if  it  be  mat- 
ter of  Fact,  that  they  do  so,  which  is  hard  to  be  Con- 
ceived, it  is  a  most  unjust  Imputation,  &  must  Argue 
a  wonderful  Deceitfulness  <X:  self  Contradiction  in 
them,  since  they  have  upon  all  Treatys  when  the 
whole  Tribes  were  together  Constantly  acknowledged 
and  submitted  to  the  blnglish  Titles  and  possessions, 
which  they  had  by  honest  ami  Lawful  purchase  y\c- 
quired. 


3  74  Appendix, 

As  to  the  Building  of  Forts  any  where  within  the 
British  Dominions  I  suppose  you  will  not  scruple  to 
acknowledge  that  the  King  of  Great  Britain  has  as 
good  a  right  to  Erect  Fortresses  or  places  of  Defence 
within  His  Dominions,  as  the  fTrench  King  has  in 
his  And  therefore  when  you  shall  please  to  Give  me 
Instances  of  the  French  Kings  Applying  himself  to 
the  Indians  for  leave  to  build  a  Fort  or  Forts  for  the 
Defence  of  His  Subjects  I  shall  then  give  you  a  fur- 
ther Answer  to  that  Argument.  And  in  the  mean- 
time I  must  tell  you  we  have  always  treated  the  In- 
dians with  sincerity,  &  never  thought  it  proper  to 
make  Apologies  for  Building  Forts  within  our  own 
Jurisdiction  (as  you  Insinuate)  but  on  the  Contrary 
in  all  Our  Treatys  with  them  have  Ascerted  our  un- 
doubted right  so  to  do. 

You  likewise  signify  that  we  must  Blame  no  body 
but  our  selves  for  the  Violence  and  Hostilities  Com- 
mitted against  Our  nation  by  the  Indians.  But  syr, 
If  the  blame  must  lye  where  it  ought  I  must  Impute 
their  Outrages,  falsness  &  111  Conduct  towards  us, 
not  so  much,  to  their  own  Inclinations,  as  to  the  In- 
stigations of  the  Jesuit  Ralle  &  others  dnder  your 
Government,  whereof  we  have  had  sufficient  Informa- 
tion from  time  to  time,  as  also  of  your  own  forcing 
the  Indians  against  their  Wills  upon  our  Frontiers 
to  destroy  &  Cutt  off  our  People  which  Cannot  be 
otherwise  lookt  upon  as  a  direct  &  Notorious  Viola- 
tion of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  at  Utrecht. 

Nevertheless  sir,  After  all,  I  have  much  greater 
Inclination  to  live  in  Amity  &  good  Correspondence 
with  you  than  otherwise.  And  therefore  I  have  sent 
Coll°  Samuel  Thurber  one  of  His  Majesties  Council, 
and  Coll°  William  Dudley  one  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  who  are  Commissioned  to  Confer 


Appendix, 


375 


with  you  Pursuant  to  such  Instructions  as  they  have 
received  from  me ;  And  I  Desire  that  you  will  Give 
Credence  to  them  accordingly. 

I  am, 

Sir, 
Your  Most  Humble  & 
Most  Obed'  Servant 

Wm.  Dummer. 
Copy     Examined  f>  J  Willard  Secry. 


\ Paper  26.'] 

Capt.  Jordan's  Declaration. 

The  Declaration  of  Samuel  Jor- 
dan Interpreter  who  went 
with  the  Hon*"'^  Samuel  Thax- 
ter  &  William  Dudley  Esq" 
Commissioners  (appointed  by 
the  L'  Governor  of  this  Prov- 
ince) from  Boston  to  Mon- 
treal, &  other  places  in  the 
Government  of  Canada  in  the 
year  1725. 

The  said  Jordan  saith.  That  the  said  Commission- 
ers in  their  Journey  from  Albany  to  Montreal  met 
with  two  Indians  at  Shambley  River  so  called,  who 
came  down  there  from  their  Wigwams  to  wait  on 
them,  and  expres::ied  their  Joy  to  see  them;  They 
made  Inquiry  Concerning  the  Hostages  at  Boston  & 
signified  their  Inclination  to  be  at  Peace  with  the 
English;  which  the   Declarant  told  them  might  be 


376 


Appendix. 


Obtained    (if  they  Expressed    their  desires    to   the 
Governm')  upon  reasonable  terms. 

llpon  their  arrival  at  Montreal  the  Com'ssioners 
Obtained  Governor  Vaudreuil's  Consent,  That  I 
might  go  down  to  S"^  Francois  &  Wenox  &  other 
places  thereabouts  in  Order  to  discourse  with  the 
Indians  referring  to  the  English  Captives,  &  relating 
to  the  War  &c.  &  he  sent  with  me  an  Interpreter. 
And  in  the  month  of  March  last  I  arrived  at  S'  Francis, 
&  Tarried  at  a  French  House  there  for  AP  De  Laune 
the  Interpreter,  and  asking  him  why  he  tarried  so 
long  before  he  came  there  ;  he  answered  that  he  had 
been  to  enquire  for  M"^  Perubres  to  deliver  him  a 
Letter  from  Gov""  Vaudreuil,  but  he  was  gone  to 
Montreal  &  that  I  must  tarry  where  I  was  till  the 
said  Perubres  return,  which  said  Perubres  was  a 
F'ryer ;  But  I  being  unwilling  to  tarry  unless  the  In- 
terpreter would  forbid  any  further  proceeding  under 
his  hand ;  he  with  some  difficulty  allowed  me  to 
go  to  speak  with  the  Indians  at  S'  PVan^ois  ;  where  I 
met  with  several  Indian  Women,  who  told  me  their 
Husbands  had  gone  out  to  War  against  the  English. 
They  frowned  upon  me  at  first,  and  I  askt  the  reason 
why  they  lookt  so  angry,  I  was  told  they  had  several 
of  them  lost  their  Relations  in  the  unjust  War  with 
the  English  (as  they  Called  it)  &  they  could  not  see 
an  English  Man  without  Indignation  I  told  them 
that  the  Indians  without  Just  Cause  had  made  War 
and  the  English  were  Obliged  to  Defend  themselves. 
To  which  it  was  answered,  if  it  was  so  they  were  not 
rightly  Informed.  They  further  said,  that  in  time  of 
Peace  the  English  had  taken  four  or  five  Indian  Men, 
&  detained  them  in  Boston  as  Prisoners  ;  but  when 
I  related  to  them  how  those  Men  were  sent  as  Hos- 
tages to  Boston,  and  how  that  matter  truly  was  ;  and 


Appendix.  377 

how  the  Indians  began  the  Hostilities  burning  the 
English  in  Houses  &c  they  seemed  to  be  better  Satis- 
fied or  Appeased  ;  And  after  they  had  Expressed  their 
Inclinations  to  Peace  with  the  Encrlish,  I  told  them  it 
would  be  their  own  fault,  if  they  did  not  seek  it,  for 
the  English  were  well  Inclined  to  live  in  Peace  with 
them  upon  their  submission.  And  thereupon  they 
desired  that  I  would  do  what  in  me  lay  to  prevail 
with  the  Honourable  Comissioners  then  at  Montreal, 
that  there  might  be  a  Peace. 

Afterwards  I  met  with  two  Indians  namely  Richard 
Hegen  &  John  Doane  in  their  Wigwam.  They  told 
me  they  were  glad  to  see  me,  made  Enquiry  after  the 
Comissioners  and  asked  several  Questions  about  the 
War,  and  told  me  they  were  glad  to  hear  the  Comis- 
sioners were  Come  to  Treat  of  Peace  with  the  In- 
dians ;  I  told  them  I  did  not  understand,  they  were 
Come  for  that  End,  but  to  Treat  with  Governour 
Vaudreuil  referring  to  his  Assisting  and  Encouraging 
the  Indians  in  the  Management  of  the  War  against 
the  English  :  But  yet  tho  the  Indians  had  made  an 
Unjust  War,  the  English  upon  their  submission  and 
Allegiance  to  King  George  were  Inclinable  upon 
Just  and  reasonable  terms  to  Enter  into  an  Alliance 
of  Friendship ;  and  that  what  the  English  had 
hitherto  done  was  to  defend  thernselves  from  the 
rage  and  Cruelty  of  the  Indians  :  Whereupon  one  of 
the  Indians  viz  Hegen  said,  for  his  part,  he  was  al- 
ways of  the  mind  that  the  Indians  began  the  War,  & 
tho  he  had  many  relations  killed  by  the  English,  yet 
he  Could  not  blame  them  since  they  were  killed  after 
the  War  began  ;  and  wished  that  some  of  the  Sachems 
or  Chief  Men  had  been  there  &  added  that  they  were 
gone  ahunting,  &  their  return  was  speedily  Expected, 
48 


Tf'j^  Appendix. 

Si  seemed  Concerned  that  many  of  the  Indians  were 
<^one  out  to  War  aofainst  the  English. 

One  of  tlie  Indians  said,  that  the  Indians  were  told 
by  Mons'  Ramsie  &  M'  Laurone  (who  lately  returned 
home  from  Boston)  That  the  En^j^lish  said  they  would 
never  be  at  Peace  with  the  Indians,  for  that  they 
Could  afford  to  spare  or  loose  one  hundred  English 
men  to  one  Indian  I  told  the  Indians  that  there  was 
no  truth  in  that  report  And  further  I  observed  to  the 
s*^  two  Indians  That  Gov""  Vaudreuil  had  signified  his 
Inclination  to  Peace,  and  that  he  would  send  his  son 
to  Boston  in  order  to  bring  it  about,  One  of  the  In- 
dians said  he  wished  the  Governor  had  been  always 
of  that  mind.  A  P>ench  Man  being  present,  took 
Notice  to  me.  That  (if  he  was  rightly  Informed)  the 
English  had  wronged  the  Indians,  &  taken  away  their 
Lands  very  unjustly.  But  the  Indians  said  that  they 
were  fighting  for  Land  they  should  never  get,  but 
instead  thereof  the  English  daily  gained  ground ;  & 
very  much  lamented  the  poverty  &  distress  they  were 
brought  into  by  the  Calamitous  War. 

Afterwards  1  went  toTrois  river,  or  three  Rivers  so 
called  to  make  Inquiry  for  English  Captives.where  one 
Capt.  Chierdau  gave  me  liberty  to  go  &  speak  with 
the  Indians.  I  met  with  Plight  or  nine  Indian  Women 
and  two  Indian  men  Coming  from  the  Fort,  who  told 
me  they  were  glad  to  see  me  ;  and  after  they  had  asked 
me  my  Business  they  told  me  their  Sachem  Called 
P^rance  Wex  would  be  glad  to  see  me.  And  Manifested 
great  Inclinations  to  Peace  with  the  English,  and  urged 
me  by  all  means  to  go  and  see  their  Sachem,  wh  i  knew 
me  ;  But  having  the  Governours  Letter  to  M"^  Pegun- 
court  (the  Lord  of  the  palace  as  he  was  Called)  I  first 
went  and  delivered  the  Letter  to  him  ;  And  he  hav- 
ing told  me  That   I    might   Safely  go  and  see   the 


Appendix.  37g 

afores''  Sachems  (only  he  advised  me  first  to  i(o  and 
pay  a  civil  Complement  to  the  Fryer  who  kept  in  the 
ffort)  I  accordingly  went  to  the  Fort,  and  sent  word 
to  the  Fryer,  That  there  was  one  Come  from  Boston 
in  order  to  speak  with  the  Indians  for  the  Liberty  of 
some  English  Captives,  and  that  he  had  liberty  from 
Governor  Vaudreuil  to  talk  with  them  ;  And  presently 
after  the  PVyer  came  out  to  me  in  an  Outragious 
Violent  manner  with  Outstretched  arms  says  with  a 
loud  Voice ;  What  do's  this  Rogue  do  here  and  by 
what  Authority  came  you  here  ;  I  told  him  I  came 
by  Governor  Vaudreuil's  leave,  &  at  the  request  of 
several  Indians  present;  he  Replied,  As  for  Gover 
nour  Vaudreuil  he  has  nothing  to  do  here,  I  am  Com- 
ander  &  Chief  of  this  Village ;  Neither  he  nor 
Mons"^  Peguncourt  (from  whom  you  Obtained  liberty 
you  say  also  to  Come)  have  any  thing  to  do  here  ; 
and  if  I  should  take  you  and  hang  you  up  this  Minute, 
theres  no  Body  here  would  dare  to  say  to  me  why  do 
you  so  ;  And  had  I  (said  he)  but  three  or  four  Men 
here,  I  would  burn  you  in  this  place  Alive.  Be  gone 
I  mediately  ;  You  are  one  of  them  that  Murdered  our 
Father  (meaning  M"^  Ralle)  and  I  forbid  you  to  say 
a  word  to  the  Indians  ;  so  I  was  going  out  from  the 
Foit,  but  two  Indian  Men,  &  some  Indian  Women 
met  me  &  told  me  their  Sachem  wanted  very  much 
to  speak  with  me ;  I  said  to  them  that  their 
Priest  or  Fryer  forbid  me  to  speak  with  them  & 
threatened  to  kill  me  if  I  did.  The  Indians  answered 
the  Priest  has  nothing  to  do  here,  You  are  within  our 
Fort,  &  we  are  Masters  of  it ;  so  at  their  desire  I 
went  in  to  the  Sachem  ;  as  I  entered  I  saw  an  Eng- 
lish Scalp  purposely  laid  in  the  way  for  me  to  see. 
And  the  Sachem  (who  was  blind)  hearing  me  speak 
asked  whether  Sam  :  was  there ;  I  then  said  here  I 


380  Appendix. 

am  ;  he  told  me  he  was  g'lad  to  hear  me  speak,  tho  he 
could  not  see  me  ;  and  said  that  if  he  had  his  sight, 
as  he  had  when  he  once  knew  me  I  should  not  have 
had  opportunity  to  come  to  the  Fort,  for  said  he  I 
am  a  Man,  meaning  by  that  Expression  (as  I  took 
it)  that  he  would  have  killed  me  before  then.  After 
sundry  Questions,  he  asked  me  whether  I  was  come 
to  make  Peace  ;  I  told  him  we  were  not  come  to 
offer  but  to  receive  offers  or  terms  of  Peace  &  told 
him  my  Belief  that  the  English  would  be  willing  to 
be  at  Peace  with  them,  if  they  sought  for  it.  To 
which  the  Sachem  replied  then  you  have  Changed 
your  mind  lately.  Immediately  thereupon  we  were 
Interuped  by  the  afores*^  F'urious  Fryer  who  came 
in  great  Wrath,  and  spake  to  the  Indians  present 
after  this  manner  "  Children  I  wonder  that  you 
"  have  any  thing  to  say  to  this  Fellow,  whom 
"  we  know  is  a  Rogue  &  a  Lyar,  'tis  the  nature 
"  of  the  English  to  be  lyars  from  their  Cradle, 
"  this  is  one  of  them  that  has  killed  our  Father, 
"  who  was  such  a  good  Father  as  you  all  very  well 
"  know  ;  Yea  this  is  one  of  the  Rogues  that  has  done 
"  it ;  under  pretence  of  Peace  at  Norridgewalk  they 
"  murdered  our  good  P^ather  there  ;  &  he's  now  Come 
"  under  the  like  pretence  to  Murder  you  But  (quoth 
"  he)  you  have  him  in  Your  hands  therefore  do  what 
you  will  with  him  (or  in  other  words  as  I  took  his 
meaning)  knock  him  in  the  Head.  The  English  say 
you  may  have  Peace  if  you  desire  it,  but  let  the 
English  beg  for  peace  first,  if  they  would  have  it,  & 
upon  such  terms  as  you  will  please  to  give  'em  ;  and 
let  them  send  home  the  five  Indian  Captives  they 
detain  at  Boston  Then  I  took  notice  that  one  of 
them,  had  lately  had  liberty  given  him  to  go  &  visit 
his  ffriends  ;  the  F"ryer  called  me  a  Lyar  before  them 


Appendix.  381 

all  :  And  that  the  truth  of  what  I  had  said  ii.ight  be 
Credited  by  the  Indians,  I  told  them  what  I  said  re- 
lating to  the  said  Indian  was  as  true  as  that  there 
was  a  God  in  Heaven.  Then  the  ffryer  in  his  Pas- 
sion breaks  out,  here  you  see  what  he  is  now  !  As  if 
he  knew  any  thing  about  a  God,  a  fellow  of  no  Re- 
ligion, who  never  Served  any  body  but  the  Devil ; 
and  forbid  me  speaking  any  thing  further  And  an 
Indian  who  had  lost  a  Cousin  in  the  War  standing 
by,  being  prompted  as  I  believe  by  the  Fryer  Ac- 
costed the  Indians  after  this  manner  Our  Father 
(i.  e.  the  Fryer)  is  in  the  right  I  like  his  talk  very 
well,  he  seems  now  to  speak  for  us,  &  you  may  de- 
pend upon  what  he  has  said;  And  the  Indians  by 
these  methods  grew  surly  &  Angry  ;  And  the  Fryer 
in  Indignation  again  told  them  I  was  a  Lyar  &  there 
was  no  truth  in  me,  or  the  Governm'  at  Boston  The 
old  blind  Sachem  took  hold  of  my  hand,  &  by  the 
Contenance  of  the  Indians  &  their  Actions  there  was 
too  much  reason  to  think  they  intended  me  111,  and 
only  wanted  more  help  to  put  their  design  in  Execu- 
tion so  I  left  them.  And  the  Fryer  at  my  Departure 
(which  he  Endeavoured  to  delay)  told  me  that  if  he 
had  but  three  or  four  men  that  he  knew  of  he  would 
either  burn  me  or  knock  me  on  the  head  before  I 
went  from  the  ffort 

The  next  day  at  the  three  Rivers  some  Indians 
came  to  my  Lodgings,  &  desired  me  not  to  take 
much  notice  of  what  the  Fryer  had  said  the  day  be- 
fore, for  tho  he  talked  so  much,  yet  he  was  not 
wholly  their  Master.  And  after  the  Indians  had 
Disclosed  their  thoughts  (that  they  Believed  the 
Fryer  Intended  that  the  Indians  should  have  killed 
me)  The  s''  Indians  said  to  me,  you  tell  us  we  may 
have    Peace   if  we  desire  it ;  we  have  wrote  several 


382  Appendix. 

Letters  to  the  Gov'  at  Boston,  &  never  had  any 
answer  to  them.  I  told  them  I  did  not  know  of  any 
that  had  been  sent ;  They  said  they  sent  Letters  by 
Mess"  Ramsey  &  Laurow  when  they  came  last  to 
Boston  signifying  their  desires  of  Peace,  and  that 
the  English  refused  to  Answer  them,  and  put  the  s"* 
Laurow  &  Ramsey  into  an  old  Barn  &  they  suffered 
hunger  not  being  able  to  bye  Victuals  for  their  Money. 
They  further  said,  the  English  Declared  that  they  did 
not  want  a  Peace,  for  that  they  Could  loose  one  hun- 
dred Men  to  the  Indians  one  &c  I  told  them  that 
those  two  Gentlemen  were  well  Treated,  and  that  the 
Governm'  Expended  very  Considerably  upon  them, 
and  that  (as  I  understood)  They  only  brought  a  Letter 
to  the  English  Governor,  from  Governor  Vaudreuil, 
which  no  ways  tended  to  Peace  ;  but  on  the  Contrary 
it  was  reckoned  a  very  Insulting  Letter  &c,  and  that 
they  were  asked  if  they  had  anything  further  to  offer 
than  what  was  Contained  in  their  Letter;  and  they 
Answered  they  had  not  &c  A  French  Gent"  being 
present  at  the  time  when  this  talk  happened  between 
me  &  the  Indians,  Observed  to  me  that  the  s**  Lau- 
row &  Ramsey  had  reported  what  the  s*^  Indians  had 
declared  to  me  ;  And  they  then  said  Gov"^  Vaudreuil 
had  not  dealt  fairly  with  but  deceived  them  in  this 
matter  ;  And  seing  it  is  so  (said  the  Oldest  Indian  to 
the  rest)  I  advise  you  by  all  means  to  sue  for  Peace 
with  the  English,  since  you  may  Obtain  it  for  asking 
for,  strive  for  it,  and  make  it  your  Business  to  get  it; 
for  otherwise  instead  of  getting  the  Lands  you  Con- 
tend for,  the  English  will  kill  you  all,  &  much  more 
to  the  same  purpose  And  the  Indians  desired  me  to 
Intreat  the  Comissioners  at  Montreal  to  stay  till 
some  of  their  Indians  could  go  there  to  treat  with 
them  Concerning  a  Peace  ;  for  that  they  discovered 


Appendix. 


383 


More  of  the  Inclinations  of  the  English  now  than  they 
had  before 

Further  I  declare  That  upon  Discourse  with  the 
Indians,  I  understood  that  they  lost  several  Indians 
many  times  when  they  Attacked  our  Forces  on  the 
Frontiers,  &  at  their  Garrisons.  And  a  r>ench  Man 
who  lived  among  them  told  me,  that  there  was  Sixty 
Indians  to  his  knowledge  killed  at  Norridgewalk  ;  & 
he  believes  by  the  Information  received  from  the  In- 
dians they  lost  near  One  hundred  Indians  at  that 
time. 

Sam'''  Jordan. 

In  Council  May  28'*'  1725  Read. 

A  true  Copy 

p  J  Willard  Secry. 

The  above  written  Samuel  ^ 
Jordan    has   been    sworn   as  [ 
Indian     Interpreter    to    this 
Governm'. 

J  Willard  Secry. 


[Paper  2y.'\ 

Daniel  Goold's  Testimony. 

June  the  26"'  1725 

Daniel  Goold  of  full  age  Testifyeth  &  Declareth 
That  he  being  Master  of  the  Schooner  Mary  belong- 
ing to  Marblehead  on  a  ffishing  voyage  near  a  place 
called  ffox  Island  neer  Penobscot  on  the  22'**  day  of 
June  1724.  A  number  of  Indians  with  one  French- 
man who  s''  his  name  was  Castcin  came  on  board  s** 
Schooner  in  Canowes  in  an  hostile  manner  and  Cap- 


3«4 


Appendix. 


tivatcid  the  Deponent  &  all  his  Company  ^  killed 
one  of  his  mc-n  &  shot  ik  woiukUmI  thn-e  more,  of 
which  said  Company  tlicy  carri(;d  four  into  i'enob- 
scot  &  from  thence  ihre*.*  of  them  to  C^uelx^ck  where 
the  Trench  th(;re  received  the  Indians  with  mani- 
festations of  Great  Joy,  feasting  them  two  days 
together. 

Also  this  Hctponent  Testifyes  ik  saith  that  he  saw 
the  s''  Indians  (livid<;  a  harrel  of  j)owd(;r  with  propor- 
tionate ball  and  Hints  amongst  th<;m  which  th<;y  said 
was  to  furnish  the-m  to  j^oe  a^^^ainst  the  luijrlish. 

This  Deponent  farther  declares  that  he  was  In- 
f(jrm(*d  hy  an  ICnglish  prisoner  at  CJanada  that  the 
Indians  burnt  at  l'(;nobscot  an  T^nglish  Captive  be- 
cause he  did  not  doe  as  they  would  have*  him  when 
they  went  against  George's  I'ort  &  farther  this  De- 
ponent saith  not. 

Daniel  Goold. 
Jurat  &  Capt.  coram 

Nath'  Nordon  \  ,      j 
Benj'  Lynde    j  ^ 

Essex  Marblehead  June  26"'  1725. 


Pac«. 


Paper  2S.\ 


Testimony  of  Samuki,  Harris. 

Samuki,  Harris  of  full  age  testifieth  &  Declareth 
that  he  being  on  a  flishing  voyage  in  a  Schooner 
called  the  Sea-flower  Jos(;j)h  Wallis  Master  at  or  near 
a  place  called  ffox  Islands  neer  Penobscott  on  the 
22''' day  of  June  1724.  A  number  of  Indians  with 
tv;o   Frenchmen   one  of  which    said    his   name  was 


Appendix. 


385 


Castoin  camt;  on  board  s''  Schooner  in  Canowfts  and 
in  an  liostiUi  manner  did  then  tSi  there  Kill  on  board 
our  vessel  &  other  vessels  in  company  with  us  twenty- 
two  men,  &  Captivated  twenty  three  (of  whom 
eighteen  were  wounded)  and  so  v  were  all  carried 
to  Penobscott.  And  after  Mi^dit  of  us  were  carried 
from  th(Mice  to  Quebeck.  Where  the  I'rench  received 
the  Indians  w"'  manifestacons  of  great  Joy  feasting 
them  for  several  dayes  together. 

This  I)ej>onent  further  declares  that  he  was  told 
by  the  I'Vench,  ik  by  the  Indian  I-'nemy  at  Canada, 
That  the  Indians  had  burnt  an  English  Captive  at 
Penobscott, 

And  farther  this  Deponent  saith  not. 

The  mark  of 
Samuel  O  Harris. 


Jurat  &  Capt.  Coram 

Henj-  Lynde  |   ,^^ 
John  I urner  f  ^ 

Essex  P     Salem  June  28""  1725. 


Pac". 


Paper  2().  \ 

DkCLARAI  I<;N    OK     IlIE  C(JMMISS"  TO  CaNAUA    TO    THE 

Goveknm'  of  New  York. 

Wi;k  the  Subscribers  having  been  at  Canada  on  an 
Errand  from  the  Governments  of  the  Massachusetts 
I^ay  and  New  Hampshire  concerning  the  unjust  War 
the  Abernacjues  or  Eastern  Indians  have  with  the 
aforesaid  Governm(;nts  and  the  Governour  of  Canada 
his  Asisting  and  Abetting  them  th(;rein  think  proper 
to  Acquaint  the  Commissioners  of  the  Indian  Affairs 

49 


386  Appendix. 

In  Albany  and  by  them  the  Government  of  York  of 
Some  Transactions  in  the  ffrench  Country  which  may 
be  worthy  of  Observation. 

After  we  had  dehvered  our  Messap^e  Mons^  Vau- 
dreuill  the  Governour  of  Canada  told  us  that  our 
Errand  was  not  as  he  had  Received  one  from  the 
Government  of  New  York  to  pray  him  to  Restrain 
those  Indians  from  MeddHng  with  that  Province 
which  he  had  done  upon  their  Earnest  request  whereas 
our  Demand  was  not  of  that  Nature. 

MoNs"*  Vaudreuill  was  very  angry  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  New  York  should  pretend  to  build  any 
Block-house  or  ffortification  on  or  near  the  River 
Onontaga  and  told  us  that  he  Should  look  on  Such 
a  proceeding  as  a  violation  of  the  Peace  made  at 
Utrecht  and  would  Certainly  Demolish  any  Such 
Building.  And  Accordingly  at  this  very  Juncture 
Mons'^  Longuile  who  is  the  Second  man  in  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Canada  is  gone  up  into  the  Onontaga  & 
Senecas  country  with  a  Considerable  Detachment  of 
French  Souldiers  his  business  we  do  not  pretend  to 
Say  but  we  are  very  apt  to  think  that  Such  officers 
and  Men's  being  in  that  Country  can  in  no  wise  tend 
to  the  Continuino;  those  five  Nations  in  their  Allegi- 
ance  &  De[)endance  on  his  Majesty  King  George. 

Mons'  Vaudreuill  told  us  ffrankly  and  plainly  that 
he  could  at  any  time  sett  the  ffive  Nations  of  Iroquois 
(Expressly  Excepted  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  as  De- 
pending on  the  British  Dominion)  on  the  English 
and  Cause  them  to  Kill  &  Captivate  the  Subjects  of 
the  King. 

MoNs"  Vaudreuill  has  by  himself  or  others  So 
far  Instigated  the  Abenaques  to  make  demands  on 
the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  of  Thirty 
Leagues   on   the   Sea  Coast  all  within  the  Grant  of 


Appendix. 


','^*" 
)'^/ 


that  Province  from  the  Crown  of  Great  IVitain  and 
in  which  has  been  settled  Several!  Towns  and  many 
hundred  Inhabitants  and  fforts  built  by  Order  from 
home  and  Some  of  it  possessed  upwards  of  ffour 
Score  years  altho  the  Same  has  been  fairly  purchased 
&  possessed  as  aforesaid. 

And  our  asking  those  Indians  how  far  their  De- 
mands were  Eastward  their  Answer  was  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Governour  Vaudreuill  the  whole  Country  of 
Lacadie  or  Nova  Scotia  Excepting  only  the  ffort  of 
Annapolis  Royall  notwithstanding  the  said  Country 
of  Lacadie  belongs  to  the  British  Crown  And  these 
unreasonable  Indians  were  countenanced  by  the  said 
Governour  and  a  numerous  Company  of  ffrench  who 
heard  all  the  Discourse. 

The  said  Indians  told  us  plainly  they  would  have 
no  peace  with  the  said  Two  Governments  unless  all 
the  said  Land  was  delivered  up  the  ffort  demolished 
the  Church  at  Norridgewalk  rebuilt  the.  plunder  there 
taken  returned  and  their  Priest  Restored  to  them 
who  was  killed  in  that  action  at  the  head  of  our  In- 
dian Enemy  as  he  had  often  been  before. 

We  demanded  an  Answer  to  our  proposal  made  to 
the  Governour  of  Canada  in  writing  to  prevent  any 
mistake  he  answered  he  would  not  give  any  Such 
under  his  hand  tho'  at  the  Same  time  he  said  he 
had  not  Encouraged  the  Indians  in  the  War  not- 
withstanding  the  Contrary  was  proved  by  many  Let- 
ters to  the  Priest  Rallu  and  other  papers  and  Letters 
taken  by  the  English  at  several  times. 

The  Said  Governour  on  our  Demand  of  the  Cap- 
tive answered  as  for  those  in  the  Indians  hands  he 
would  do  nothing  As  for  those  in  the  PVench  hands 
we  should  have  them  paying  what  they  Cost  And  we 
could  not  have  them  without  purchasing  of  them  at 


i88 


Appendix. 


any  price  their  Masters  were  pleased  to  Demand  And 
the  purchase  consideration  in  many  Exceedingly  Ad- 
vanced from  the  Original  or  ffirst  Cost.  By  all  which 
it  plainly  appears  what  Abuses  hardships  and  intol- 
lerable  burthen  His  Majestys  Good  Subjects  lye 
under  being  used  more  like  brute  Creatures  than 
Men  and  Christians  and  calls  aloud  upon  all  Men 
under  the  Same  King  to  Lend  a  helping  hand  to  get 
the  aforesaid  Governments  out  of  this  unjust  War. 

Sam'-'-  Thaxter 
W  Dudley. 
Copy     Examined 

^  J  Willard  Secry. 


\Paper  jo,] 

Commissioners  Demand  of  the  Governor  of 

Canada. 

Your  Lordship  is  sensible  of  our  Errand  by  the 
Commission  We  have  delivered  to  you  which  Directs 
us  to  Demand  all  the  British  Subjects  which  have 
been  taken  by  the  Indians  in  this  present  War  which 
they  have  unjustly  made  with  us  And  which  Prisoners 
are  now  Detained  in  your  Lordships  Governm'  or 
any  part  thereof  The  Delivery  of  whom  tends  to 
Cultivate  the  good  Harmony  and  perfect  Agreement 
that  there  is  between  the  two  Princes  our  Masters 
and  which  ought  to  be  followed  and  put  in  practice 
by  the  Subjects  of  both  Sides. 

Your  Lordships  Government  is  Large  in  Extent 
and  no  doubt  but  that  there  is  many  Tribes  of  In- 
dians   contained    in    its    Limits    And    under    your 


Appendix.  389 

Authority  therefore  we  do  Demand  all  the  prisoners 
that  are  the  British  Subjects  that  are  in  Such  Indians 
hands  that  have  been  taken  within  this  three  years 
past. 

We  are  in  the  next  place  to  insist  on  your  Lord- 
ships with  drawing  any  countenance  Aid  or  Assist- 
ance to  the  Indians  that  have  unjustly  entered  into 
this  present  War  And  to  ffortine  our  Demand  in  this 
point  Your  Lordship  must  remember  the  great  and 
good  Harmomy  and  Union  there  is  between  the  Two 
Crowns  and  how  the  Subjects  of  Each  are  to  live  in 
Peace  and  Quiet  therefore  for  any  Governour  to  Set 
on  and  Instigate  any  of  his  princes  Subjects  to  Mo- 
lest the  Subjects  of  the  other  Prince  is  an  open  Vio- 
lation of  that  Quiet  And  the  Peace  concluded  at 
Utrecht  now  that  your  Lordship  has  thus  done  or 
permitted  to  be  done  by  the  Several  Tribes  of  In- 
dians that  do  Actually  Reside  within  the  Limits  of 
your  Government  is  Notorious.  Witness  the  many 
poor  prisoners  and  Scalps  of  Innocent  People  those 
Indians  now  have. 

We  are  further  to  prove  that  the  Aiding  and  As- 
sisting and  Exciting  or  Suffering  any  of  the  ffrench 
Kings  Subjects  to  be  Aiding  Assisting  or  Abetting 
the  Eastern  Indians  in  their  Crueltys  and  barbarities 
on  King  Georges  Subjects  is  an  open  and  manifest 
breach  of  the  good  Agreement  there  is  fc^stablished 
between  the  two  Nations  now  that  this  has  been  done 
by  your  Lordships  Order  and  direction  We  do  prove 
by  His  Letters  to  our  Governour  by  the  Intendants 
Letter  And  by  Several  Letters  of  the  Priest  Ralle 
and  which  cannot  be  denyed. 

Those  Eastern  Indians  certainly  Dwell  either  in 
the  Kincr  of  Great  Britains  Dominions  or  the  Terri- 

o 

tories  of  the  ffrench  King.      If  in  the  ffrench   Kings 


390  Appendix, 

Dominions  the  Violation  of  the  Peace  is  very  ffla- 
grant  they  then  being  his  Subjects  as  his  Lordship 
is  pleased  to  Term  them  in  his  Letter  of  the  29'*" 
of  Octo  1724,  and  by  a  Clause  in  his  Lordships  Let- 
ter to  Mons'  Ralle.  But  and  if  those  Indians  have 
been  and  now  are  the  Subjects  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  and  will  Reside  in  his  Territories 
then  much  more  is  it  a  Breach  of  the  Happy  Peace 
to  Excite  a  Rebellion  and  Mischief  amongst  his 
Majesty  of  Great  Britains  Subjects.  And  that  those 
Indians  have  Submitted  witness  the  many  Treatys 
they  have  Entered  into  as  that  of  1693:  1713:  171  7 
And  many  others.  And  to  Evince  this  Article  of 
their  being  under  the  Government  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain  the  12  Article  in  the  Peace  Concluded 
at  Utrecht  is  most  plain  the  Boundaries  of  Laccadie 
being  well  known  to  Extend  to  the  English  Domin- 
ions. And  it  is  Expressly  Contrary  for  any  of  the 
ffrench  Kings  Subjects  to  have  to  do  with  any  Lands 
Islands  ffishing  or  other  Matter  in  those  parts.  By 
all  which  it  appears  that  those  Indians  cannot  be 
Subjects  to  his  most  Christian  Majesty  Altho'  Mons' 
Vaudreuill  is  pleased  to  Term  them  so  in  his  Letter 
of  the  29^''  Octo"^  ^724.  Neither  can  they  be  any 
otherwise  Allies  or  Friends  to  the  ffrench  than  the 
other  British  Subjects  are  And  altho'  the  Govern- 
ments have  not  yet  Exceeded  their  Limits  in  the 
Pursuit  of  these  Indians  if  they  dont  come  to  their 
right  minds  and  Submission  we  cannot  be  responsi- 
ble for  any  mischiefs  that  may  happen  even  to  the 
ffrench  Kings  Subjects  if  they  Reside  with,  Abett  or 
are  found  Stiring  up  the  Indians  in  their  unjust  pro- 
ceeding. And  we  must  remark  to  his  Lordship  That 
some  of  the  ffrench  Kings  Subjects  have  been  at  the 
head  of  the  Indians  in  their  Acts  of  Hostilety,  Wit- 


Appendix. 


39' 


ness  Mons*^  Ralles   Lett"^  and   by  the  last  Clause  in 
Mons'  Begons  Letter  to  the  s**  Priest  Ralle. 

Signed  by 
Samuell  Thaxter 
W"  Dudley. 


Copy     Examined 


^  J  Willard  Secry. 


\Paper  j/.] 

French    Receipts  of  Money   for    ye    Ransom    of 
English  Prisoners  1725. 

Pardenant  Le  No*"*  Royal  de  1'  Isle  de  Montreal 
En  la  Nouvelle  France  Resident  a  Villemarie  sous- 
signc  fut  present  Joseph  Hertel  Escuye  de  present 
en  Cette  Ville  Lequel  a  Reconnu  Et  Confesse  auoir 
Keceu  Comptant  Du  S'  Jean  delalande  Interprette 
Anglois  pour  Le  Roy  ence  payes  La  Sommede  deux 
Cent  Liures  Monneye  de  ffrance,  que  Luy  a  P2te 
presentement  Comptes  lu  reellement  Deliuree  par 
La  S'  Delalande  En  I'^scus  Blancs  Fu  autre  Bonne 
Monnoye,  au  veu  Dud  No'^  et  Tesmoins,  Et  ce  pour 
La  Ran(;:on  de  Daniel  (joolde  Anglois  de  laContree 
de  Maruelet  Enla  Nouuelle  Angleterre  qui  a  Ete 
presentem'  Remis  en  mains  dud  S"^  Dela  lande  par  led 
S"^  Hertel  Droit  &c  ([uittant  &c  fait  et  passe  Villemarie 
Etude  dud  No'^  Lan  Mil  Sept  Cent  V'ingt  Cinq  Le 
Vingt  Neuf   Auril  Auant   Midy  En  presence  des  sus 


392  Appe7idix, 

Carle  Bonnier  Et  Nicholas  Bourdet  Temoine  qui 
ont  avec  Lesd  Hertel,  delalande  Et  nous  signe  apres 
Lecture  Faite  Sur'  Lord"". 

Jean  de  La  Land         Hertel 

Charles  Bonnier  Nicholas  Bourdet 


Dauid 

No''  Royal. 


Copy  Examined 

?  J  Willard  Secry. 


Pardenant  Le  No'*  Royal  De  La  Jurisdiction 
Royalle  de  Montreal  En  la  Nouuelle  france  Rendent 
a  Villemarie  soussignee  fut  present  S""  Jean  ivlade- 
laine  dit  La  Loureur  habitant  Demeurant  a  la  par- 
roisse  de  la  pointe  Claire  en  Cette  Isle  de  present  en 
cette  Ville  Lequel  a  Reconnu  Et  Confesse  auour 
Receu  comptant  par  Mains  de  S'  Jean  de  la  Lande 
Interprette  en  Langue  Anglois  pour  le  Roy  en  ce 
payee  La  Somme  de  Trois  Cent  Liures  de  France, 
La  quelle  Somme  Luy  a  Ete  presentement  Comptee 
Et  Reellement  deliuree  par  le  d  S""  Delalande  au 
veu  dud  No'"  Et  Temoines  En-Louis  dor  de  Vingt 
Liures  pices-droit  &c.  quittant  &c.  Et  ce  pour  La 
Raucon  de  Nomme 

Anglois  de  Nation  du  Village  de  Lequel 

Anglois  a  Ete  Remis  en  Mains  dud  S'  Delalande 
auueu  &c.  fait  Et  passe  And  Villemarie  Etude  du 
No'°  Lan  Mil  Sept  Cent  Vingt  Cinq  Le  douzieme 
jour  d'auril  apres  Midy  En  presence  des  S'  Joseph 
Raimbault  et  Claude  Maurice  Temoins  Demeurant 
Aud  Villemarie  qui  ont  auec   Led  S'  Delalande  Et 


\pf>c)idix. 


3Q3 


No'^  Sif^nc,  Led  Madelaine  ayant  Declare  Ne  Le 
Scavoir  dud  Interpellc  aprcs  Lecture  faite  Suivant 
Lordonnance. 

Jean  De  la  lande 
Raimbaule. 
Claude  Maurice. 

Dauid 

No^«  Royal. 

Copy  Examined  P  J  Willard  Secy. 


L"^    GOVERNOUR    DUMMER     TO     THE      LoRDS      COMMIS- 
SIONERS FOR   Trade  and   Plantations. 

Boston  31''  March  1725. 
My  Lords 

Some  few  Months  after  the  Departure  of  His  Ex- 
cellency Govern''  Shute  for  Great  Britain  I  did  my 
The  (iovr  of  ^clf  the  Houour  to  Write  to  your  Lord- 
uirsaJVn^'e''Kne-  'Siiii's  i^ivlng-  you  some  account  of  the 
warSieasThem  Difficultics  'of  this  Proviucc  with  respect 
u'imupi^vitrth"  to  the  Indian  War,  which  has  been  ex- 
nslrwMri/'has  cited  by  the  Governour  of  Canada,  who 
f/srvf 'subie'c";  I'las  Supplied  the  Salvages  with  all  Stores 
overuienl'.''"''"  of  War,  has  Shelter'd  them  within  His 
Government  from  our  I^ursuits  &  has  Reciev'd  them 
in  Triumph  with  the  Scalps  of  His  Majestys  Subjects 
Slain  by  this  Barbarous  Enemy  :  which  Conduct  of 
the  Said  Erench  Governour  (as  I  Suggested  to  Your 
Lordships  in  my  former  Letter)  Seems  to  Me  to  be 
a  Notorious  Violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht 
and  in  Some  Respects  makes  the  War  with  the  In- 
dians more  Difficult  than  if  the  Erench  were  our  De- 
clared Enemies  ;  Eor  by  our  Successes  in  the  last 
Eight  Months  We  have  driven  them  from  their  own 

50 


394  Appendix, 

Settlements  in  our  Neighbourhood  to  the  French 
Territories  from  whence  they  make  their  Incursions 
upon  us,  in  Small  Skulking  Parties  and  after  Mischief 
done  retire  thither  again,  where  I  am  Cautious  of 
Allowing  any  of  our  Companies  to  pursue  them,  till  I 
can  know  his  Majestys  Pleasure  in  this  Respect. 
And  I  must  further  inform  Your  Lordships  That 
Notwithstanding  the  Advantages  we  have  lately  had 
over  the  Enemy  and  the  Distress'd  Circumstances 
TheExpenseof  Wc  Supposc  they  arc  reduced  to,  the  Ex- 

the  War  is  insup-  c   .\,       \\i         •  r^  .  it 

portable.  pense  of  the  War  is  so  Great  and  Insup- 

portable to  this  Province  that  unless  it  shall  please 
God  to  put  a  Speedy  End  to  it,  It  will  Inevitably 
Ruin  Us  ;  Which  I  humbly  offer  to  Your  Lordships 
Consideration  to  make  such  a  Representation  thereof 
to  His  Majesty  as  You  shall  think  Necessary  for  his 
Majestys  Service  and  the  Safety  &  Protection  of 
these  his  Provinces. 

I  should  not  Trouble  Your  Lordships  any  further, 
The  (Trench  but  that  the  Frcnch  Governourof  Canada 
cqmpWn^"of  a  has  givcn  me  to  Understand  that  he  shall 
in"Fi'ghr"^  '  '^'  Address  to  hi^  Master  on  the  Account  of 
the  Death  of  the  Priest  w  ho  was  killed  by  our  Forces 
happened"'''"'''''  In  the  Fight  at  Norridgewock  of  which 
please  to  take  the  following  Account. 

In  the  Action  at  Norridgewock  within  this  Prov- 
ince which  was  in  August  last,  our  Forces  destroyed 
a  Great  Number  of  the  Indians  and  broke  up  that 
Settlement  among  whom  was  Sebastian  Ralle  a  Jes- 
uit Missionary  to  that  Tribe  and  the  Great  Incendi- 
ary of  this  War  who  was  Slain  in  Fight  making  actual 
Resistance  to  the  Forces,  at  the  Same  time  Attempt- 
ing to  kill  an  English  Captive  in  his  Hands  and  Re- 
fusing to  give  or  take  Quarter,  To  which  Account  of 
the  Death  of  the  Said  Ralle  Col"  Harman  the  Com- 


Appendix.  395 

mander  of  the  Forces  at  Norridtrewock  made  Solemn 
Oath  before  me  in  Council,  As  Appears  to  your 
Lordships  by  the  Minutes  of  Council  Transmitted  to 
you  by  the  Secretary  of  the  province.  This  Jesuit 
had  all  along  push'd  the  Indians  upon  their  Rebellion 
And  Marching  at  the  head  of  Two  hundred  Armed 
Salvage  through  one  of  the  Frontier  Towns  of  this 
Province  before  the  War  was  Declared  threatned 
Destruction  to  them  if  they  did  not  Speedily  Quit 
the  Said  Town,  of  which  and  more  to  this  purpose 
His  Excellency  Gov^  Shute  is  well  knowing;  This 
I  thought  proper  to  hint  to  Your  Lordships  in 
order  to  Obviate  any  Complaints  that  may  be  made 
by  the  French  Govern'  whose  Conduct  in  Exciting 
and  Supporting  the  Indians  in  this  War  and  drawing 
down  many  Remote  Tribes  with  whom  We  have  no 
Concern,  to  their  Assistance  (the  Truth  of  which  I 
have  sufficient  Testimonies  to  Support  &  shall  lay 
them  before  your  Lordships  if  it  be  necessary  for 
your  Satisfaction)  Should  rather  have  put  him  upon 
offering  an  Apology  than  a  Complaint.  All  which  I 
humbly  Submit  to  Your  Lordships  And  am 
With  the  Greatest  Respect 
Your  Lordships 

Most  obedient  &  Most  humble 
Servant 

Wm.   Dummer. 

Reed  May  yr  f^  1725. 
Read  Ditto  I3'^ 


c,6 


yj 


.  l/'/'//////.\ 


LiKiri''  Cmov"  I)i;mmi-.i<    io   tiii-,  Loku's  Commiss'*  kok 

'lUAhh    ASl)     I'l.ANl  Al  JONS. 


Hoston  2  2<]  Au^'  1726. 
My  Lords 

Having-  doix;  niys«tlf  tlu;  lionour  last  W^int'.r  of  ac- 
(inainliii^  Your  Lordsliips  of  tlic  l'<:ac<;  ihcn  made 
witli  tli<;  \  )<:\i:<^'.iiv.H  of  tin;  l^ast<rn  Indians  vvhicli  was 
U)  \)('.  ratify'd  in  th(;  Spring  f(jllo\viii;.(  by  all  the 
I'rincij^all  men  of  tlu^  'J  rih<;s.  1  am  now  to  acquaint 
Y(jii  that  aftrrr  som<;  Delays  Occasioned  partly  jjy  the; 
Severity  of  tlu^  last  Winter,  in  which  it  was  very 
difficult  for  th(;  Indians  to  pass  &  repass  fr(;m  onct 
Iriij*!  to  another  the  ratification  was  accomplished  at 
r'almouth  in  Casco  Hay  the  Sixth  of  August  A  Copy 
whereof  &.  of  the  Sctverall  C(Hiferences  had  ther(-on 
I  now  Inclose  Your  Lordships.  The  Indians  appear 
tfj  me  t(j  he  in  a  v(try  gorjd  Disposition  at  present  to 
jierf(jrm  their  Iui^a^^em<tnts,  &  it  shall  be  my  Care 
while  I  have  tlu^  lltjnour  to  receive  II is  Majestys 
Commands  h<;re  by  all  jjrrjjjer  means  to  Cultivate; 
that  lJisp(;siti(jn  in  them  ^  the  Cen(;ral  Court  of  this 
Province  having  granted  a  Sum  of  money  to  Ix,*  Im- 
ployed  in  Trade  with  them  whereby  they  will  be 
Constantly  sujjjdy'd  at  liasy  rates  with  livery  thing 
they  need,  I  am  in  hopes  they  may  in  a  short  time 
be  intirely  drawn*;  from  their  dependance  on  the 
I'rench  &  especially  if  His  Majesty  shall  be  [deased 
of  his  royal  bounty  to  order  a  small  annuall  present 
to  be  made  them  by  the  Governour  of  this  Province 
as  He  has  graciously  done  for  the  Westerne  Indians 
under  the  Directitm  of  the  Governour  oi  New  York 
which  se(mis  the  more  Ne(;dfull  here  because  the 
Governours  of  Canada  have  practised  it  with  these 


Af>/>i'nilix. 


397 


Indians,  whicli  I    luunhly  Siihinit  t(j  Your   Ltjrdships 
(^onsi(l(trati(>n. 

'I  h<:n?  is  ncjlhin^  else;  of  any  f 'onsccjucnci;  to 
'iroubU,'  Your  L(jnlshi|js  vvitli  hut  what  you  will  hav«; 
in  thf:  Coj)ys  of  thf  transactions  of  the  Councill  & 
(i(tnf*rall  AsscniLly.  Your  I.onlships  will  r(,'c«:ive 
with  this  a  [jrintcd  Coj>y  of  th<;  Tryal  &  Condcmna- 
tif)n  of  fliv(;rs(,*  jjiratcs  lat('ly  surprisf-d  and  hrou^^du 
into  tli<,-s<:  parts,  ik.  is  all  at  present  from  Ymir  Lord- 


ship' 


Reed  Oct'  I  I  I   I  726 
Read  June  8    f  i  727. 


Most  Obediitnt 
ik  Most  humhle 
Servant 

VVm.   DuMMr.K. 


Rkv.  JosF.rn  liAxrKR  10   I'kkk  Skuastian  XKw.i-.. 

(I"or  ti;itislatiuii,  sec  p.  145) 

Reverencle  I)(jmine: 

I'^pistolam  tuani  accejji  in  (^u.i  dicis,  Mirum  for- 
tasse  mihi  videbitur  quod  has  ad  me  misc^ris  I.iteras, 
nimc  sinci'vc  dictj  Tihi  (juod  si  tibi  placeat  Amicum 
commercium  mecum  habere,  Fer^ratum  mihi  erit,  et 
Literas  ultro  citrotjue  Libenter  Transmittamus:  sed 
miror  equidem  t^uod  Tu  (Quiab  alicpjibus  hominiljus 
(•xistirnaris  viriim  eximiae  I^ietatis  ik  Sanclitatis) 
'J'antJi  Iracundifi  scribis,  et  siiKt  ull;i  pr(jvocatione  ac 
sin(i  ulhl  caus.l  me  accusas  Reuniess<::  fraudidenti;e  t!t 
asseris  Te  co^noscere,  &  alios  etiam  scire  me  reum 
esse,  &  tamen  non  ostendis  mihi  &  itaque  manifeste 
patet  quod  non  potes  ostendere  in  (|uo  sum  dolosus, 


39« 


Appendix. 


et  nonnc  iniranduin  est  (juod  stiulcs  tnc  (,'xaniinari; 
a  I.al»()ran(l(i  pro  bciuificio  Aninianiin  Iinmortal- 
iuni.  fjiiid  si  opus  sit  maxIiiK-  l.ahoriosiiin,  6t  I'cr- 
cliflicih;,  iioiinc  opera-  pr(!liiiin  (;sl  I'crditticilc,  <:t  La- 
l)oriosissiniuin  opus  pcrliccrc  ul  suadcanius  liomiints  ad 
Christum  cITuj^^ere,  et  in  via  sanctitatis  ambulare  & 
sic  accipj.Ti'  vitam  iLternam:  Vx  fjuid  si  non  sunt  inter 
nos  inaj^nii(ic(,'iuia  ornatus,  iS:de(:()ratio 'rein|)loruin,  et 
nitor,  splendor,  ac  I'ulcnriludo  vestium  saccrdolaliuin 
attralicre  silvestrcs  ?  necpie  fiKtrunt  liacc  in  tenijjore 
A[K)stolorun»  Attralicre  Istos  lloniinesad  Ouosmissi 
fu(.'runt  Apostoli,  et  'I'amen  suas(M*unt  inultos  credere 
in  Christum,  ik  vitam  aternam  accipere  et  nunc  plane 
dicitur  i'lvanj^ctlium  \iv\  verhum  Dei  (;sse  I)(m  l*ot(Mi- 
tiam  ad  salutein.  Kom:  1.16.  et  l)(;o  Placet  homines 
salvare  Insipientia  Pra-dicationis.  1  Cor:  1.  21.  et 
quamvis  hoc  est  opus  perdifficile  [)erfici  a[)U(l  silves- 
trcs tamen  Amor  Christi  <:t  Animarum  nos  comjiellit. 
Quamvis  non  expectamus  merere  salutem  hoc  opus 
perficiendo:  setl  Postquam  omnia  pc^-fecimus  quae 
j)erric(;r(;  possumus  Inutiles  servi  sumus.  Luc:  17.  10. 
et  totaliter  confidimus  in  meritis  Christi,  tamen  ubi 
est  Amor  Christi,  ibi  est  desiderium  amplificandi  Re^- 
num  Christi,  et  istud  Desiderium  movet  homines  Per- 
difficile &  Laboriosissimum  oj)us  pi-rficere  in  suad(Mido 
et  adducendo  homines  in  Re^num  Christi,  et  Itacpie 
Ar^umenta  Tua  Puerilia  &  RicViculosa  sunt.  Tu  ais 
quod  cupis  respondere  pro  silvestribus:  sed  non  opus 
est  Tibi  istum  Laborem  accipere.  Ego  laborabo,  ut 
opportunitatem  habebo  eos  adducere  in  rectam  viam 
salutis,  et  dare  iis  satisfactionem  in  omnibus.  Si 
ulla  spes  sit  (piod  pro  tuo  beneficio  erit,  (|ui  debes 
credere  &  agere,  et  ambulare  secundum  verbum  Dei 
Quod  Perfectaest  Regula  Doctrino.- &  morum,  Liben- 
ter  Respondebo  Tuis  Argumentis:  sed  Tuus  nuncius 


Appendix. 


399 


elicit  (juod  eras  f(rstinal»it  ad  l(;  <t  Ilaf|iic  nunc  oppor- 
tunilatt.'tn  iioii  lialico  Rc^spoiulcrc  ad  tuam  Prolixain 
Kpistolain,  valclo  Doinine. 

kcvcrcndo   Domino, 
Scbastiano  kale  in  ojipido  Nanrants(Miak  Dicto. 


Ri:v.  JosKi'ii    Ban:  IKK   lo   Pkkk  Skuasiian    Kali^:. 

(I'oi   trunslation  sec  |).  147.) 

RcvLTcMuh;  Doinine: 

Dclc'ctaris  I'rocul  diibio  Rcprclicndcndo  Idcotjue 
ea  ciilpas  (Jiiac;  non  sunt  Rcprc^hcnsioiK;  dij^nia  et  in 
rul|)ando  Tuipse  crimina  adniittis.  iJicis  cnini  niilii 
Til  /Ini^liii'  Lotjitcris  ufoido  verbis  Latiiiis.  \\\  his 
verbis  Domini;  Tibi  ipsi  contratlicis  si  (Jiiis  (Miim 
vcrl>is  Latinis  ulitiir,  Oiiamvis  non  Rhdtoricc  tanuMi 
Latins  &  non  An^dicc  Loquitur.  Ouis(|uis  An^lic6 
Locpiitur  verbis  An^lieanis  utitur,  (Jiiid  si  sincere 
sonat  An^dicc  est  vere  Latinum, 

Dicis  AniiciDti  est  siibsfantiKUi  ncc  potesl  esse 
Adjcctivit))!  sed  non  Rede  dicis  certissime  datur  Tale 
Adjectivum  Apud  Latinos.  Amicus  Animus  (.'st 
Latina  Locutio  cS:  vale  Lumen  Amicum  &  Humor 
IVatis  Amicus  &c. 

A  is  ConiuicrciiiDi  in  Hoc  est  luiyharuni  Quid,  sed 
^uis  Tuac  Dictioni  credet  abs(|ue  Probatione.  Ipse 
dixit  non  valet. 

De  midtis  A  His  etiam  dicis  }ion  sioil  Latina  sed 
Jiarbara.  At  non  valet  Authoritas  Tua  certissime 
Talia  verba  sa(;pe  Inter  Latinos  Adhibentur. 

Dicis  nierere  est  sol/escisnius.  llhid  verbiim  est 
Deponens^  non  Activiini  scribe  mereri.  Sed  Aiunt 
Docti  Datur  mereo    merere  ojque  ac  mereor  mereri. 


400  Appendix. 

Merere  culpam  in   infinitivo  est   Latlna   Locutio,  et 
merere  saliitem,  &c. 

Dicis  mola  est  Lapis  non  (rdificium :  sed  docti  aiunt 
Mola  est  xdificium  Lapis  Qui  ponitur  in  mola,  Lapis 
Molaris  est. 

Dicis  Donms  Habet  in  Accusativo  Plurali  Domos 
non  Damns,  sed  Quare  non  habet  Domos  &   Domus. 

Multa  Alia  etiam  reprehendis  Quae  non  sunt 
vituperanda,  et  si  Te  Imitarer  Possem  dicere  Tu 
minister!  Tu  c  societate  lesus  et  Haec  non  Intelli- 
gis.  Dici's  verba  mea  no7t  sunt  hitclligibilia.  Quare 
non  intelligis  verba  quae  saepe  A  pud  Latinos  adhi- 
bentur:  sed  exemplum  Christi  lesu  sequi  malo,  Qui 
Convitiis  Affectus  non  vicissim  convitiabatur  ;  Quum 
malis  Afficeretur,  non  minabatur  &c.,  i  Pet.  2.23. 
Et  Isti  Monitioni  vel  Mandato  Auscultabo  in  Prov. 
26.4  Ne  Responde  stulto  secundum  stultitiam  ejus 
ne  ada^queris  ei  Tu  quoque. 

Manifeste  patet  Te  Reprehendere  multa  Quae  non 
sunt  culpanda  Tamen  concedo  errata  sunt  in  scrip- 
tione  mea  Quam  Pra^propere  scribebam,  viz.:  existi- 
maris  virum  pro  vir,  &  movent  pro  movet  &c. 

Et  in  Tuis  scription.bus  equidem  multa  sunt  errata 
(Quamvis  fuisti  (ut  inquis)  Professor  RhetoriccC  & 
Linguae  Gra^cae  in  urbe  nemansensi).  Ego  nunquam 
fui  Professor  Rhetoric^e  et  Tamen  errata  video. 
Quot  errata  tum  Posset  criticus  &  vir  Perdoctus  re- 
perire  in  Epistolis  tuis.  Immo  in  epistola  Quam 
Gloriosissime  scribebas  Falsissime  me  Accusabas 
dicendo  Tu  Te  lactitas  Apud  Sihestrcs  Te  apprime 
scire  Linguani  Latinani  nunquam  enim  lactavi  Inter 
silvestres  non  unurn  verbum  Locutus  cum  silvestri- 
bus  de  Lingua  Latina  sed  Tu  maxime  lactabas  in 
secunda  Epistola  &  Tamen  in  ea  scribebas  inteliigit 
&    Accurate    scribit    Latina.         In    hac     Dictione 


Appendix. 


401 


Quidem  Tu  non  accurate  scribis  Latine  Nam  accusa- 
tivus  casus  sequltur  verbum  scribit.  Scripsisse  Te 
oportuit  accurate  scribit  Lingiiam  Latiuam,  vel  ac- 
curate scribit  Latine. 

Tu  etiam  scribebas  tit  cnicndaturin  scolis'^zoXw^  est 
mons  in  Boeotia  et  oppidum  in  Macedonia  scribere 
debebas  in  scholis. 

Scribebas  etiam  substantium  &  Adjcctium.  At 
non  dantur  Talia  verba  Latina.  Scripsisse  debuisti 
substantivum  &  Adjcctiviim. 

Scribebas  ncc  fidclitcr  citas  Lociim  Pauli  dicit  Paul 
virttis  enim  Dei  est  in  saLutent  omni  credcndi.  Si  Te 
imitarer  Posseni  dicere  Quid  vis  Per  Haec  verba 
otnni  credendi ?  Ouid  siirnificant?  non  intellii^ibilia 
sunt  scripseris  Potentia  siquidem  est  Dei  ad  salutem 
cuivis  credenti. 

Scribebas  inerere  est  sollcscisnius.  Quid  intendis 
Per  hoc  verbum  ?  non  datur  Tale  verbum  inter  Doc- 
tos.  Illi  scribunt  soloecismus.  Tuus  sollescismus  est 
vere  soloecismus. 

De  multis  aliis  Loqui  Possem  &  exclamare  Tua 
verba  Barbara  sunt  &  non  Intelli^^dbilia  &c.  sed 
Quid  valent  Tales  exclamationcs  ?  Te  non  imitabor 
video  Te  Iracundia  commoveri  &  Te  Irritare  nolim, 
sed  in  verbis  Apostoli  Hortor,  Eph:  4.  26-27  sol  ne 
occidat  super  Exacerbatione  tua  neque  Dato  Locum 
Diabolo,  &  in  ver.  31  omnis  Amaritudo  &  Excandes- 
centia  &  Ira  &  Clamor  &  Maledicentia  Tollatur  a  Te 
cum  omni  malitia.  Quia  scriptum  est  in  Tit.  i.  7. 
Oportet  enim  Episcopum  Inculpatum  esse  tanquam 
Dei  Dispensatorem  non  sibi  pertinaciter  Placentem 
non  Iracundum  &c.  et  scribitur  in  Eccles.  7.  9.  ne 
perturbate  spiritu  tuo  Indigneris  nam  Indignatio  in 
sinu  stolidorum  conquiescit. 
SI 


402 


Appendix. 


Dicis  Rectene  deducittir  Haec  cojisequentia  Tua  ? 
non  indicavi  Tibi  er<^o  non  posstmi  hidicare  in  Quo 
Dolosus  sis.     Rcspondeo. 

Immo  Recte  deducitur  haec  consequentia  &  hoc 
modo  probatur.  Si  Id  ostenderc  poteras  certissime 
Indicaveris  (Juia  niaximc  mihi  irasccbaris  &  valde 
optabas  ostendere  me  in  crimine  fuisse. 

Hoc  Tibi  siimpsisti,  viz:  Indicareme  Dolosum  esse 
hoc  modo.  i'""  Inquis  manifeste Probavi  &  Litce  da- 
rins  ostcndi  vos  non  habere  7iec  setpiinorniani  Rcli^ionis 
&  nulbis  inter  vos  potest  probe  Respondere  Argunien- 
tis  hoc  r^rocantibus  ergo  intendens  diver sam  jidei  Reg- 
ulam  stiadere  silvestribns,  Tu  Infidiis  Reus  fiercs 
Animaruni  eoruin  et  hoc  intendis  ut  Prof^mdius  im- 
mergaris  in  orcum.     Respondeo. 

Hoc  non  probasti  nee  potest  uHus  vestrum  probare. 
Quoties  Responderunt  Reformata;  Rehgionis  Profes- 
sores  ad  omnia  vestra  Argumenta  et  indicarunt  ea 
vacua  esse.  Et  non  Infidus  eram  Quia  omnia  mea 
Documenta  consentanea  fuerunt  sacris  scripturis 
Quae  nil  docent  nisi  Rectum  nisi  verum. 

2°  Dicunt  silvestrcs  su^mnopere  optat  Anglus 
docere  7it  possit  natos  nostros  Literas  &  Pnetextu 
Literaruni  sensim  sifie  scnsti  Ipsis  suadere  ut  sjiani 
quani  vocat  Religioneni,  aliquando  onines  facti  viri 
A  nglicam  amplcctciitur  fideni  &  sic  fide  &  amicitid 
conjuncti.,  nullum  aniplius  Inter  cos  exoriatur  Bclluni., 
&c.,  si  ita  dicunt  silvestres  Primo  (ut  opinor)  Ha^c 
iis  dictabas.  Nunquam  Audivi  silvestres  Hoc  modo 
loqui  At  Aliter  Locuti  sunt  nonnulli  eorum  sed 
Quisquis  ita  dicit  Tantum  Id  supponit  et  suppositio 
vel  Imaginatio  Absurda  non  probat  Rem. 

Dicis  Intelligo  Te  nescire  argumcntari  in  formd. 
Sed  quomodo  Hoc  intelligis?  Postea  dicis  Respon- 
siones  vestrce  ad  Argumenta    Theologica  sunt  circum- 


•,' 


Appendix,  403 

locutio7ies  &c.  Sed  Quomodo  hoc  cognoscis  ?  nun- 
quam  vidisti  (ut  opinor)  mcas  Rcsponsiones  ad  ulla 
Argumenta  Theoloi^ica  non  respondebam  talibus 
Argumentis  in  Epistola  Quam  ad  Te  misi  ct  Quia 
non  respondebam  Haec  consequentia  deducere 
videris,  viz  :  non  possum  respondere  alicui  Argu- 
mento  in  forma  At  non  Recte  deducitur  Haec  con- 
sequentia. 

Argumenta  de  Quibus  Locutus  sum  in  Fra-ludio 
ProlixcC  Epistola.'  continentur  ubi  dicitur  Quinqua- 
gmla  ab  hinc  Annis  iverant  nonnuli  ex  silvestribus 
Rmpthniis  causa  in  tirbem  Quebec  C2im  autcni  vidissent 
Toiipla  eor unique  ornatus  nee  non  saccr dotes  sacerdo- 
talibus  indutos  sacra  facieiites  tmn  alios  niai^nifue  in- 
dutos  ipsis  7ninislranies  turn  cerenionias  ab  Illis  ados 
&c.  His  ita  moti  sunt  ut  in  adniirationem  raperen- 
tur  &c.  Apud  vos  atitem  non  movereutur  silvestres 
Templorum  magnificentia  ornatu  aut  dccoratione,  &c. 

Haec  non  sunt  Argumenta  1  heologica,  Tantum 
Argumenta  ad  homines,  lu  Profecto  ea  de  Ouibus 
Lo{|uerIs  Pueris  Placita  sunt  Potius  quam  viris. 
Et  in  Istis  verbis  non  ar<ifumentaris  in  forma. 

Magnopere  gloriaris  dicendo  In  decursu  autem 
Epistolce  multa  sunt  Argumenta  spinosa,  Pungentia 
&c.  Dico,  &  sustineo  Te  ncque  ic/luni  vestruui  posse 
ea  solvere.  Sed  nonne  scriptum  est  in  Prov.  27.2 
Laudet  Te  os  extranei  non  autem  Os  luum,  Alieni 
non  autem  Labia  Tua  &  in  1  I'veg  :  20.11  ne  Jactet 
se  qui  accingit  se  ut  Qui  discingit.  Multi  sunt 
nostrum  Qui  respondere  possunt  Tuis  Argumentis 
in  forma  &  indicare  ea  inania  &  vacua  esse.  .Sed 

inteliigo  Te  repletum  esse  Iracundia.  Quamvisdicis 
Te  iracunde  Loqui  non  Reperiam  Tamen  Te  Ira- 
cunde  Loqui  &  Excandescentia  scribere  reperi  rton 
tantum  in  Epistolis  Quas  mihi  misisti  :  sed  etiara^^in 


404 


Appendix. 


Epistola  Quam  ad  Gubernatorem  nostrum  scripsisti 
&  dicitur  in  Prov:  22.24  "^^  colas  Amicitiam  cum 
Iracundo  &  In  Prov:  29.20  vidisti  virum  Praicipitem 
verbis  suis  Expectatio  est  de  stolido  melior  quam  de 
Illo.  Cum  omnis  Amaritudo  &  Excandescentia  & 
Ira  a  Te  sublata  fuerit  &  cum  Lenitate  receperis 
Insitum  Sermonem  Qui  possit  servare  Animas  ad 
Tua  Argumenta  Respondebo. 

Vale  Domine 

Tuus  sum 

J.  Baxter. 


INDEX. 


Abagadasset  Point,  318. 

Abagahamak,  327. 

Abnaki  Language,  studied 
by  Rale,  36. 

Abnaki  Mission,  Ralt3  at, 
36,  37  ;  Rale  In  charge 
of,  38  ;  mentioned,  i  7. 

Abnakis,  the,  zealous  con- 
verts, 141,  142  ;  prefer 
to  trade  at  Quebec,  142  ; 
tie  which  binds  them  to 
the  English,  142-143 ; 
complained  because 
hostages  were  held  In 
Boston  after  paying  for 
damages  done,  158,  159, 
160;  the  English  re- 
fused to  sell  food  and 
ammunition  to,  160-161; 
Castine  a  commander- 
general  of,  161  ;  killed 
three  ministers,  173; 
mentioned,  111,112,115, 
116,  117,  118,  128,  135, 
164,  165,  166,  168,  170, 
175,  183,  184,  185,  203, 
300,  307,  328,  334,  335, 
341,  342,  345,  385. 

Abomazen,  285,  322. 


Abraham,  327. 

Acadia,  29,  33,  64,  80,  126, 

135.   136,  155.  156,  167, 
215,   277,  278,  304,  335, 

Z72>:  387- 
Acadia,  see  Taschereau. 

Acadia,  History  of,  see 
Tibierge. 

Acts,  M  e  m  o  i  r  e  s,  etc., 
Concernant  La  Paix 
d'  Utrecht,  cited,  155. 

Adams,  Rev.  Hugh,  cured 
Rale  of  the  gout  and 
rheumatism,  66,  67,  1 18; 
became  friendly  towards 
the  "  Blackrobe,"  67  ; 
predicted  the  overthrow 
of  Rale,  1 18, 1 19,«.;  bio- 
graphical notice  of,  118. 

Albany,  to  be  attacked 
from  Canada,  15,  17;  ex- 
pedition from,  to  Mon- 
treal, 22  ;  mentioned, 
124,  327,  328,  330,  331, 
348,  350,  353,  375,  386. 

Alexander,  J  a.,  356,  357, 

358. 
Algonqulns,   the,  97,  108, 
183.  184. 


4o6 


Index. 


Algonquin  Tongue,  stud- 
ied by  Rale,  38. 

Allen,  Ebenezer,  292. 

Amalingans,  the,  206,  207, 
211,  212,  213,  214. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund,  held 
a  conference  with  the 
Indians  at  Pemaquid,  13; 
robbed  Castine's  trading 
house,  13-14;  unsuccess- 
ful in  conciliatory  meas- 
ures, 14;  released  In- 
dian prisoners,  14,  19. 

Andros  Tracts,  cited,  14. 

Androscoggin,  Indians 
from,  at  Casco  confer- 
ence, 44. 

Androscoggin  River,  242. 

Anmoukangan     River, 

113- 
Annales  de  la  Propagation 

de  la  foi,  Les,  267. 

Annapolis  Royal,  387. 

Anne  Queen,  366,  372. 

Apparitions,  believed  in 
by  Rale,  89,  90. 

Appleton,  John,  58. 

Appleton,  Samuel,  58. 

Argal,  Samuel,  broke  up 
the  mission  at  St.  Sa- 
veur,  10;  took  Biard  and 
Masse  prisoners,  11. 

Arrows,  198. 

Arrowsic,  Indians  with 
French   leaders  appear 


at  the  conference  at, 
1 10;  letter  delivered  at, 
1 1  i-i  18  ;  Adams  at, 
118;  Indians  failed  to 
come  to  a  conference 
appointed  at,  159;  con- 
ference at,  216;  men- 
tioned, 66, 68, 84,  96, 102, 
128,  129,  279,  305,  307, 
308,  320,  367,  368. 

Ashley,  Capt.,  333. 

Atwater,  Mehitabel,  53. 

Aubrey,  Father,  95. 

Avignon,  10. 

Azcoytia,  7. 

Bagaduce,  243. 

Bancroft,  George,  History 

of   the    United    States, 

cited,  44,  54. 
Bane,    Lewis,    Deposition 

of,  279;  mentioned,  281; 

Deposition     of,     cited, 

91. 
Bangor,  formerly  Kendus- 

keag,  10;  mission  to  be 

established  at,  10. 
Baxter,    Rev.    Joseph,    at 

Arrowsic  conference,  69, 

71,    80 ;    a    missionary 

among  the  Indians,  71  ; 

letter  from  Rale  to,  yj, 

85  ;  replied  to  Rale,  85- 

86  ;  a  temporary  visitor 
to  the  Kennebec,  86;  his 


Index. 


407 


knowledge  of  Latin 
compared  with  Rale's, 
87;  a  man  of  a  well- 
trained  mind,  87; 
preached  at  George- 
town, 89;  reported  that 
Ral6  predicted  the 
speedy  end  of  the  world, 
89-90;  Rale's  sneer  at, 
103-104;  letters  to  Rale, 
145-147,  147-153.  397. 
399;  mentioned,  218; 
biographical  notice  of, 
71;  Journal  of,  cited,  80, 
89,  90. 

Bayberry,  wax  obtained 
from  the,  137,  138. 

Bayeux,  31. 

Bean,  Joseph,   282,  292. 

Bear,  Indian  legend  con- 
cerning the,  190. 

Beaudoin,  Michael,  king 
displeased  with,  'i^y, 
praised,  34. 

Becancourians,  the,  253. 

Becancourt,  109,  1 1 1. 

Begon,  Michel,  instructed 
by  the  king  to  prevent 
traffic  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Indians,  93; 
letter  to  Rale,  294-297; 
mentioned,  65,  iio,  121, 
162,  275,  304,  369,  390; 
letter  of,  cited,  95,  105, 
107,  113,  151. 


Belcher,  Andrew,    58,  69. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  History 
of  New  Hampshire, 
cited,  18. 

Bell  Isle,  307. 

Bellamont,  Richard  Coote, 
Earl  of,  42,  57,  366. 

Berwick,  3 1  7. 

Besancour,  295,  297. 

Biard,  Pierre,  first  of  the 
Jesuits  to  visit  this  con- 
tijir^nt,  lo-ii;  taken 
prisoiier  by  Argal,  11; 
mentioned,  12;  biogra- 
phical notice  of,  10, 

Bibles,  Wiwurna  wants 
none  of  the  English,  "]"]. 

Bigot,  Brothers,  the,  in- 
fluenced the  Indians  to 
attack  the  English,  16; 
had  a  mission  on  the 
Chaudiere,  17;  men- 
tioned, 36. 

Bigot,  P^re  James,  his 
mission  joined  in  the  de- 
scent upon  York,  25  ; 
conspicuous  in  incit- 
ing the  savages  against 
the  English,  28  ;  a  blind 
leader  of  the  blind,  31  ; 
biographical   notice    of. 

Bigot,  Vincent,  biograph- 
ical notice  of,  i  7. 
''  Blackrobes,"  7. 


4o8 


Index. 


Bled  de  Turquie,  141,  180. 

Board  of  Trade  Papers, 
cited,  107. 

Bollan,  William,  Import- 
ance and  Advantage  of 
Cape  Breton,  cited,  155. 

Bomazeen,  at  Casco,  con- 
ference, 44  ;  reported 
that  the  French  were 
trying  to  break  the 
friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  Indians  and 
English,  46;  killed,  238, 
262  ;  mentioned,  68. 

Bonnaventure,  Sieur  de, 
29. 

Bonnier,  Carle,  392. 

Boston,  governor  and 
garrison  of  Port  Royal 
brought  to,  22 ;  e  x- 
pedition  to  Quebec 
sailed  from,  22  ;  plan 
formulated  to  capture, 
40 ;  Indian  parties 
about,  41  ;  envoy  sent 
to,  to  declare  peace,  54, 
56  ;  resolution  to  bring 
Rale  a  prisoner  to,  92  ; 
English  families  to  be 
sent  to  Panaowamske 
from,  94;  Rale's  letter 
read  by  the  magistrates 
of,  104 ;  Indians  held 
as  hostages  in,  no,  «., 
112,    «.,     113,    «.,    156, 


1 5 7, «.,  1 58, 160,319,375, 
376,  377  ;  Indians  that 
killed  cattle  retained  at, 
1 1 7-1 18;  indignation  at, 
concerning  the  Indians 
threatening  letter,  119; 
Castine  a  prisoner  at, 
119,  165-166;  Rale's 
scalp  exhibited  in,  273  ; 
Indian  captive  died  in, 
321  ;  mentioned,  55, 
105,  116,  153,  222,  256, 
263,  278,  331,  332,  333, 

349.  378,  379.  381,  382. 

Boudoin,  P^re  Michael, 
refused  absolution  to 
murderers,  32,  33,  «. / 
founded  a  mission 
among  the  Choctaws,  33. 

Boundaries,  undeter- 
mined, 44. 

Boundary  between  the 
English  and  French 
possessions,     371,    372, 

373,  374,  387- 
Bourbourg,    Brasseur   de, 

Histoire     du     Canada, 

267. 

Bourdet,  Nicholas,  392. 

Bradstreet,  Gov.  Simon, 
22. 

Braintree,  1 18. 

Brandy,  trade  of,  in  Can- 
ada, 101-102, 

Brantry,  71,  72. 


Index. 


409 


Brasaway,  321. 
Brookfield,  317. 
Hrown's  Farm,  319. 
Brunswick,    90,   loi,    128, 

129. 
Brunswick    Historical 

Magazine,  cited,  244. 
Burnett,    Gov.     William, 

347.  355.  356. 
Busenbaum,  Hern,  copy  of 

his   Medulla   Theologce 
Moralis  owned  by  Ralo, 
246;  described,  247;  ex- 
tracts from,  247-250. 
Byfield,  Nathaniel,  341. 

Cabins   of   Indians,    175- 
176. 

Cahnawagaw,  327. 

Canada,  Masse  returned 
to,  11;  an  attack  plan 
ned  to  invade  the  Eng- 
lish colonies  from,  15, 
17;  government  in  a 
disorganized  condition, 
16;  expedition  of  1690 
against,  unsuccessful, 23; 
prisoners  from  York 
taken  to,  27;  did  not 
know  in  1 7 1 2  that  peace 
had  been  concluded,  55; 
Indians  at  peace  with 
the  English  could  not 
live  in,  96,  97;  brandy 
trade   in,    101-102;    In- 


dians of,  to  be  sent  to 
the  proposed  confer- 
ence with  the  English, 
109;  Ral6  fled  to,  127; 
mentioned,  115,  116, 
132,  134,  223,  237,   245, 

319.  320. 
Canada,  L' Heroine  Chr6- 

tienne    du,   see  Eaillon, 

E.  M. 
Canada  River,  136. 
Canibas,  the,  24,  29. 
Cape  Cod,  1 18. 
Cape  Cod,  History  of,  see 

Freeman  Frederick. 
Capon,  Mr.,  343,  372. 
Capt.  Job,  323. 
Capt.  John,  318,  322. 
Capt.  Joseph,  282,  287. 
Capt.  Nathaniel,  318,  330, 

.  333- 
Carp,    Indian    legend     of 

the,  189. 
Casco,  people  encouraged 
to  settle  by  the  treaty 
at,  13;  conference  ap- 
pointed at,  44;  confer- 
ence held  at,  45-46; 
Ralo  present  at,  47; 
Rale's  account  of,  47- 
48;  attacked  by  PVench 
and  Indians,  1703,  50; 
Rolfe  at,  53-54;  savages 
went  to,  to  sue  for  peace, 
63;  mentioned,  58,  285. 


4IO 


Index. 


Casco  Bay,  59,  60,  247, 
283,  287,  291,  365,  396. 

Castine,  Jean  Vincent, 
Baron  de,  Andros  rob- 
bed his  trading  house, 
13-14;  his  enmity 
aroused,  14;  joined  Port- 
neuf,  19;  friend  of 
Thury,  31;  to  be  a 
leader  in  capturing  Bos- 
ton, 1697,  40;  went  with 
the  Indians  to  Arrow- 
sic,  no;  considered  a 
conspirator  with  Rale, 
119. 

Castine,  Anselm  de,  con- 
sidered a  conspirator 
with  Rale,  119;  arrested 
and  taken  to  Boston, 
119,  127,  161,  163-165; 
treated  with  considera- 
tion,  119- 120;  his 
mother  an  Abnaki,  161, 
166;  at  an  Indian  con- 
ference, 161;  comman- 
der-general of  the  Ab- 
nakis,  161,  166  ;  exam- 
ined and  liberated,  166. 

Castine,  Anselm  de,  men- 
tioned, 308.  383,  385. 

Cerfeuil,  186. 

Chalmers'  Papers,  cited,  2  2. 

Chambly,  350,  375. 

Champigny,  Jean  Bochart 
de,  Memoire  du  Roi  k 


cited,  23 ;  letter  of, 
cited,  28. 

Champlain,  Sieur  Samuel 
de, Voyages  of,  cited,  1 1. 

Chandler,  Col,  348. 

Charlevoix,  Rev.  P.  F.  X. 
de,  falsely  depicted  the 
affair  at  Norridgewock, 
3-4 ;  an  inspector  to 
make  memoirs,  3,  4 ; 
probably  received  his 
story  from  an  Indian,  5; 
report  of,  concerning 
Rale,  95;  untrustworthy 
as  a  historian,  130,  162, 
165,  167,  168,  250,  259, 
266 ;  account  of  a  con- 
ference between  Vau- 
dreuil  and  the  Indians, 
164,  165  ;  came  to  in- 
spect the  country,  304  ; 
mentioned,  42;  HIstoire 
Generale  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  cited,  18  ;  Me- 
moire sur  les  iimites  de 
I'Acadia,  cited,  95. 

Charnizay,  D'Aulnay,  277. 

Chase,  George  Wingate, 
History  of  Haverhill, 
cited,  54. 

Chasse,  Rev.  Peter  de  la, 
sentiment  of  65,  65,  n.; 
interested  in  the  threat- 
ening letter  of  the  In- 
dians, 1 72 1,  108. 


Index, 


411 


Chasse,  Rev.  Peter  de  la, 
sent  to  Norridgewock, 
109;  gathered  Indian 
recruits  and  went  to 
A  r  row  sic,  109-1 10  ; 
wrote  a  letter  in  three 
languages  for  the  In- 
dians, 160;  as  a  histo- 
rian, 250,259,  261,  262, 
267 ;  Rale's  unfinished 
letter  to,  251  ;  the  sin- 
gle original  French  ac- 
count of  the  attack  on 
Norridgewock,  the  basis 
of  many  other  accounts, 
267;  mentioned,  iii, 
113,  159,  161,  164,  165, 
245,  271,  272,  295,   296, 

30 1;  Z2>1^  351  ;  Lettres 
Edifiantes  etCurieuses, 
par  quelques  Mission- 
aires  de  la  Compaignie 
de  Jesus,  cited,  4-5,  38, 
66,  174,  259. 

Chaudi^re  River,  mission 

^on  the,  17. 

Chaumont,  P^re,  183. 

Chebeague,  69. 

Chebuctou,  32. 

Chierdau,  Capt.,  378. 

Choctaws,  the,  33. 

Christian,  a  Mohawk,  set 
Norridgewock   on    fire, 

245- 


Christianizing,  doubtful  if 
there  was  much  genu- 
ineness in  that  of  the 
savages,  88. 

Clark,  Lieut.  Thaddeus, 
killed,   19. 

Clergyman  acting  as  a 
physician,  66,  67. 

Coddington,  Col.  William, 

364- 
Coffin,  Peter,  58. 

Colden,  Dr.,  356,  357. 

Collection  of  Manuscripts, 

cited,  115,  165,  265. 
Conference   at    Arrowsic, 

see  Treaty  at  Arrowsic. 
Connecticut,  340,  347,  354, 

359- 
Corwin,  Jonathan,  57. 

Costebelle,  56. 

Coton,  Father,  10. 

Council  Records,  cited, 
168. 

Courcurs  de  bois,  Les,  24. 

Courtemanche,  Sieur  de, 
leader  of  the  war  party 
into  Maine,  18. 

Cousin's  Island,  69. 

Cranston,  Gov.  Samuel, 
letter  to,  339 ;  men- 
tioned, 276,  355. 

Creation  of  the  earth,  In- 
dians' account  of  the, 
187,  188,  189,  190. 


412 


Index, 


Cremation  amon^  the  In- 
dians, 187   1 89,  190. 

Croisel,  Mons.,  went  with 
the  Indians  to  Arrowsic, 
I  10;  mentioned,  295, 
,  297,  307. 

Currehfjoset,  291. 

Cllsilin},^  Mr.,  348. 

Damaras-Cove,  309. 
irAiiIiiay,  Charles  1).  M., 

Lord.  275,  277,  m- 
I)avid,  392,  393. 
Davis,     Capt.     Sylvanus, 

surrend(*red  Fort  Loyal, 

19;      Declaration      of, 

cited,  20. 
De  Croisel,  see  Croisel. 
De   Laune,     Mons.,     376, 

378.  382. 
De     Monts,      Pierre     dii 

Guast,  155. 
De  I'ourtrincourt,  10. 
De  la  (!;hasse,  see  Chasse 

de  la. 
Deautell,  325,  326,  328. 
Deerfield,  31  7. 
Delalande,  Jean,  391,  392, 

393- 
Denonville,  Jacqiuis,  Rene') 

de  Brisay,  Marquis  de, 
government  at  Quebec 
under  him  in  a  disorgan- 
ized condition,  16;  said 
the  English  considered 


the  Trench  missionaries 
as  their  enemies,  2f, 
21,  «./  friend  of  the 
Jesuits,  35;  desired  more 
men  for  the  mission  of 
St.  I'rancis,  35  ;  men- 
tioned,   16. 

Deramsey,  (iov.,  325,333. 

I)ick(,'Son,  369. 

Doanc*,  John,  377. 

Documentary  History  of 
Maine,  cited,   i  5. 

Documentary  History  of 
New  V'ork,  see  O'Calla- 
ghan,  K.  B. 

Dover,  1 18. 

Dracut,  31  7. 

Dudley,  (jov.  Joseph, 
sought  friendly  relations 
with  the  Indians,  44; 
held  conf<;rence  at 
Casco,  45,  365;  conver- 
sed with  Raid,  47;  en- 
tered u[)on  the  war  with 
zeal,  52;  desired  the 
French  g'  rnors  to 
stop    the  IS   from 

scalpi  etter  from 

Cap<  .jody    to,    55; 

treaty  with  Indians  at 
Portsmouth,  57-58;  suc- 
ceeded by  Shute,  68; 
mentioned,  285,  365, 
366,  367;  letter  of,  cited, 
52,  53- 


hidcx. 


•I '3 


DiidNry,  William,  58,   100, 

353.  37^^.  ^l'\^  :-sn^  3'^«. 
30'. 

Dimuncr,  Kcv.  Sluibacl, 
killed,  26,  267,  2  7  o; 
Mather's  liiu's  on,  27; 
biographical  notice  (jf, 
26,  267. 

iJunimcr,  Mrs.  Shnhael, 
followed  her  child  into 
the  Indian  cam[),  27, 
267. 

Duninier,  Gov.  William, 
letters  of,  to  Vaudr(Miil, 
267,  268-270,  337.  370; 
letter  from  Vaiidrem'l  to, 
341 ;  letter  of,  to  (iov. 
Wentworth,  354;  hotter 
of.  to  (iov.  Cranston, 
355;  letter  of,  to  (iov. 
iinrnett,  355;  letter  of, 
to  (jov.  lalcot,  359; 
letter  frf)m  (iov.  'lalcot 
to,  361;  letters  of,  to  th(; 
I^ords  Comniissioneis, 
3  9  3'  39^^;  mentioned, 
264,  267,  28  r,  350,  356, 
357;    Paj)ersof,  cited,  i. 

Dunstable,  369. 

Diipy,  leather,  257. 

!)y(tr,  John,  311. 

lilaton,  Moses,  tortured  by 

Indians,  i  28-1  29. 
lulgar,  I  lenry,  318. 

53 


I'diot,  I'enjamin,  8.}. 

I'diot,  John,  71. 

I'dizee,  Pere,  tauj^^ht  the 
gospel  of  peact?,  not 
war,  33,  n.;  his  charac- 
ter, 34. 

I'dliot,  Robert,  58. 

"  b'.nd  jiislilKis  the  means, 
the,"  250. 

I'ln^dish,  the,  adopt  the 
false  stf)ry  of  Charh;- 
voix,  5;  not  tile  a^^^rjts- 
sors,  6;  hated  every- 
thinj^  I'Vench,  12;  the 
J(;suits  encourajTftd  the 
Indians  to  repel,  12  13; 
considered  rebcds  by 
th(;  I'Vench,  14,  35,  38- 
39;  plot  to  (;xt(;rminate, 
14-16.  1 7  18;  the  Jesu- 
its instij^at(!  the  Indians 
against,  1689,  16  17, 
27-28,  31 ;  atrociti<;s  in- 
flicted upon  them  by 
th(;  Indians,  18;  the  war 
against,  became  a  re- 
ligious crusade,  19-20; 
consid(;red  the  I'rench 
missionaries  their  ene- 
m)(!s,  21;  not  to  be 
easily  rooted  out  of 
AnKirican  soil,  22;  Nor- 
rid^ewock  imi)erilled 
the  existence  of,  23; 
I'Vont(;nac    ordered    to 


414 


Index, 


persist  in  the  warfare 
against,  23-24;  Indians 
to  be  prevented  from 
being  at  peace  with,  26, 
29-30;  given  no  quarter 
by  the  Indians,  41;  tor- 
tured by  Indians,  41; 
character  of  the  war 
waged  against,  1697, 
41-42;  French  opposed 
friendly  relations  be- 
tween the  Indians  and, 
42,  46;  the  enemy  care- 
fully studied  the  defen- 
ces of  the  towns  of,  42- 
43;  irritated  by  the 
meddling  of  the  French, 
43;  Rale's  deceitful  talk 
concerning  the  war  with, 
47;  Indians  desired 
them  to  feel  secure,  48; 
attempted  treachery  of 
the  Indians  toward,  48- 
49;  accused  of  tricks 
and  artifice.  51-52;  In- 
dians confirm  the  rights 
of,  57;  to  return  to  their 
ruined  village,  60,  63, 
64;  the  French  contin- 
ued to  plot  and  excite 
the  Indians  against,  64, 
65;  a  war  with,  is  favor- 
able to  the  P^rench,  65, 
66,  n.;  Rale  could  have, 
but     would     not     have 


their  friendly  feeling, 
66;  gave  Rale  medical 
aid,  66,  67;  prevented 
from  settling  on  the 
Kennebec,  67-68;  not 
to  be  disturbed  by  In- 
dians, 74,  77-78;  de- 
clared to  be  trespassers, 
75-76;  the  Indians 
thankful  they  settle  on 
their  lands,  but  want  no 
more,  76;  confirmed  by 
the  Indians  to  the  lands 
they  held,  81;  Rale  dis- 
pleased because  they 
had  established  a  mis- 
sionary at  Arrowsic,  84- 
85;  harassed  by  the  In- 
dian outbreaks,  90;  the 
Indians  desired  to  be 
friendly  with,  90,  91; 
Rale  continually  urged 
the  Indians  to  attack, 
91,  92,  «.,  94;  animosities 
of,  awakened,  92;  res- 
olution to  send  men  to 
Norridgewock  aban- 
doned, 92,  103;  Indians 
dreaded  war  with,  92; 
Vaudreuil  urged  Rale 
to  prevent  their  settle- 
ment, 92;  Indians  hin- 
dered in  the  traffic  with, 
93;  hvid  as  much  rightas 
the    French     to    settle 


Index. 


415 


their  frontiers,  94;  set- 
tlers to  be  sent  to  River 
St.  John,  94;  build  the 
church  at  Norridge- 
wock,  95;  the  indigna- 
tion of,  aroused  by 
Rale's  letter  to  Moody, 
96-97;  tell  the  Indians 
false  news,  98;  their  in- 
terpreter speaks  only 
gibberish,  99,  loi;  their 
manner  of  purchasing 
lands,  99-100;  the  In- 
dians will  force  them  to 
quit  their  lands,  100; 
Ketermogus  a  friend  of, 
loi;  Rale  said  there  is 
no  justice  among.  :o2; 
accused  of  causing  the 
war,  T03;  Rale  on  their 
treatment  of  the  In- 
dians, 104;  the  source 
of  their  peril  revealed 
to  them,  104;  the  In- 
dians appeared  deter- 
mined to  intimidate, 
105;  Indians  reluctant 
to  have  another  war 
with,  105-107;  the 
French  exaggerated  the 
acts  of,  106;  Indians 
protest  against  the  set- 
tlement on  the  Kenne- 
bec, 1721,  108;  Indian 
conference   to   be  held 


with,  108,  124;  cattle  of, 
killed  by  Indians,  1 1 1, 
«.,  163;  believed  Rale 
and  the  Castines  to  be 
conspirators  against, 
1 19;  sent  Westbrook  to 
apprehend  Rale,  120; 
astounded  by  Vau- 
dreuil's  duplicity,  123; 
their  houses  plundered 
and  burned,  1722,  128, 
170;  Rale's  prejudice 
against,  130;  their  bor- 
ders scenes  of  desola- 
tion and  cruelty,  131, 
132;  Rale  desired  to 
excite  the  rage  of,  132, 
1 33;  determined  to  drive 
Rale  from  the  Kenne- 
bec or  capture  him,  134, 
167,  168;  not  preferred 
by  the  Abnakis,  142; 
machinations  of,  to  se- 
cure the   Indians,    142- 

143.  153-154.  221;  Aca- 
dia conveyed  to,  155; 
the  Indians  no  match 
for,  in  a  fair  fight,  158; 
held  Indians  as  host- 
ages till  payment  was 
received  for  depreda- 
tions, 158-159;  refused 
to  sell  ammunition  and 
food  to  the  Indians, 
1 60- 161;  seized  Castine, 


4!^ 


Index. 


161,162-163;  Rale's  rea- 
son for  their  hatred  to- 
ward hitn,  165-166;  not 
to  be  permitted  on  the 
Kennebec,  163;  killed 
one  of  Rale's  captains, 
206;  tried  to  draw  the 
trade  of  the  savages, 
215,  217;  villages  of,  de- 
vastated, 220;  offer  a  re- 
ward for  killing  Rale, 
221  ;  to  rebuild  the 
church  for  the  Indians, 
224,  225 ;  Mohawks 
friendly  to,  237;  expedi- 
tion of  1724  against 
Norridgewock,  237-23CS; 
coolness  of,  at  Nor- 
ridgewock, 240;  their 
duty  to  destroy  the 
source  from  which 
spre.td  ruin,  desolation, 
and  death,  241  ;  their 
destruction  of  the  vil- 
lage of  Norridgewock 
the  work  of  a  few  mo- 
ments, 24 F  ;  Indians  in- 
duced to  make  slaves  of 
the,  352,  353. 

Envieux,  I.',  29, 

Escutcheon  of  Loyola,   7. 

Essex,  278, 

Etat,  Present,  cited,  32. 


Faillon,  Etienne  Michel, 
L' Heroine  Chrelienne 
du  Canada,  Villemarie, 
etc.,  cited,  2  i. 

Falmouth,  Portneuf  and 
his  party  arrived  at,  i(S- 
19;  attacked,  19,  21; 
mentioned,  69,  247,  291, 

396. 

Fetter  I  .ane,  i. 

F'isk,  Mary,  72. 

iMsk,  Rev.  Moses,  71,   72. 

Five  Nations,  the,  327, 
328,  331.  353.  386. 

Flynt,  Henry,  67;  Journal 
of,  cited,  68. 

I'orsyth,  Alexander,  292. 

r'ort  Chambly,  330. 

Fort  Loyal,  Indian  pris- 
oners released  from,  14, 
19;  Indians  act  as 
guides  against,  19;  at- 
tack  and   surrender  of, 

Fort      Richelieu,     Masse 

died  at,  11. 
Fort  Richmond,  237,  259, 

319-^ 
Fort   St.  John,  Thury  at, 

41- 
Fort  at  Brunswick,  loi. 

Fort  at  New  Casco,  45. 

Fort  at  St.  George,  255. 


Inde.x 


4'7 


Fox  Island,  3.S3,  384. 

I'Vance,  James  //.,  fled  to, 
14;  mentioned,  288. 

Franche  Comte,  34. 

Freeman,  Frederick,  His- 
tory of  Cape  Cod,  cited, 
119. 

French,  the,  no  doubt  of 
their  attempts  to  ruin 
the  English  colonies,  3; 
to  embark  in  vessels 
ajj^ainst  Boston,  40;  after 
the  treaty  of  Ryswick 
opposed  the  friendly  re- 
lations between  the  In- 
dians and  English,  42, 
46 ;  carefully  studied  the 
defenses  of  the  I'.nglish 
towns,  43;  Indians  to 
stand  by  the,  48 ;  pre- 
pared to  kill  the  Eng- 
lish at  the  Casco  confer- 
ence, 49;  joined  with 
the  Indians  in  a  descent 
upon  the  English,  49- 
50;  gave  premiums  for 
scalps,  52-53;  attacked 
Haverhill,  53;  continued 
to  plot  and  excite  the 
Indians  against  the 
English,  64,  65,  386; 
war  with  the  English 
favorable  to  the,  65,  66, 
n.;  excited  the  Indians 
to  prevent  English  set- 


tlements in  Maine,  93- 
94;  placed  the  acts  of 
the  English  in  the  worst 
possible  light  to  the  In- 
dians, 106;  the  agents 
of,  active  in  making  the 
savages  dissatisfied,  107; 
secretly  supplied  the 
savages  with  arms,  131; 
conveyed  Acadia  to  the 
English,  and  yet  sought 
to  rule  the  Indians  of 
that  country,  155;  the 
Indians  no  match  for,  in 
a  fair  fight,  158;  Indians 
pretend  they  expected 
no  help  from,  171;  In- 
dians firmly  attached  to, 
216,  218;  induced  the 
Indians  to  go  to  war, 
222-223;  condemned 
the  English  because 
their  traders  sold  fire 
water  to  the  Indians, 
265;  ordered  to  assist 
Indians,  280,  295,  298, 
302,  303;  ordered  the 
Indians  to  take  captives, 
319;  mentioned,  1. 

French  Archives,  3. 

I'Vench  Wax,  (a  sachem) 

rreye,  Thomas,  364. 
"  Friar  Rale's  railing  Let- 
ter," 96. 


4i8 


Index. 


Frontenac,  Louis  de 
Buade,  Count  de,  be- 
came governor  of  New 
France,  14;  the  diaboli- 
cal plot  committed  to 
his  execution,  15;  sailed 
from  Rochelle,  16,  34; 
reached  Quebec,  16;  or- 
ganized the  plot  intrus- 
ted to  him,  17;  defeated 
Phips,  22-23;  ordered 
by  the  king  to  continue 
the  war,  23;  excited  the 
savages  by  promise  of 
booty,  24;  accompanied 
by  Raid,  34;  letter  from 
Tibierge  to,  41;  men- 
tioned, 29;  Instructions 
to,  cited,  15;  Memoire 
of  the  king  to,  cited,  23. 

Gay,  Pere,  leader  of  the 
Indians,  20;  his  address 
to  incite  the  Indians, 
20,  71. 

George  /.,  70,  74,  78,91,  98, 
280,  308,  315,  326,  338, 

343,  372,  Zll^  386. 

George's  Fort,  384. 

Georgetown,  Baxter 
preached  at,  89;  Indian 
council  held  at,  106; 
conference  with  Indians 
at,  281,  291;  mentioned, 
279. 


Gerard,  J.  W.,  Peace  of 
Utrecht,  cited,  155. 

Geste,  Sieur  de  la,  336. 

"  Gibralter  of  America, 
the,"  242-243. 

Giles,  Capt.  John,  spoke 
only  gibberish,  99,  loi, 
71.;  advised  the  people 
where  to  settle,  100; 
mentioned,  70,  89,  90, 
286. 

Gold,  David,  277. 

Goold,  Daniel,  testimony 

of,  Z'^Z. 
Goold,  William,  Portland 

in  the  Past,  cited,  56. 
Goolde,  Daniel,  371. 
Great  Britain,  1,  288. 
Great  Lake,  the,  61. 
Green,  B.,  84. 
Gregory  XV.,  Pope,  8. 
Grenoble,  10. 
Groton,  369. 
Guerchville,  Marchioness, 

10. 
Gulf    of     St.     Lawrence, 

300. 

Hamilton,  Alexander, 
Journal  of,  317;  men- 
tioned, 317,  318,  319, 
320,  321,  322,  323,  324, 
325,  326,  327,  328,  329, 

330,  331,  332,  IZZ,  334- 
Hampshire,  278. 


Index. 


419 


Handsord,    William,    318, 

323>  324,  325.  326. 
Hardwicke    Papers,  cited, 

155. 
Hare,   the   Great,   Indian 

lejyend  concerning,  187- 

188. 

Harison.  Mr.,  356,  357. 

Harmon,  Col  Johnson, 
attacked  the  Indians  at 
Pleasant  Point,  128- 
129,  171;  unjustly  criti- 
cised, 1 30-1 3 1  ;  led  the 
unsuccessful  expedition 
of  1723,  173;  head  of  an 
expedition  against  Nor- 
ridgewock,  235-236; 
leader  of  expedition  of 
1724  against  Norridge- 
wock,  237,  242;  killed 
two  Indians  and  cap- 
tured a  third,  238 ;  divi- 
ded his  forces,  239; 
joined  Moulton,  245;  re- 
ported the  result  of  the 
expedition  against  Nor- 
ridgewock  at  Boston. 
263;  received  a  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel's  commis- 
sion, 263  ;  received  a  re- 
ward of  ^100,  264;  men- 
tioned, 242,  243,  247, 
259,  267.  281,  291,  394; 
biographical    notice   of, 

239- 


Harmon,  Mary,  242. 
Harpswell,  242,  244. 
Harris,  Samuel,  testimony 

of,  384. 
Harris,      Dr.      Thaddcus 

Mason,  cited,  244. 
Harvard    College,    22, 

26,  53,    118,    121,    267, 

268. 
Hatfield,  369. 
Haverhill,     attacked,     53; 

Rolfe   killed  at,  53,  n.: 

mentioned,  317. 
Haverhill,  History  of,  see 

Chase,  G.  W. 
Heath,  Joseph,  sent  with 

a  message  to  Norridge- 

wock,  91 ;  letter  of,  cited, 

91. 
Hegen,  Richard,  377. 
Hegon,   John,    282,     286, 

290,  291,  292, 
Hendrick,  332. 
Hertel,   Franyois,  led  the 

war    party     into     New 

Hampshire,    19;  joined 

Portneuf,  19. 
Hertel,  Joseph,   391,  392. 
Higginson,  John,  58. 
Hilton,     Col.,     destroyed 

Norridgewock,  52. 
Histoire    et     Description 

Generale    de    la    Nou- 

velle  France,  165. 
Hobington,  H.,  358. 


.* 


420 


Index. 


Hope-good,  at  Casco  con- 
ff^rencc,  44. 

Hosanou(;skact,  343. 

Hudson  River,  the  lino  of 
the  depredations  which 
were  planned  from  (Can- 
ada, 15. 

Huni<in,  Mark,  58. 

Hurons,  the,  97,    /oS,  109, 

III,    116,    127,     164,    1^)2, 

183,  184,  187,   253,   254, 

257- 
Hutchinson,        Gov. 

Thomas,  carefully  gath- 
ered the  material  ff)r 
his  history,  3;  sustained 
by  the  French  archives, 
3;  gives  a  carefully  com- 
I>il(:d  account  of  the 
affair  at  Norridgewock, 
258,  267. 

Illinois  Indians,  Rah' 
started  to  join  them, 
'}^']\  well  received  by 
them,  38;  mentioned, 
183,  184.  185,  187,  193, 
194.  195,  197,  199,  201, 
202,  203. 

Indian  Wheat,  j  80. 

Indians    |  people      misled 

Savages  [  in  regard  to  the 
com[jlicity  of  the  Jesu- 
its with  the,  I.  16;  prob- 
ably  tcjld   the    story    of 


Rale's  death  to  Charle- 
voix, 5;  notoriors  false- 
fiers,  5,  259;  encouraged 
by  the  J(isuits  to  r(,'[jel 
the  I'^nglish,  i  2-1  3,  27- 
28,  31,  40;  conff.-rence 
with  Andros  at  Tenia- 
quid,  13;  espoused  the 
cause  of  Castine,  14; 
retaliation  not  preven- 
ted by  Andros  concilia- 
tory measures,  14,  19; 
their  outbreaks  of  1689 
promoted  by  the  Jesu- 
its, 16,  17;  atrocities  in- 
flicted ui;on  the  Hng- 
lish,  18;  acted  as  guides 
against  I'ort  Loyal,  19; 
led  by  Rere  Gay,  20; 
Gay's  address  to  incite 
them,  20,  n.;  the  Eng- 
lish would  not  permit 
the  Jesuits  among,  21; 
subjects  of  the  king  of 
France,  21,  29,  343,344; 
outdone  in  savagery  l)y 
the  coiireurs  de  hois,  24; 
not  permitted  to  make 
peace,  24,  26,  29-30; 
exhorted  and  influenced 
by  the  clergy  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  24,  28- 
29;  led  against  York  by 
'1  hury,  25,  26,  n.;  mas- 
sacre at    York,    26;  left 


Index. 


421 


old  women  and  children 
behind,  27,  71.;  carried 
their  prisoners  to  Can- 
ada, 27,  n.;  their  confi- 
dence in  Thury,  28; 
Rale  played  an  import- 
ant part  in  their  wars 
with  the  iLn^dish,  34;  in- 
duced to  leave  Maine, 
36;  Rale  journeyed 
amonjr,  36,  37,  38;  Rale 
established  amon^,  40; 
led  by  St.  Castine,  40; 
to  assist  in  the  capture 
of  Boston,  40;  jjarties 
of,  near  Boston,  41; 
burned  their  prisoners, 
41;  gave  no  quarter  to 
the  English,  41;  I'rench 
opposed  friendly  rela- 
tions between  the  Hng- 
lish  and,  4  2,  43,  46; 
Massachusetts  expelled 
the  counselors  of,  43- 
44;  Dudley  sought 
friendly  relations  with, 
44;  at  Casco  conference, 
44-45;  the  action  of  re- 
assuring, 46;  attempted 
treachery  of,  at  the  con- 
ference, 48-49;  join  with 
the  French  in  an  attack 
upon  the  English,  49- 
50;  their  war  inaugura- 
ted   by  a  feast,  50;   at- 

54 


tended    confession    and 
received  communion  be- 
fore starting  on  the  war 
path,  50,  51;  debauched 
and    under   the  control 
of    the    Jesuits,    52;   re- 
ceive      bounties       for 
scalps,  53,  266;  attacked 
Haverhill,     53;      desire 
peace,    56,    63-64,   351, 
352;  agree  to  forbear  all 
acts     of     hostility    and 
confess      they       have 
broken      their      agree- 
ments, 56-57;  agree  to 
the     treaty     of     Ports- 
mouth, 57-58,  62;  num- 
ber of,  at   different   vil- 
lages, 59;  what  the  Eng- 
lish said  to  the,  59;  go 
to   Quebec  for  powder, 
63;     Rale      falsely     re- 
ported   they    were    not 
satisfied,  63 ;  their  jeal- 
ousy continually  excited 
by   the   French  against 
the    r^nglish,    64;    their 
idea  of  territorial  rights, 
64-65,  76,  79;  Vaudreuil 
supplied      them      with 
weapons  to  use  against 
the    Ivnglish,   65  ;    held 
no  council  without  call- 
ing    Rale,    66,    96,    99, 
102-103,  226-227;  called 


422 


Index. 


to  a  conference  with 
Shute,  68;  at  Arrowsic, 
69,  110-124;  vSewall  the 
staunch  friend  of,  69; 
carried  the  En<;h"sh  flag 
to  the  Arrowsic  confer- 
ence, 70;  pleas(;d  witli 
the  appointment  of 
Shute  as  jrovernor,  74  ; 
disHlved  Hnf^lish  forts, 
79  ;  de[)arted  leaving  the 
English  colors,  79-80; 
RaliVs  attempt  to  influ- 
ence them  against  the 
English,  80,  91,  92,  ;/., 
94;  they  beg  Shute  to 
return,  80;  asked  for 
the  English  colors,  80- 
81;  confirmed  the  rights 
of  the  English  to  their 
lands,  81;  desire  trading 
house  and  locksmith, 
82;  their  deceptive  char- 
acter, 85,  92  ;  why  they 
were  drawn  to  the  Ro- 
man rather  than  the 
Protestant  faith,  87-88; 
doubtful  if  there  were 
many  genuine  conver- 
sions, 88-89 ;  their  evi- 
dence unreliable,  90; 
Rale  may  have  taken 
advantage  of  their 
superstitious  minds,  90; 
desired    to    be   friendly 


with  the  English,  90,  91, 
said  Rale  lied  when  he 
wrote  to  Shute,  91,  92, 
n.;  continually  urged  by 
Rale  to  attack,  6,  91,92, 
«.,  94,  37^374^  395;  the 
PZnglish  alarmed  by  the 
threatening  attitude  of, 
92;  resolution  to  force 
them  to  make  amends 
abandoned, 92 ;  dreaded 
war  with  the  English, 
92 ;  their  reply  when 
urged  by  Vauclreuil  to 
prevent  English  set- 
tlements, 92-93,  103; 
hindered  in  traffic  with 
the  English,  93  ;  not  to 
pay  for  the  cattle  they 
destroy,  93,  97;  those 
who  cannot  support 
themselves  against  the 
English,  94;  Shute  de- 
sired some  to  go  to 
Europe,  96;  Rale  threat- 
ened to  excommunicate 
all  such  as  went,  96; 
English  aroused  at 
Rale's  assumption  in 
preventing  the  friendly 
relations  with,  97;  at- 
tend to  their  own  affairs, 
98;  will  force  the  Eng- 
lish to  quit  their  lands, 
100;  how  they  shall  re- 


Index. 


423 


ceive  their  rum,  loi- 
102;  Ralo  describes  their 
treatment  by  the  Eng- 
lish, 103-104;  depreda- 
tions of,  on  the  Kenne- 
bec, 105;  Shute's  threat 
supposed  to  be  to  in- 
timidate, 105;  reluctant 
to  have  another  war  with 
the  English,  105-107; 
held  council  at  Nor- 
ridgewock,  106;  two  par- 
ties, 106;  elect  a  chief, 
106;  held  council  at 
Georgetown,  106,  281; 
French  agents  active 
among,  107;  made  to 
feel  the  displeasure  of 
Vaudreuil,  107;  sent  a 
threatening  protest  to 
Shute,  108;  objected  to 
the  settlements  on  the 
Kennebec,  1721,  108; 
the  peace  party  of, 
aroused  Rale  to  action, 
108-109;  the  war  party 
strengthened,  109-110; 
kill  Englishmen's  cattle, 
no,  163,  304,  310,  367; 
held  as  hostages  in  Bos- 
ton, 1 10,  1 12,  1 13,  «,, 
156,  157,    7/.,    158,    159, 

319.  375»  376,  377;  let- 
ter presented  by,  in, 
294;  complain  that  host- 


ages are  held  after  pay- 
ing the  debt,  n2-n3, 
n7-n8;  declare  their 
deeds  void,  W];  warned 
Ralo  of  the  approach  of 
the  English,  120,  168; 
considered  Westbrook's 
expedition  a  warrant  for 
further  depredations, 
127;  to  meet  at  Nor- 
ridge wock,  128,  i  70 ; 
commenced  their  depre- 
dations, 1722,  128,  170; 
at  first  did  not  slaugh- 
ter or  hold  all  their 
captives,  128,  171;  later 
began  a  wholesale 
slaughter,  128,  130  ; 
attacked  by  Harmon, 
129;  Rale's  distorted 
account  of  their  depre- 
dations, 1 29, 1 30;  Shute's 
proclamation  concern- 
ing the  peaceful,  131; 
Rale  accompanied  them 
in  their  raids,  132;  in- 
structed in  the  Christian 
virtues,  135,  138;  assist 
Rale  in  performing 
mass,  136,  1 38;  religious 
emulation  among  the 
women,  137;  Rale  at 
their  councils,  139-140; 
forbidden  to  interrupt 
Rale  when   at  his  devo- 


424 


Index. 


tions,  140;  build  tem- 
porary chapels  when 
hunting  and  fishing, 
140-141;  collect  maple 
sugar,  141;  machinations 
of  the  English  to  secure, 
142,  153-154;  rninister 
sent  from  New  England 
to  convert  them,  143; 
trading  houses  intro- 
duced among  them  be- 
fore Rale's  time,  153; 
asked  Vaudreuil  about 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht, 
1 54-155;  must  have  been 
deceived  by  the  gover- 
nor, 155,  n.;  the  French 
sought  to  rule  them, 
though  they  had  no 
legal  jurisdiction  over 
the  country,  155;  Rale's 
false  story  of  some  which 
are  held  as  hostages, 
156,  158;  Rale's  account 
of  their  bravery,  157- 
158;  no  match  for  the 
civilized  man,  158,  n.; 
held  as  hostages  till  the 
cattle  they  had  killed 
were  paid  for,  158-159; 
objected  to  the  English 
holding  them  as  host- 
ages after  they  had  paid 
a  debt,  158-159,  160; 
not  present   at   an   ap- 


pointed conference,  159, 
368;  English  refuse  to 
sell  food  and  ammuni- 
tion to,  160-161;  their 
patience  exhausted,  161; 
Castine  an  officer  of, 
161;  conference  with 
Vaudreuil,  162;  chanted 
the  war  song,  170;  their 
cabins,  175-176;  cloth- 
ing, 1 76;  description, 
177;  occupation,  178, 
180;  canoes,  178;  food, 
179-180;  language,  181- 
184;  origin  of  the  tribes, 
187,  189,  190;  cremation 
among,  188-189;  burials 
and  funerals  among, 
190-191,  196;  religion 
among,  191,  192;  delib- 
eiatvi  upon  important 
affairs  at  their  festivals, 
1 93- 1 94;  feast  described, 
194-195;  costumes  of, 
195-196;  position  of 
women  among,  196- 
197,  the  Illinois  the 
richest,  197;  hunters  and 
fishers,  198;  public 
esteem  among,  198- 
199;  his  height  of  glory, 
200;  reviving  the  dead, 
200;  torture,  201;  prefer 
polygamy  to  prayer, 
201-202;    drink    an   ob- 


Index, 


425 


stacle  to  Christianity, 
202;  as  converted  by 
Raid,  205-206;  the  Eng- 
lish try  to  obtain  the 
trade  of,  215-216,  217; 
war  feast  to  be  made, 
218;  Rale  exhorted 
them  not  to  be  cruel, 
219-220;  mode  of  war- 
fare, 220;  are  used  as  an 
arm  by  the  French,  223; 
the  English  to  rebuild 
their  church,  224,  225; 
despoiled  the  country 
of  moose  and  deer,  225; 
subsist  on  vegetables 
and  fish,  225-226;  227- 
228;  venerate  Rale, 
229;  alarmed  for  his 
safety,  229-230;  in- 
formed Rale  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  English, 
230-231;  conveying 
news  by  signs,  234; 
discovered  the  pres- 
ence of  Moulton  near 
Norridge wock,  239; 
failed  of  true  hero- 
ism when  matched  by 
civilized  men,  240;  fled 
from  Norridgewock, 
240,  261,  271;  buried 
Rale's  body,  245; 
hastened  to  Canada  for 


the  protection  of  Vau- 
dreuil,  245;  Vaudreuil 
could  craze  them  with 
brandy,  265;  received 
bounties  for  English  and 
F^rench  scalps,  266;  as- 
sisted by  the  French, 
280,  295,  298,  301,  312, 
322,  393;  totems  of  those 
at  the  conference  at 
Georgetown,  292;  dec- 
laration of  Gov.  Shute 
concerning,  3H-315; 
act  of  Representatives 
of  Massachusetts  con- 
cerning, 315-317;  cap- 
ture Hamilton,  317; 
depredations     of,     318, 

IZ'^^  339.  368,  383-384. 
384-385;  to  take  cap- 
tives in  lieu  of  hostages 
held  in  Boston,  319; 
send  reports  of  their 
depredations  to  Canada, 
319;  well  received  by 
Vaudreuil,  319-320, 
321;  supplied  by  the 
governor  with  stores, 
320,  321,  327,  330;  carry 
captives  to  Quebec,  321; 
headed  by  Jesuits  at 
Arrowsic,  322;  deliver 
Handsord  to  the  gover- 
nor,  324;   conclude    to 


426 


Index. 


bury  the  ax  and  send 
captives  home,  325; 
stopped  by  Vaudreuil, 
325-326;  sent  envoys  to 
Albany,  327;  bring  to 
Quebec  English  scalps, 
327;  set  out  to  avenge 
the  loss  of,  at  North 
Yarmouth,  327;  return 
from  Albany,  327;  to 
visit  New  England  with 
a  large  army,  330;  their 
trade  with  Albany  pro- 
hibited, 330;  the  old  de- 
sire peace,  the  young 
desire  war,  331;  to  make 
a  peace  at  Boston,  331, 
333;  always  true  to 
France,  342;  claimed  as 
subjects  of  England, 
342,  343;  would  be  sad 
to  see  their  priest  taken 
from  them,  345;  the 
English  the  cause  of 
the  depredations,  345; 
the  depredations  of,  to 
be  reported  to  the  gov- 
ernment, 349;  treaty  of 
peace  must  be  made  in 
the  presence  of  Vau- 
dreuil, 351,  377,  387; 
induced  by  the  French 
to  make  slaves  of  the 
English,  352,  instigated 
by  the  French,  352,  369, 


386;  treaties  of,  broken, 
365-370;  claim  that  the 
English  encroach  upon 
their  ground,  378;  pre- 
vented from  making 
peace  by  Jesuits,  379. 
380,  381,  382-384;  cap- 
ture Daniel  Goold,  383- 
384;  capture  Samuel 
Harris,  384-385;  told 
what  to  say  by  Vau- 
dreuil, 387;  demands  of, 
387;  claimed  by  the 
French  as  subjects, 
390;  mentioned,  i,  337. 
Instructions  to  the  Com- 
missioners for  Canada, 

346. 
Iripegouans,  the,  193. 
Iroquois,  the,  41,  108,  115, 

116,  182,  183,  201,   252, 

266. 
Isle  of  St.  John,  300. 

Jakis,  the,  193. 

James  //.,  exiled,  14;  men- 
tioned, 35. 

Jaques,  Benjamin,  244. 

Jaques,  Daniel,  242. 

Jaques,  Marianna,  244. 

Jaques,  Mary,  244. 

Jaques,  Mary  Williams, 
242. 

Jaques,  Lieut.  Richard, 
son-in-law    of    Johnson 


Index. 


427 


Harmon,  239,  243;  frus- 
trated the  design  of 
Moulton,  242;  caught 
Rale  in  the  act  of  load- 
ing a  gun,  243;  de- 
manded the  priest  to 
surrender,  243;  shot  the 
priest,  243,  260;  his 
story  doubted,  and  he 
reprimanded  by  Moul- 
ton, 244,  260,  261;  went 
to  his  grave  the  self- 
acknowledged  slayer  of 
Rale,  261;  biographical 
notice  of,  242. 

Jeffries,  John,  318. 

Jesuit    Catalogue,     cited, 

35; 

Jesuites,     Relations     des, 
cited,  1 1. 

Jesuits,  people  misled  in 
regard  to  their  compile 
ity  in  the  depredations 
of  the  Indians,  i,  16; 
the  people  of  New  Eng- 
land had  no  doubt  of 
their  attempt  to  ruin  the 
English  colonies,  2-3; 
their  character  a  strange 
commingling  of  diverse 
elements,  8;  society  of, 
formed,  8;  followed  the 
track  of  the  great  voya- 
gers, 9;  achieved  a  meas- 
ure of   success,    9;   the 


product  of  their  age,  9; 
pioneers  in  the  work  of 
uplifting  men,  9;  pre- 
ceded the  Puritans,  12; 
in  dangerous  proximity 
to  the  English,  12;  not 
indifferent  to  the  en- 
croachments of  the 
English,  I  2;  encouraged 
the  Indians  to  repel  the 
En^'lish,  12-13,  16,  27- 
28;  influential  in  shap- 
ing the  government's 
proposals  for  an  Indian 
outbreak  in  1689,  16, 
17;  missions  extended 
into  Maine,  17;  consid- 
ered by  the  English  as 
their  enemies,  21;  abund- 
ant proof  to  show  that 
they  identified  them- 
selves w^ith  the  savages, 
29;  those  who  taught 
peace  and  not  war,  32, 
2,1,  «.-34.  n,;  their 
names  should  be  held  in 
grateful  remembrance, 
34;  to  oppose  all  com- 
munication between  the 
Indians  and  English, 
42,  43,  expelled  from 
M  a  s  s  a  c  h  u  s  e  1 1  s,  43 ; 
priests  driven  from  New 
York,  44;  endeavored 
to   break    the    friendly 


428 


Index. 


relations  between  the 
English  and  Indians,  46; 
had  command  of  the  In- 
land Indians,  52;  re- 
ceived medical  aid  from 
the  English,  66,  67;  pre- 
dicted the  end  of  the 
world  soon,  89;  accused 
of  lieing,  91-92;  is  no 
cipher,  96;  is  not  a  Bax- 
ter or  a  Boston  minister, 
104;  influenced  the  In- 
dians to  make  war  upon 
the  English,  in,  167; 
the  authors  of  the 
threatening  letter  sent 
to  Gov.  Shute,  119;  re 
ward  for  capturing,  168; 
the  war  of  1722  traced 
to,  174;  forbidden  within 
English  territory,  174, 
308,  371;  kept  the  Indi- 
ans faithful  to  the 
French,  2 1 6,  2  2 1 ;  a  book 
of  high  authority 
among,  247;  Martyrs  de 
Canada  Bibliogr,  Les, 
cited,  267;  instigate  In- 
dians, 167,  280,  288,  298, 
352,  374;  headed  Indi 
ans  at  Arrowsic,  322, 
323;  desired  a  continu- 
ance of  the  war,  329;  in- 
fluenced Vaudreuil,  352, 


353.  379;  prevent  the 
Indians  from  making 
peace,  379,  380,  381; 
would  kill  the  peace 
commissioner,  381;  men- 
tioned, 276,  288,  319, 
322,  323,  325,  329,  331, 

332. 

Job,  Capt,  323. 

John,  Capt.,  318. 

Jordan,  Capt.,  277. 

Jordan,  Samuel,  Indian 
interpreter,  70;  desired 
by  the  Indians  as  lock- 
smith, 82;  mentioned, 
70,  282,  292. 

Jordan,  Capt.  Samuel, 
Declaration  of,  375. 

Joseph,  Capt.,  282,  287. 

Journal  of  the  Commis- 
sioners    to    Canada, 

350- 
Journal  of  the  Expedition 

from    Boston    to    Port 

Royal,  cited,  22. 

Kadesquit,    mission  to  be 

established  at,  10. 
ICatholisches     Kuche     in 

dem     Vereinigten 

Staten,  Die,  267. 
Kenduskeag,     mission    to 

be  established  at,  10. 
Kennebec  Indians,  281. 


Index. 


429 


Kennebec  Mission,  In- 
dians from,  at  Casco 
conference,  44,  men- 
tioned, 41. 

Kennebec  River,  English 
settlements  on,  pre- 
vented by  Rale,  67; 
mentioned,  25,  29,  79, 
81,  86,  95,  105,  108,  113, 
115,  128,  134,  156,  215, 
237,  242,  291,  309. 

Kennebec  Savages,  91. 

Ketermogus,  desired  to 
remain  at  peace  with  the 
English,  loi;  obnoxious 
to  Rale,  loi,  n. 

Kettera,  292. 

Ketterremuggus,  282,  291, 
292. 

King  Philip's  War,  36. 
Kingnessanach,  186. 
Kip,  Rev.  William  Ingra- 

ham,  135. 
Kirk,  Sir  David,  11. 
KounaoLions,  253,  254. 

La  Longue,  Mons.,  -^ZZ- 
La  Loiireur,  Jean,  392. 
La     Rond,     Sieur,     336, 

ZZ1 
Lackwadawmeck,  291. 
Lake  Superior,  331. 
Lalande,    Jean    de,     391, 

392,  T^:)^. 
Lalemant,  Pere,  10. 

55 


Lancaster,  317. 
Languile,  Gov.,  325. 
Lannerjat,     letter    of,  to 

Rale,    338;    mentioned, 

276. 

Larrabee,  Benjamin,  state- 
ment of,   in    regard    to 
Rale's  death,  261. 
Laurels,  137,  138. 
Laurone,  Mons.,  376,  378, 

382. 
Lauverjeat,      encouraged 
the    Indians    to    make 
war,  174. 

Le  Clerc,  Nicholas,  135. 

LeRonde,  Sieur,  336,337. 

Lefevre,  343. 

Lettres  Edifiantes  et 
Curieuse.s,  par  quelques 
Missionaires,  .sr^Chasse, 
Rev.  Peter  de  la. 

Locksmith,  wanted  by  In- 
dians, 82. 

Longuile,  Charles  de 
Moyne,  386. 

Lorette,  109,  iii,  127,  164, 
170,  320,  321,  327. 

Lorette  Indians,  323,  327. 

Louisbourg,  242,  243. 

Louisiana,  ■^■^. 

Love,  Robert,  318. 

Loverjat,  Father,  255. 

Loyard,  Father,  257. 

Loyola,  Don  Ifiigo  Lopez 
de  Recalde,  de,  founder 


430 


fnde: 


of    tlic    J(-suits,    7;    l)io- 
j^raphical  notice  of,  7. 
Lyndci,  Hcnjaniin,  50,  384, 

3-S5. 
Lyiuie,  Saimu;],   279,   2S1, 

Lyons,  10. 

Lyons,  I'rovincei  of,  35. 

Macho  va,   190. 

Mackinac,  Raid  at,  37. 

Macuas,  tii(^  350. 

Machilaine,  Joan,  392,  393. 

Ma^<trlain(!  Liland,  300. 

Maine,  Jesuit  missions  ex- 
tended into,  J  7;  war 
party  to  set  out  aJ^'linst, 
18;  leachrrs  of  the  war 
party,  18;  Jesuits  active 
in  inciting  the  Indians 
of,  27-28;  In(Hans  in- 
duced to  leav(t,  36;  In- 
dians of,  debauched  by 
the  Jesuits,  52;  the 
l{n;^lish  a^^ain  took  root 
in,  64;  the  Indians  ex- 
cited by  the  French  to 
prevent   settlements  in, 

9,3  -94- 
Maine,  Indians  of,  sent  a 

protest  to    Shute,    108; 

mt-ntioned,  3  1  7. 

Maine,  History  of,  see 
Williamson,  William  I). 

Maine  Historical  Quar- 
terly, cited,  91,  108. 


Maine  Historical  Society, 

2,  123. 
Main(*  Historical   Society 

Archives,  90. 
Maine   Historical   Society 

C(jllections,     cited,     32, 

84. 
Maizf.',  141. 
Malaowins,  the,  300. 
Manitou,  J91,  192, 
Manuscrits.Colh'Ctionsde, 

cited,  17,  21,  22,  23,  25, 

26,  28,31,32,  34,  41,42, 

63,  66,  94,  95. 
Maple  Su^ar,  141. 
Maquas,     th(^     350,     353, 

355- 
Marblehead,  383,  384, 

Martin,  l'er(!,  Les  Jesuit 
Martyrs  de  Canada, 
cited,  35. 

Maruei(?t,  391. 

Mary,  the, '383. 

Maskoutings,  the,  193. 

Massachusetts,  Jesuits  ex- 
p(dled  from,  43;  men- 
tioned, 13,  57,  3 '5.  346, 
350,  35^>.  357.  3^M,  3^>5. 
3^^^-  3«5,  3H6. 

Massachusetts  Archives, 
cited,  168,  263,  264. 

Massachusetts  General 
Court,  resfdved  to  ar- 
rest RaU'i,  92,  1 19,  f67, 
168. 


Index, 


43' 


Massachusetts  Flistorical 
Society  Collections, 
citttd,  20,  56,  91,  96,  I  18, 
244. 

Masse,  Knemond,  first  of 
the  Jesuits  to  visit  the 
contiiK-nt,  10  11;  taken 
prisoner  by  Arj^al,  i  \,n.: 
mentioned,  12;  l>  i  o  ■ 
graphical  notice  of,  10. 

Mather,  Cotton,  Ma^nalia 
Christi  Americana, 
cited,  18,  20,  22,  27,  42; 
mentioned,  270,  271. 

Matsidouanoussis     Kiver, 

"3; 

Maurice,  Claude,  392,  393. 

Medfleld,  71,  89, 

Medocteh,  112,  164,  165. 

Memoire  sur  I'enterprise 
de  Haston  a  Versailles, 
cited,  41. 

Menaskeh,  1  1  7. 

Menaskous,  112,  165,222. 

Meneval,  Robineau  de, 
commander  at  Port 
Koyal,  21;  taken  pris- 
oner by  I'hips,  21-22; 
Lettre  de,  cited,  22. 

Merriconeaj^  Neck,  239, 
242. 

Merry  meeting"  Hay,  In- 
dians desire  people  re- 
moved from,  282,  284, 
287,291 ;  mentioned,  3 18. 


Mesambomett,    at    Casco 

cf)nference,  4.1. 
Miamis,  the,  183. 
Michabou,  187. 
Michibichi,  192. 
Micmacs,  the,  5c),  108,  1  16, 

2  57- 
Middlesex,  278. 

Mi  not,  Mr.,  asked  t<j  man- 
age the  trading  house, 
82. 

Minot,  John,  sent  with  a 
message  to  Norridge- 
wock,  91;  d<;position  of, 
279,  280  281;  men- 
tioned, 281;  deposition 
of,  cited,  91. 

Missilimakinak,  Ralo  at, 
187,  193. 

Missionari(;s,  w  h  o  s  e 

nauK.'S  sh(juld  be  ludd  in 
grateful     remembrance, 

34.. 
Missionaries,    I'Vench,    see 

J(;suits. 

Missions  d(;  TAmericjue, 
I.e,  267. 

Mississippi  J\  i  v  (^  r,  dis- 
covered by  the  I'rench, 

Mississippi  Valley,  304. 

Mitchell, ,  held  a  pris- 
oner by  Rale,  241,  243; 
tortured  l)y  Rale,  243- 
244.  244,  n. 


432 


Index. 


Mitchell,  William,  killed 
at  Scarborough,  241  - 
242;  his  son  held  a 
prisoner  Ijy  Kale,  241. 

M<n(}^,  firiiiir  from  his 
cabin  at  Norridj^ewoek, 
241 ;  killed  a  Mohawk, 
241  -242;  killed  with  his 
wife  and  children  by  the 
Mohawk  s  brother,  242, 
mentioned,  282,  2.S3, 
292. 

Mohawks,  the,  97,  237, 
320,  323,  327,   328,  331, 

332. 

Montreal,  expedition  from 
Albany  to,  unsuccessful 
22-23;  m(*ntioned,  323, 
324.  325,  326,  330,  337, 
350,  35 J,  353,  375,  Zl^^ 
Z77i  3^2,  391,  392. 

Montserrat,  8. 

Moodey,  Maj(jr  Joshua, 
247. 

Moody,  Cai)t.,  54,  68,  96; 
letter  of,  cited,  55. 

Mfjody,  Capt.  Samuel, 
275,  281,  291,  294. 

Moose,  1  'j'j. 

Moses,  Capt.,  282,  320. 

Moulton,  Cajjt.  Jeremiah, 
led  (ixpeditifjti  against 
Norrid^ewock,236,  237; 
found  the  village  de- 
serted, 236   237;  forbade 


his  men  doin^  any  in- 
jury to  th(^  buildinj^s, 
237;  his  magnanimity 
call{;d  cowardice  by 
Kale,  237;  killed  two 
Indians  and  captur(;d  a 
third,  238,  262,  n.;  di- 
vid(:;d  their  forces,  239; 
approached  the  villa^^e, 
239;  allowed  the  Indians 
U)  fire  first,  240;  ^'ave 
orders  to  s[;arf^  Kale, 
242,  266;  his  orders  dis- 
obeyed, 242;  tloubted 
the  story  of,  and  repri- 
mand(;d  Jaques  for  kill- 
in;^  Kale,  244,  260,  261; 
left  the  villa^^e  un- 
harmed, 245;  found 
Kale's  vadc  niecum  and 
an  unfinished  letter  to 
I)e  la  Chasse,  245-246, 
251;  mentioned,  239, 
247,  259,  261,  267;  bio- 
graphical notice  of,  236; 
his  character,  236,  237, 
240,  244,  245,  271. 

Moulton,  Mary,  239. 

M(junt  Aj^amenticus,  25. 

Mount  IJesert,  liiard  and 
Mass*';  at,  10;  called  St. 
Saveur,  10;  mission  es- 
tablished at,  10;  mission 
destroyfid  by  Argal,  10- 
1 1. 


Index. 


133 


Moxus,  at  Casco  conf(^r- 
ence,  44;  HKintionecl, 
68,  72,  320. 

Miinjoy  Hill,  19. 

Namepick,  1S9. 

Nanrantsouak,  55,  93,  94, 
95,  I II,  112,  1 16,  136, 
174,  215,  279,280. 

Nanrants(;iiak,  see  Nor- 
rid^cwock, 

Nanrantsouaks,     the,     93, 

342,  343.  344- 
NaLhaniel,  Capt.,  318,  330, 

New  Casco,  see  Casco. 

New  Ivn^laiui,  I'uritans 
settled  in,  12;  I^rench 
machinalionsaj^ainst,  1 3; 
diabolical  pl(Jt  a;^ainst, 
15,  1 7  18;  imperilh.'d 
by  Norrid^^ewock,  23;  a 
Jesuit  who  became  most 
famous  in,  23;  enableid 
to  cultivate  the  arts  of 
peace  a  short  season 
after  1697,  42;  j^reatly 
troubled  by  the  Jesu- 
its, 52;  in  a  serious 
condition,  53-54;  most 
honorable  men  of,  a^ree 
to  the  P  o  r  t  s  m  o  u  t  h 
treaty,  63;  mentioned, 
I,  126,  135,  136,  143, 
167,  215. 


New  Ivn^land,  History  of 
th(j  Wars  of,  see  Pen  hal- 
low, .Samuel. 

N(tw  ]'' ranee,  the  soullutrn 
borde-rs  of,  in  clos(*  [jrox- 
imitytothe  lui^lish,  12; 
J  esu its  gained  an  ascend- 
ency in,  12;  I'rontenac 
Ixtcanu;  governor  of,  14; 
the  rulers  of,  coiUiniHid 
to  jjlot  aj^ainst  the  Eng- 
lish, 64,  65. 

Nt^w  France,  see  also  Nou- 
velle  I'rance. 

New  Hampshire,  war 
party  sent  into,  18,  19; 
mentioned,  58,  347,  349, 

,  354.  3^^o.  3^A  3«5  . 

New  Ham[jshir(t  Histori- 
cal Society  Collectifjns, 
cited,  1  18. 

New  York,  to  be  attacked 
from  Canada,  15;  the 
king  haggled  over  the 
cost  of  the  expedition 
into,  23;  priests  expelled 
from,    44;    mentioned, 

27H,  353.  354,  355,  35^^. 
357.  360,  386,  396. 

New  York,  history  of,  ■see 
.Smith,  William. 

New  York  Colonial  Docu- 
ments, see  (J'Callaghan, 
li.  B. 

Newbury,  53,  242. 


L 


434 


Index. 


Newman,  Thomas,  292. 

Niagara,  265. 

Nismes,  College  at,  Rale 
an  instructor  in  the,  35. 

Nordon,  Nathaniel,  384, 

Norridgewock,  Rale  slain 
at,  1;  the  battle  at,  de- 
picted in  a  false  light,  3; 
the  hotbed  of  an  influ- 
ence imperilling  the 
English,  23;  Rale  in 
charge  of  Abnaki  mis- 
sion at,  38;  chapel  built 
at,  39-40;  the  Indians  at, 
in  favor  with  Rale,  40; 
Indians  from,  at  Casco 
conference,  44;  expedi- 
tion planned  against, 
I  705,  52  ;  destroyed  by 
Hilton,  52  ;  number  of 
people  at,  59 ;  appari- 
tions at,  89;  Minot  and 
Heath  sent  with  mes- 
sage to,  91  ;  resolution 
to  send  an  armed  force 
to,  92,  119;  the  English 
allowed  to  settle  half 
way  to,  93 ;  the  savages 
of,  excited  by  Rale  not 
to  permit  the  English  to 
extend  their  settlements, 

94  ;  church  built  by  the 
English  with  funds  fur- 
nished   by  the   French, 

95  ;  Rale's  letter  from, 


135,  174;  chiefs  sent 
from,  to  Vaudreuil,  105, 
164;  Indian  council  held 
at,  106;  De  la  Chasse 
sent  to,  109  ;  Westbrook 
sent  to  capture  Rale  at, 
120;  appointed  as  a 
place  for  the  warriors  to 
assemble,  1 28, 1  70;  Rale, 
remained  at,  134,  171- 
I  72  ;  Rale  describes  the 
churches  at,  136,  137; 
Vaudreuil  held  a  confer- 
ence with  the  Indians 
at,  162  ;  Indians  met  at, 
165  ;  expedition  plan- 
ned against,  1723,  173; 
Moulton  in  command 
of  an  expedition  against, 
236  ;  deserted  when  the 
English  arrived,  237 ; 
Moulton's  magnanim- 
ity, 237  ;  expedition  of 
1724  against,  237,  238  ; 
to  be  captured  by  sur- 
prise, 238  ;  Moulton's 
force  discovered  by  a 
savage  who  gave  the 
war  cry,  239 ;  the  savages 
wildly  discharged  their 
guns,  240  ;  contained 
the  source  from  which 
spread  ruin,  desolation, 
and  death,  241  ;  the  fir- 
ing came  from  two  cab- 


Index. 


435 


ins,  241  ;  occupied  by 
the  English,  245  ;  left 
unharmed  by  Moulton, 
245;  set  on  fire  by  Chris- 
tian, 245  ;  the  French 
account  of  the  battle  a 
tissue  of  errors,  258- 
266  ;  Hutchinson  gives 
a  carefully  compiled  ac- 
count of,  258,  267;  Har- 
mon's report  of  the 
affair  at,  261  ;  under  the 
government  of  Great 
Britain,  308 ;  soldiers 
sent  to,  1722,  309,  311; 
Hamilton  and  other 
captives  carried  to, 
318,  319;  paper  taken 
from  the  church  door, 
334;  mentioned,  123, 
127,  276,  289,  307,  308, 
.     322.  323,   370,  387,  394, 

395- 
Norridgewock,    sec    Nan- 

rantsouak, 

Norridgewocks,   the,    108, 

254,  261,   291,  307,  320, 


37^ 


North  Yarmouth,  327. 


Northfield, 


o  i  / '  o 


69. 


Nouvelle  France,  Histoire 
et  Description  Generale 
de  la,  cited,  11,  i  7,  20  ; 
Manuscripts  relating  to, 
cited,  15,  17. 


Nouvelle  France,  see  also 

New  PVance. 
Nouvelles    des    Missions, 

Les,  267. 
Nova    Scotia,    i,    2,    126, 


1  *^  1 
0/ J- 


Noyes,  I'homas,  58. 
Obomawhawk,     282,    290, 

291,    2C)2. 

O'Callaghan,  E.  B..  Docu- 
mentary History  of  New 
York,  cited,  20 ;  New 
York  Colonial  Docu- 
ments cited,  20. 

Omikoues,  the,  193. 

Onondaga  River,  353,  386. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  95.  161. 

"  O  Salutaris,"  translation 
of,   [84. 

Ouaourene,  praised  by 
Rale,  106  ;  (lattered  by 
the  governor,  107  ;  men- 
tioned, 97,  1 13. 

Ouarinakiens,     the,     253, 

254-   . 
Oussakita,  191 . 

Outagamis,  the,  193. 

Outaouacks,  the,  187,  189, 

190,  193. 

Owrene,  300. 

Pannaouanskeians,     t  h  e, 

253- 
Fanouamske,  1 1  2. 


436 


Index. 


Panouamsque  Indians, 
the,  342,  343. 

Parker,  John,  292. 

Parkman,  Francis,  error 
of,  concerning  Jaques, 
244. 

Paul  III,  Pope,  8. 

Pauscawen,  2  5(S. 

Pegonakki  River,  116. 

Peouncourt,  jVI.,  378,  379. 

Pehonuret,  i  1  3. 

Pejepscot  proprietors,  242. 

Pemaqiiid,  Andros'  con- 
ference with  Indians  at, 
1 3  ;  mentioned,  60,  78. 

Pemknit,  40, 

Pemondaki  Indians,  164, 
165. 

Pemster,  i  1  5. 

Penhallow,  Samuel,  at  the 
Casco  conference,  48  ; 
signed  the  Portsmouth 
treaty,  58  ;  mentioned, 
69,  113;  Indian  Wars  of 
New  England,  cited,  46, 
48,  50,  54,  58,  129,  262, 
267. 

Penobscot,  289,  371,  383, 

384,  3H5- 
Penobscot  Mission,  In- 
dians from,  at  Casco 
conference,  44  ;  num- 
ber of  savages  at,  59  ; 
savages  leave,  for  Que- 
bec, 63. 


Penobscot  River,  Thury 
established  a  mission  on, 
17;  mentioned,  25,  40, 
109,  126,  127. 

Penobscots,   the,  91,    164, 

372. 

Penondaky,    i  1  2. 

Pentagoet  River,  28. 

Pentagouet,  29,  31,  40,  41, 
156. 

Perubres,  M.,  376. 

Peskadoe,  i  i  7. 

Petit,  Mathurin  le.,  re- 
fused absolution  to 
murderers,  32,  ■^■^  ;  be- 
came superior  of  the 
Jesuits  of  Louisiana, 
2^},  ;  the  king  displeased 
with,  33. 

Phips,  Spencer,  58. 

Phips,  Sir  William, maxim 
adopted  by,  2 1  ;  cap- 
tured Port  Royal,  21  ; 
commanded  expedition 
against  Quebec,  22  ;  not 
successful,  22-23  '■>  mc;n- 
tioned,  24,  57,  365,  366, 

.372. 
Pickering,  John,  published 

Rale's  dictionary,  121. 
Pigwacket,  49,  289. 
Pike,  Rev.  John,  Journal 

of,  cited,  28. 
Piscataqua,  98,  285 
Piscataqua  Indians,  165 


Index. 


437 


PIscataqua  River,  i  lo 

Plaisance,  60,62,222,  223. 

Plaisted,  Ichabod,  58'. 

Plaisted,  John,  58/ 

Pleasant  Point,  128,  171. 

Plot    to    exterminate    the 
English,  14-16. 

Point  Claire,  392 

Ponaovvamske,  94 

Ponchartrain,  Count  Louis 
P.  de.  Letter  of,  t^t^. 

Port    Royal,  captured  by 
Phips,    21  ;    mentioned, 
10,   24,  60,  62,  215,  222, 
223,  257. 
Portneuf,  Sieur  de,  leader 
of    the  war  party    into 
Maine,    18;    joined    by 
Castine  and  Hertel,  19; 
mentioned,  21. 
Portsmouth,  349,  366. 
Potherie,  Bacqueville  De 
La,  Histoire  de  I'Amer- 
ique,  cited,  18. 
Prayer,  wheel  of,  in  con- 
tinual motion,  22. 
Prise  du   Port  Royal  par 
les  Anglois  de  Baston, 
piece    anonyme,    cited, 
22. 

Protestants,  why  they  did 
not  succeed  in  convert- 
ing the  savages  as  well 
as   the  Romanists,  87- 

56 


Provincial  Council,  236. 

Puants,  Bay  of  the,  193. 

Public  Records  Office, 
London,  44,  53,  56,108' 

^^  ^23,  127,  251,  299. 

Puddlestone  Island,  69. 

Puritans,  erected  their  al- 
tars in  New  England, 
12. 

Quebec,Frontenac  arrived 
at,  16;  government  dis- 
organized, 16;  war  party 
set  out  to  Maine  from, 
18;  the  center  of  French 
power   in  America,  22; 
naval    expedition    sent 
against,    22;   Rahle    ar- 
rived at,  36;  Rale  jour- 
neyed from  to  the  Illi- 
nois,  I'j:  Rale  returned 
to,  38,  185;  to  remain  to 
the  French,  60,  62;  sav- 
ages go  to,  for  powder, 
63;  sample  of  Rale's  wax 
sent  to,  138;  the  Abna- 
kis  prefer  to    trade  at, 
142  ;     provisions     sent 
from,  to  Rale,  169;  In- 
dians   desired    Rale    to 
return    to,    171  ;    men- 
tioned, ^^,    38,  54,    55, 
60,    62,    153,    175^    202, 
219,  221,   224,  268,  270, 
320,  321,  322,324,327, 


43« 


huirx. 


32«,  3-^9^  S^l.  lyl^.  'h'^\. 

3X5. 
Qii(;I)cc,    tlu;     liishop     of, 

(Jim*Ik;c  S(;riiinary,  31. 
yiKiiitin,  I'rrc,  10. 
fjufirchemil,  -Si,  82. 
Qiiinccy,  Major  John,  31  i. 
Oiiincy,  Ivlmiind,  58,  69. 
Qiiinilj(j([iii  kiv(;r,  156. 
Ouinihi(|iiy  Mission,  /|i. 

kainih.'uilt,    Jos(;ph,    392, 

393. 
Ral<''.    Prr(.'   Sebastian,   an 

array  of  [)aj)crs  aijainst, 
I  ;  best  known  of  iIk; 
Jesuits  in  New  I'^n in- 
land, I  ;  his  true  story 
not  told  by  Charlevoix, 
3,  4  ,  falsehood  con- 
tinued by  Chasse,  4  5  ; 
calls  th(j  Indians  dis- 
honest, 5,  259;  incited 
the;  Indians,  6,  65,  91, 
92.  94,  167,  174,  279, 
2S1,  288,  303,  374,  :,'^'], 
395  ;  stories  unjust  to 
his  memory  not  },dven, 
6;  birth  of,  34;  entered 
the  society  of  the  Jesu- 
its, 35  ;  instructor  at 
Nismes,  35  ;  arrived  at 
Ouebec,  35-36,  175; 
learned      the      Abnaki 


ton^aie,  36,  175,  18a- 
i.Si  ;  his  missionary  ap- 
prenticeshij),  36  t^']  ; 
jt)urn(;yed  to  the  Illinois 
Mission,  37,  185,  193; 
join(Ml  the  Mackinac 
Mission,  37;  sjxtnt  the 
winter  in  study,  38; 
sptmt  two  years  amonj,^ 
the  Illinois,  38,  203  ; 
returned  to  Ouebec,  38, 
185,  203;  sent  to  take 
charge  of  the  Abnakis 
at  Norrid^ewock,  38, 
I  75  ;  to  aid  in  prevent- 
in}^  the  Mn^^lish  from 
sowing  henttical  seeds, 
39  ;  S(*t  to  work  to  build 
a  chapel,  39-40  ;  met 
Gov.  I)udl(;y  at  the 
Casco  conference,  47  ; 
did  n(jt  intend  to  be 
s(!en,  47  ;  said  his  pres- 
ence prevented  Dudley 
from  sayinj^  all  he 
wished,  47  ;  the  gover- 
nor's remarks  to,  47 ; 
his  account  of  th(i  con- 
ference, 47-48;  admin- 
istered the  communion 
and  h(;ard  the  confes- 
sion of  the  Indian  war- 
riors, 50-51;  hy[jocriti- 
cally  admonished  them, 
50-5 1  ;       accused     the 


Itulex, 


439 


finj^lish  of  tricks  and 
artifice;,  5 1  52  ;  his 
chapel  ch^stroycd,  52  ; 
h(!ar(l  of  llu;  m*^otia- 
lions  of  pcacft,  54  ;  hot- 
ter to  Capt.  Moody,  55; 
must  have;  known  that 
jj(;ace  was  dc^clarcd,  56  ; 
s(;nt  a  false  r(!|>ort  of  tin; 
I'ortsnioiitli  treaty  to 
tlie  ( iovc;rnor-(  iciK^ral, 
59-62,  63  64;  compelled 
to  V.y  the  savaj^es  act, 
62  ;  j^ave  his  aid  to 
stimulate  w;ir  with  th(,' 
lui^iisii,  65;  the  savai(es 
iield  no  council  without 
calling  him,  66,  66, «,,  96, 
99,  102,  103,  226-227  ; 
could  have  had  the  es- 
t(;em  of  tlie  lui^Iish,  66, 
received  medical  aid 
from  Adams,  66,  67,  118; 
oppos(;d  the  Jui^lish 
settling  on  the  Kenne- 
bec, 67,  6.S,  I  10,  «./  a 
speech  which  contra- 
dicted his  position,  75 
76  ;  his  hand  shown  in 
Wiwurna's  speech,  ']']  \\ 
artful  act  of,  at  the  con- 
f(;rence  at  Arrowsic,  80; 
letter  to  Shute,  80,  91  ; 
his  animosity  aroused 
by  the  establishment  of 


a  l*rot(;stant  missionary 
at  Arrowsic,  84  85;  sent 
a  letter  to  iiaxt<;r,  85, 
1. 14  ;  his  o|>inion  and 
remarks  upon  iJaxler's 
answer,  86  ;  waited  two 
years  before;  he  wrote 
a^ain,  86  ;  lird  when  he 
said  h(t overcame  l>axter 
in  a  disc:ussion,  87,  144; 
his  knowi(;(lj^e  of  Latin 
compared  to  liaxter's, 
87,  11.;  a  believer  in 
omens  and  visions,  89; 
predicted  the  end  of  the 
world  soon,  89;  may 
hav(;  tak<:n  advantaj^e 
of  the  savages'  super- 
stition, 90;  his  hitter  to 
Shute  shown  to  the 
savaj^es,  91;  the  savaj^es 
said  he  lied,  91,  92,  n.; 
continually  ur^ed  the 
Indians  to  attack  the 
lui^dish,  91,  91,  «.,  92, 
«.,  94;  the  i'>nj^lish  re- 
solved to  arrest  him,  92; 
t  h  (i  resolution  aban- 
doned, 92,  103;  urj^ed 
by  Vaudreuil  to  prevent 
lin^lish  settlcMnent,  92, 
103;  prevented  the  In- 
dians from  [)ayin<r  for 
t  h  e  cattle  they  de- 
stroy('d,  93,  97;  the  king 


440 


Index. ''\ 

mi 


j^ratifHid  by  his  attempts 
to  excite  the  savaj^es, 
94,  103,  163;  feared  to 
exert  all  his  autliority, 
95;  roused  th(;  indi}_,ma- 
tion  of  ihvi  I'ln^lisli  by 
iiis  letter  to  Moody,  97; 
letter  in  fidl,  96-104; 
threatened  to  excom- 
municate the  Indians, 
96;  .'issumed  that  the 
end  of  the  conferenre 
was  null,  97,  99;  knew 
o  f  everytiiinjr  that 
passed  in  luirope,  9S; 
sneered  at  the  governor 
and  int(;rpreter,  ^cS -99; 
his  manner  of  jjurchas- 
'w\<^  lands,  100;  why  he 
dislik(;d  ivetermoj^us 
and  (iiles,  101,  101,  11.; 
says  the  Indians  shall 
kill  if  rum  is  refused 
him,  102 ;  can  use  his 
own  will  for  or  against 
war,  102;  threatens  war, 
102;  says  the  Enj^lish 
cause  the  troubles,  103; 
comjjosin;^  a  book  to  be 
})resented  to  the  kin^^, 
103;  sneer  at  Baxter, 
103-104;  his  letter  re 
vealed  the  source  of  the 
iMi^lishmen's  peril,  104; 
opinion    of   the   Boston 


people  of  his  i(;tter, 
104-105  ;  sent  word  to 
th(!  Governor  concern- 
ing the  savages  and  the 
threat  of  Shute,  105  ; 
unsuccessful  in  arous- 
inj^^  the  savages  a;^^'iinst 
the  ICn^lish,  106;  wrote 
in  cha^^rin  to  Vaudreuil, 
107;  sent  savaj^es  to 
the  Ciovernor,  107  ;  the 
public  indignation 
aroused  aj:(ainst,  lo.S  ; 
su[>pos(;d  to  have  writ- 
ten the  protest  to  Shute, 
108  ;  the  peace  party 
amomr  the  I  n  d  i  a  n  s 
aroused  him  to  action, 
108-109;  packed  the 
conference  at  Arrow- 
sic,  F09,  I  10-  I  I  2  ;  as- 
sisted by  Vaudreuil  and 
de  la  Chasse,  109  ;  sent 
message  to  Vaudreuil, 
I  1 0-1  13  ;  his  overthrow 
[)redicted,  118,  119,  n.; 
the  General  Court  pro- 
posed to  demand  his 
surrender,  119;  the  Cas- 
tines  his  alHes,  119; 
Westbrook  sent  to  cap- 
ture him,  120;  informed 
of  the  ap[)roach  of  the 
JMij^lish,  120,  168  ;  swal- 
lowed   the   consecrated 


Index. 


441 


host  and  llccl,  1 20,  1 27, 
168-169;  ^''^  papers 
c.iptiircd,  121;  his  dic- 
tionary found  and  pub- 
lislicd,  121,  121,  ;/.,•  tiic 
notice  on  his  churcii 
door,  1 22,  334  ;  co[)ies 
of  his  i)apers  sent  to 
lui^land,  I  23  ;  his  box 
owned  by  the  Maine 
I  listorical  Soci(,'ty,  1  23  ; 
the  ^ri-at  incendiary, 
127,  134 ;  tells  of  the 
Indians  pn;[)arin<^  for 
war,  127-128;  his  dis- 
tortetl  accounts  of  the 
d(!predations  of  the  In- 
dians, I  29-  r  30  ;  accom- 
panied the  sava^^es  in 
their  raids,  132  ;  de- 
sired to  excite  tlu;  rage 
of    the     luij^lish,     132; 

133,  his  account  of  the 
attack  upon  the  linj^lish, 
132-133;  regarded  by 
the  English  as  the  chief 
cause  of  the  war,  134; 
to  be  driven  from  the 
Kennebec,  or  captured, 

134,  167,  168;  letter  to 
his  nephew,  135;  said  he 
instructed  the  savages 
in  the  Christian  virtues, 

135,  138;  in  1722  occu- 
pied   the    third    church 


erected  by  him,  136; 
made  his  candles,  137- 
138;  assisted  at  th{;  In- 
dian councils,  139-140; 
too  i)usy  to  perform  his 
(levoti(jns,  140,  206;  ac- 
companied the  Indians 
on  their  hunting  expe- 
ditions, 140-141,  227- 
228;  his  only  food,  [41 ; 
Ixilitllcd  a  brother  mis- 
sionary, 143;  lied  con- 
cerning liaxter,  144- 
'45.  '53  ;  li'^  hyijocrisy 
disclosed,  145,  147;  let- 
ters of  Baxter  to,    145 - 

147,  147-15.3..  •?^7.  399; 
his  Latin  criticised,  147, 

148,  149;  false  story  con- 
cerning Indians  held  as 
hostages,  156-159;  re- 
cords a  boastful  Indian 
story,  157-1  58;  inferred 
that  the  I'inglish  were 
cowards,  158,  n.;  mis- 
statement concerning 
appointed  conference  at 
Arrovvsic,  159;  his 
method  of  writing  his- 
tory, 161,  «.,  171,  71.; 
satisfied  the  king,  163; 
[)acked  the  Indian  con- 
ference, 163,  165;  his 
reason  for  the  hatred  of 
the  English  toward  him, 


442 


Index, 


1 66  167;  his  .iccoiint  of 
his  (,'scape  li'oin  ca[>lurci 
in  4722,  167  169;  re- 
ceived provisions 
from  y  u  e  b  e  c,  1 69; 
said  the;  Indians  chanted 
tlie  war  son^^  1 70;  the 
spirit  exhibited  in  reH- 
^iou"  wori<s  conij)(;fi- 
sates  his  assumj)tion  of 
superiority,  1  72;  li  i  s 
hick  of  cliarity,  173;  he 
took  u[)  the  sword  by 
which  h(;  was  to  perish, 
I  73;  letter  to  his  brother, 
I  74;  embarked  from  Ro- 
chelle,  34,  175;  how  he 
crossed  the  river  of  ice, 
1 7S;  his  transhition  of 
"O  Salutaris,"  1  S3- 184; 
describes  his  journey  in 
a  canoe,  1 85-1 87;  at 
MissiHmakinak,  j  8  7; 
j^iven  a  feast  by  the  In- 
dians, 193;  conv(;rts  and 
shrives  an  Indian  ^irl, 
203-204;  hardly  finds 
sin  amon^  his  converts, 
205;  entered  into  the 
Indian's  temporal  af- 
fairs, 205-206;  feared 
the  ajjproach  of  the 
Amalinj^ans,  206;  ad- 
dress to  the  Anialin- 
gans,    207-210;    visited 


and  converted  the  A  ma- 
il n^^ans,  212-214;  at 
Arrowsic  conf(;r(,'nce, 
214;  intended  to  keep 
hidden,  216-217;  salu- 
tations with  the  gov- 
ernor, 217;  conference 
witii  the  governor,  218; 
(txhorted  the  Indians 
not  to  exercise  cruelty, 
219-220;  reward  offered 
for  his  head,  221;  the 
cause  of  the  Indian  f)ut- 
br(;aks,  221;  decorated 
the  new  ciuirch,  225; 
goes  with  the  Indians 
on  their  excursions, 
227-228;  carries  the 
the  church  ilecoratioiKJ 
on  hunting  excursions, 
228;  venerated  and  pro- 
tected by  the  Indians, 
229;  Indians  alarmed 
for  his  safety,  229-230; 
informed  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  luiglish  ; 
230;  (led  with  the  In- 
dians, 231  ;  privations 
and  hardships  of  the 
retreat,  231-233  ;  fled 
at  the  approach  of 
Moulton,  236  ;  called 
Moulton's  magnanimity 
cowardice,  237,  238  ;  re- 
fused    to    withdraw    to 


Indt 


'.r. 


44: 


Canada,    237  ;   his    neo- 
pliyt(;s  have  no  heroism 
when  matclied  with  civ- 
ilized   man,   240  ;   firing 
from     his     cabin,     241, 
260,   261,   266  ;  hehl  as 
a   prisoner  and   al)iis(,'d 
a  fourteen-year-old  boy, 
241,  243,  244  ;  Moulton 
desi^rned    to    take    him 
I)risonert()  lioslon,  242  ; 
cau^dit  in  the  act  of  fill' 
iii^    his    ^riin,    243  ;    re- 
fused to  siirnmder,  and 
met  his  df-served  death 
from  the  j^un  of  Ja(|Ues, 
243,   260,   261  ;   Indians 
returned  and  jjuried  his 
body,  245  ;  his  vadc  vie- 
non  and   an   unfinished 
letter  to   I)e  la  Chasse 
found,  245-246,  25  1,339; 
i.arrabee's  evitl(;nce   in 
renrard  to  the  death  of, 
261  ;     his     body     muti- 
lated, 262  ;  iiis  scalp  car- 
ried to  lioston,  263,  273  ; 
advised  the  Indians  that 
war  was  just,  264   265  ; 
must  be  re^rarded  as  an 
a^rcnt    of    the    French, 
265  ;  not  a  martyr,  266, 
370   27 J,    273  ;     m  11  eh 
sentinuMital     w  r  i  t  i  n  ;^ 
upon    his    death,    266 


267  ;    liis  death  due   to 
his    nunldlin^'-    with    af- 
fairs outside  of  his  {jro- 
f<;ssed   (hity,    26<S,    370- 
371  ;  jtronimciation  and 
spellin;^    of     his    name, 
26c)  ;    (Hsplay(;d  himself 
to    anL((;r    his    enemies, 
270  ;   hotter  from  lie^roii 
to,  294  -2()7  ;  letter  from 
Vaiidreuil    to,    299  ;   hot- 
ter  frotn    Lannerjat  to, 
33<S  ;    house    plundered, 
344;   V^audreuil    on    the 
cruelty    of    tlu;    Fn;.dish 
towards,  34^);  liisf)apers 
lJrov<;  he  instigated  the 
Imh'ans,   3.S7,   390  391  ; 
iM-encii    intend   to  com- 
{ilain  of  liis  bein^  killed, 
394  ;  deatii  of,  370,  394; 
burial  of,  271-272,  272, 
//  ,•  character  of,  35,  86, 
250.     273;     mentioned, 
275.   276,  299,  302,  303, 
j3oH,  341,  344,  379,  390; 
letter  of,  cited,  51,  63. 
Ramesay,  Claude  de,  378. 
Relation    de   la    I'rise   du 
I'ort   Royal  par  les  An- 
j;lois      i)iece 


cited,  22. 


anonyme, 


Report  of  the  Conference 
at  y\rrowsic,  printed, 
84. 


444 


Index. 


Rhode    Island,    339,    340, 

347.  354.  360,  364- 

Rishworth  luhvard,  26. 

River  of  Canada,  136. 

River  of  the  Illinois,  193. 

River  St.  John,  number  of 
savagr'js  at,  59;  trading 
place  to  be  established 
at,    60 ;  mentioned,    94. 

Rochelle,    16,   34,  55,  175. 

Rock  tripe,  186,  232. 

Rolfe,  Rev.  Benjamin, 
killed,  53,  267  ;  men- 
tioned, 270;  biographi- 
cal notice  of,  53,  268. 

Rolfe,  Mrs,  Benjamin, 
killed,  54. 

Roman  Catholics,  to  be 
exempt  from  pillage  and 
death,  15;  why  thej^ 
succeeded  in  their  at- 
tempts at  missionary 
work  better  than  the 
Protestants,  87-88. 

Roxbury,  26. 

Rum,  how  Rale  proposed 
the  Indians  should  ob- 
tain it,  102. 

Rutland,    168,    268,     269, 

i^l^  3H  n^' 

Saco  River,  35  i. 
Sagadahoc,  93,  215. 
Sagsarrab,  339. 
St.  Castine,  see  Castine. 


St.  Francis,  a  call  for  mc  re 
men  at,  35;  mentioned, 
295,  297,   322,  325,  326, 

St.    Prancis   Indians,    109, 

111,  125,  164. 
St.  Georges,  fort   at,   255. 
St.    Cieorges    River,    317, 

,  342,  35 ',^3 7 1,372. 

St.  Pierre,  Count  de,  300. 

Saltonstall,  Col.,  363. 

Samuel,  Capt,  at  Casco 
conference,  44;  reported 
that  the  Blench  were 
trying  to  break  the 
friendly  relatio.is  be- 
tween the  B^nglisii  and 
French,  46. 

Sankderank,  215. 

Saussaye,  .Sieur  de,  10. 

.Savage,  Mabijah,  279,  281. 

Savages,  sec  Indians. 

Scalps,     price     paid     for, 

^  328. 

Scatacooks,  the,  350. 

Schuyler,  Col.  John,  323, 

.  ^•53- 

Schuyler,  Col.  Peter,    the 

savages   gave    way    be- 
fore,  20;    Report  cited, 
18. 
Schuyler,  Philip,  323,  324, 

zi>^^  332,  m- 

Sea-flower,  the,  384. 
Senecas,  the,  386. 


Index. 


Sewall,  Samuc],  57,69,70, 
96,  119,  278;  Papers 
cited,  96. 

Shea,  John  G.,  his  Charle- 
voix, cited,  168,  259, 
260,  264. 

Shute,  Gov.  Samuel, 
heard  Rale  boast  of  his 
influence  over  the  sav- 
ages, 66;  became  gover- 
nor, 68;  took  measures 
to  have  a  conference 
'vith  the  Indians,  68; 
held  conference  at  Ar- 
rowsic,  69-84;  Rale  sent 

b"^'''    '°'   ^°'    9J;    sent 
Minot  and   Heath  with 

a  message  to  Norridge- 
wock,    91;    letter    from 
Heath    and    Minot    to, 
91-92;  desired  some  In- 
dians^to  goto  England, 
96;    Ral(')  assumed  that 
his  Arrowsic  conference 
was  null,  97;  threatened 
to  send  men   to  protect 
the  settlers  on  the  Ken- 
nebec,   105;   received    a 
letter  from  the  savages, 
108;    sent     Vrudreuii's 
letters  to  the  home  gov- 
ernment, 123,  125;  sent 
a    letter    to    Vaudreuil, 
'23-127;    proclamation 
of,   relative  to  peaceful 
57 


445 


Indians,  131  ;  letters  of, 
to  Vaudreuil,  159,  298- 
299,  305-309  ;  letters  of, 
to  Lords  Commission- 
ers, 301-302,  302-304, 
312;  declaration  of, 
3 '3-3 '5;  mentioned,  3,' 
^.297.366,393.395. 

Smion,  P,.re,  taught  the 
savages  the  gospel  of 
peace  and  not  war,  t^^^ 
n.:  hischaracter,  34,  «.- 

Skamgar,  180. 

Smith,  Rev.  Thomas,  247. 

Smith.    William,    History 
of  New  York,  cited,  44. 

Snow-shoes,  176. 

Society  of  Jesus  effected. 

Society  of  Jesus,  sec   les- 
uifs. 

Soldiers,    number    of,    fit 
for  duty,  1722,316-317. 
Soule,  Pierre,  269. 
South  Carolina,  118. 
Southerland,  173. 
Stevens,  Joseph,  17-. 
Stoddard,  Col.  John,  359 

Stoughton,  Gov.  William, 
43.  278;  letter  of,  cited, 

^  44- 

Subercase,  Daniel  d'Au- 
g^er  de,  asked  to  pro- 
hibit scalping,  53. 


4^6 


Index. 


Suffolk,  2  78. 

Suiulcrl.'iiKl,  3  I  7. 

Swan  Island  Hoiiso,  319. 

'I'alcot,  Ciov.  Joseph,  Ict- 
t<;r  of,  to  ( iov.  I)nni- 
mcT,     361  ;     mcntion(;d, 

27^^  347- 
Tallard,  Mons.,  55. 

'laschcrcaii,    Rev.    I'",.    A  . 

Memoir    siir     I'Acadic, 

cited,  22. 
Taxous,   died,    106,    men- 

tion(xl,  297. 
Taylor,  Isaac,   292, 
'remi)le,  Robert,  292. 
Tempi*;,     Capt.      Robert, 

'1  erreamii^^j^ais,    2.S.S,   290. 
Thaxter,  Samuel,  353,  375, 

388.  391. 
Thet,    (filbert    d  u,     at 

Mount     Desert,     10; 

killed,  I  I. 
Three    Rivers,    324,    378, 

I  hurb(;r.     Col.      Samuel, 

374- 
Thury,  Pere  Peter,  estab- 
lished a  mission  on  the 
Penobscot,  17;  exhorted 
the  Indians  to  continue 
the  war,  24  ;  led  in  1692 
the  expedition  aj^ainst 
York,  25,  26;  joined  by 


Indians  from  Bitot's 
mission,  25;  consjMcu- 
ous  in  inciting  the  sav- 
aj^es  against  the  I'^nj^- 
lish,  28,  31,  40;  thanked 
and  rf'warded  by  the 
^ov<'rnment,  28-29,  30; 
a  bliiid  leader  of  the 
blind,  31,  39;  haran- 
^aied  to  excite  the  Ir 
(lians,  31,  32  ;  to  lead 
in  the  ca[)tureof  Boston, 
1 697,  40,  4 1 ;  at  1"  ort  St. 
John,  41;  biographical 
notice  of,  31;  letter  to, 
cited,  30,  31. 

Tibi(;r^(-',  Memoire  sur 
I'Acadie,  cited,  28;  let- 
ter of,  cited,  33,  41. 

Ticonic   I'^alls,  238,  245. 

Tomahawks,  199. 

'I'ot(.'ms  of  Indians  at 
(Ireorj^c  town  Confer- 
(mce,  292. 

Townsend,  Pc-nn,  58,  316, 
368. 

Tradin}.^  Houses,  three  to 
be  established,  60. 

Tradinj^  houses  and  pro- 
visions desired  by  the 
Indians.  82  ;  (;arly  in- 
troduced amonj.,^  the 
Indians,  153. 

Travels  of  Learned  Mis- 
sionaries, cited,  32. 


/ndi 


'X. 


447 


Treaty  at  Arrowsic,  66, 
68-84,  96,  97.  99.  'Oi; 
of  Casco,  1678,  13,  78; 
"^  n'^'S^  45;  of  Ports- 
mouth, 56,  S7-5^.  «-,^J2, 
64,  70,  82,  83;  of  Rys- 
wick,  42;  of  Utrecht,  56, 
^3.    125,    155,   326,   335, 

2>Z1,  33^.  345.  349.  360, 
,  l^n,  3«6,  390. 

Trescott,  Zacharlah,  318. 
325,  326. 

Tripes  de  roches,  186, 
232. 

Trois    Rivieres,  324,  378, 

_38i. 

Truck  houses,  early  intro- 
duced amonj^  th<,'  In- 
dians, [53. 

Tuddebawhunjcrit,  282. 

Tuddebawhunsewit,  292. 

Turkey  wheat,  [41,  180. 

Turner,  Col.,  31  j. 

Turner,  John,  385. 

Vanhorn,     Abrah,     356, 

357- 
Varones,  Cassani,   Patri^r. 

I  ani  Menologie,  cited, 
267. 
Vaudnnn'l,  Phillippe  de 
Rigaud,  Manjuis  de, 
Dudley  ask(.'d  hirn  to  pro- 
hibit scalping,  53;  char- 
acter   of,   65;    attached 


the  inter(;st  of  iIk-  Indi- 
ans   to  the   Prench,  65; 
did    not   cede  \.\\v.  lands 
of    the    Indians  to    the 
luiglish,     80;      advised 
Ral('    to    prevent    P^ng- 
lish      settpMnents,     92  ; 
instructed   by  th(*   king 
to  hinder  traffic  betvv(;en 
the    Indians    and    \ix\<^- 
lish,  93,  103;   Ral«j  sent 
information  to,  105,  164; 
his  odious  character  re- 
vealed,    107,      123;     to 
assist  Rale  in  himlering 
the  peace  conference  of 
tin;    Knglish    and    Indi- 
ans,   109;    sent    De    la 
C  basse     to      Norridge- 
wock,  109;  his  letters  to 
l-Jale       captured,       121; 
copies  of  his  letters  sent 
to  the  government,  123, 
125;      the      P:nglish 
astounded  by  his  dujjlic- 
ity,    123;    letters     from 
Gov.  Shute  to,  123    127, 
'59.  298-299,   305-309; 
Indians  asked  him  about 
the    treaty    of   Utrecht, 
154;    must  have  lied  to 
the  Indians,  155,  n.;  did 
not    strive    to    prevent 
war,    161,   «.,    162,    382; 
instigated    the    Indians 


448 


hidex. 


against  the  English, 
162,  «.,  164,  165,  386; 
gave  protection  to  the 
Indians,  245;  could  craze 
the  savages  with 
brandy,  265;  his  epitaph, 
265;  accii  >ed  the  English 
of  murder  in  Rale's 
death,  267;  Dumnier's 
reply  to,  267,  268-270; 
letter  of,  to  Rale,  299- 
301;  cheerfully  received 
the  Indians  after  they 
had  depredated  the 
English,  320,  321,  323; 
supplied  the  Indians 
with  stores,  320,  321, 
393;  permitted  the  en- 
slaving of  Hamilton, 
321;  released  and  enter- 
tained Hamilton,  322; 
would  not  permit  Har^- 
ilton  and  Handsord 
to  leave  Canada,  324; 
did  not  trust  the  Eng- 
lish in  exchanging  pris- 
oners, 325  ;  displeased 
because  Deautell  inter- 
ceded for  the  release  of 
prisoners,  326;  refused 
to  allow  Hamilton  to 
depart,  328;  abused  the 
English  for  extrava- 
gance in  the  reward  for 


scalps,  328;  sent  Deau- 
tell to  the  Goal,  328- 
329 ;  accompanied  by 
Hamilton  goes  to  Que- 
bee,  329;  double  deal- 
ing with  Hamilton,  333, 
notice  to  the  Governor 
of  Boston,  334;  letter 
from  Gov,  Dummer  to, 
337  ;  letter  from,  to 
Gov.  Dummer,  341  ; 
commissioners  sent  to 
demand  captives  taken 
by  the  Indians  and 
make    treaty  of    peace, 

347.  34<'^,  354.  357.  359. 
360,  362,  388-391;  com- 
missioners meet,  350- 
351  ;  desired  to  have 
peace,  351,  378;  honor- 
able when  separated 
from  the  Jesuits,  352, 
379 ;  angry  with  the 
Governor  of  New  York, 
253*  386  ;  commission- 
ers sent  to,  375,  376, 
385-388  ;  met  the  com- 
missioners, 386  ;  pres- 
ent at  the  treaty,  387; 
denied  having  en- 
couraged  Indian  out- 
breaks, 387;  mentioned, 
5,  102,  no.  III,  271, 
272,  275,  J76,  294,  295, 


nncn 


Index. 


296,  297,  301,  303,  312, 
379;  letters  of,  cited, 
^6»94.  95.  105,  107,  III, 

Vaughn,  William,  58. 
Versailles,  16,  30,  31,    ^^^, 
40.  41.  42. 

Villebon,  Robineau,  Che- 
yalierde,  30,31,  33,  42; 
Lettredu  Roy,  ail,  cited, 
25  ;  letter  to  the  minis- 
ter, cited,  26. 

Villemarie,  391,  392. 

Virgmia,  52. 

Voyage  de  I'Acadie,  cited, 
2>^' 


449 


vVainwright,  Mr,  348. 
Wainwright,  Capt.   John, 

281,  291. 
Waldron,  Richard,  58 
Waller.  Capt,  356,  357- 
Wallis.     Capt.     Joseph, 

Walton,  Shadrach,  58,275, 
,,281,  291,  294,  367. 
Wanadugunbuent  at  Cas- 

co  conference,  44. 
Warraeensitt,  59. 
Warrawenset,   282. 
Watanummon,  his  treach- 
ery in  delaying  coming 
to  the  conference,  49. 
Watt's   House,  Arrowsic 
69. 


Wax,     from      bayberries 

•37-138. 
Weare,  Nathaniel,  58. 
Wells,  attacked  by  French 
and   Indians,    i  703,  50  ; 
mentioned,  ^17. 
Wells,  Mr.,  68^ 
Welsteed,  William,  247. 
Wendell,  Jacob,  332. 
Wentworth,    Gov.     John, 
letter  from  Dummer  to,' 
354;  mentioned,  58,  69.' 
Wesememis,  323. 
Westaminut,  32*2. 
Westbrook,  Col,  Thomas, 
sent  to  apprehend  Rale. 
120;   at    Norridgewock, 
1 20-121;     captured 
Kale's    papers,     121  ; 
his      expedition      con- 
sidered   a    warrant     by 
the    savages  to    extend 
their  depredations,  127; 
mentioned,  90,  91,  246,' 
263,  264,  317. 
Westfield,  ^iZZ- 
Wewarena,  318,  322. 
Wewenack,  322. 
Wexar   at    Cn.'^co    confer- 
ence, 44. 
Wharton  Deed,  79. 
Wheelwright,  John,  58. 
Willard,      Rev.      Joseph, 
killed,     173,     267,    269, 
369,  371;  his  scalp  taken 


m 


450 


Index. 


to  Quebec,  371;  men- 
tioned, 271;  biographi- 
cal notice  of,  1  ']i,  n.,  268. 
Willard,  Josiah,  58,  123, 
258,  278,  294,  297,  301, 
309,  310,  315,  334,  338. 
340,  346,  347,  348.  349, 

353.  354.  355.  358,  361, 
3H  2>7^^  375,  Z^:}»  392. 

393- 

Williamson,  Joseph,  manu- 
scripts cited,  90. 

Williamson,  William  D., 
History  of  Maine,  cited, 
28,  236. 

Willis,  William,  247. 

Winslow,  238,  276. 

Winthrop,  Gov.  Fitz-John, 
in  command  of  expedi- 
tion against  Montreal, 
23;  failure  of  his  expe- 
dition, 23. 

Winthrop,  John,  12. 

Wessememet,  champion 
of  peace,    106;    elected 


chief,  106  ;  nicknamed 
by  Rale,  106;  made  to 
feel  the  governor's  dis- 
pleasure, 107. 

Wiwurna,  72,  'J2>,  74,  75, 
76,  jy,  79,  81,  97,  282. 

Woman,  Indian  legend 
concerning,  189;  posi- 
tion of,  196-197. 

Wood  Creek,  350. 

World,  the  speedy  end 
of,  predicted  by  Rale, 
89 

Wowurnapa,  292. 

Wyllys,  Her:  364. 

Yale  College.  i'J't^,  268. 

York,  descent  ot  Thury 
upon,  25;  massacre  at, 
26  ;  Shubael  Dummer 
the  first  minister  at,  26, 
;/./ mentioned,  236,  239, 
279,  280,  315,  317. 

Yorkshire,  236. 


< 


12  TENT,  ROD  Ar:D  PEN. 

pipe  and  story  exhale  a  flavor  that  Time  has  not  af- 
fected. They  would  look  upon  the  homeward  tramp 
through  the  silent  woods  with  the  precious  load  of  fish 
and  other  "  truck"  as  unmitigated  humbug,  or  at  least 
as  something  they  are  well  out  of. 

With  such  your  true  fisherman  has  nothing  in  com- 
mon; in  his  kindness  of  heart  and  broad  charity  for 
all  that  the  Craft  enjoins,  he  trusts  to  circumstances 
to  place  the  Philistine  within  reach  of  those  influences 
that  tend  to  produce  a  better  frame  of  mind,  and  impel 
him,  at  some  time,  to  pause  in  his  engrossing  hunt 
after  the  mighty  dollar,  to  forget  for  a  while  the  claims 
of  'customers,  clients  or  creditors,  and  turn  his  back 
on  the  work-a-day  world,  and  his  face  to  those  quiet 
paths,  by  river  or  lake,  where  Peace  and  Contentment 
have  their  home. 

"  Enough  of  moralizing,"  say  you,  "  -it's  fish  we're 
after  !" 

Ah!  my  friend,  you  should  learn  the  first  line  of  the 
angler's  creed,  that  ''  it's  not  all  of  fishing  to  catch 
fish";  and  when  you  have  driven  ten  miles  or  more  in 
a  rough  conveyance  over  rougher  roads,  whipped  a 
lake  all  day  without  getting  a  rise  and  driven  back 
again  at  night  with  an  empty  creel,  an  unruffled  tem- 
per, and  a  contented  mind,  you  may  count  yourself 
among  the  novitiate  of  the  Craft.  If  in  camp,  you  are 
able  to  show  as  the  net  results  of  a  day's  work  enough 
fish  to  supply  present  needs,  cooked  them,  eaten  them 
with  other  fare  off  one  tin  plate  with  the  aid  of  a  three- 
tined  fork  and  a  pewter  spoon,  enjoyed  the  meal  as 
you  never  did  the  finest  a  city  restaurant  could  offer, 
washed  the  dishes,  and  are  content,  you  have  done 
well.     If,  then,  you,  too,  can  fall  to  moralizing  upon 


u 


